Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Martín Pereira-Fariña, Marcin Koszowy, Katarzyna Budzynska Pages: 193 - 214 Abstract: Discourse & Society, Volume 33, Issue 2, Page 193-214, March 2022. Collective, historical memory becomes increasingly important in public debates on cultural heritage across many countries. Their key elements are contested cultural objects – such as statues or memorials – which construct nations’ memory that governs societal processes such as decolonisation or de-Stalinization. This paper analyses arguments about five such objects in UK, US, South Africa, Poland and Spain in order to identify discursive strategies used to argue whether to remove or to keep them. Large-scale comparative discourse analysis reveals that the ethos of historical figures – such as the Confederates or Joseph Stalin – commemorated by these cultural objects plays an essential and primary role in these debates. We argue that values associated with the character of these figures determine the dynamics of discourse and its close analysis allows us to uncover what societies are struggling with when handling artefacts of the past in the present day. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-26T05:21:15Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088143 Issue No:Vol. 33, No. 2 (2022)
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:David Divita Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. Perhaps more than any other online social-networking platform, Instagram facilitates the construction and management of public image, serving as a potentially effective tool for political actors; nevertheless, it remains relatively understudied among digital communication strategies. In this article, I investigate the platform’s use by far-right populist politicians, turning to Santiago Abascal of Spain as a case study. Performing detailed analysis on a corpus of Abascal’s most popular posts determined by their “engagement rate,” I expose the gendered mode of self-presentation that resonates with Abascal’s public. In the second part of the article, I consider an equivalent corpus from President Pedro Sánchez, one of Abascal’s main political rivals at the time of writing. This comparative juxtaposition illustrates stark differences in approaches to social media and underscores how effective particular performances of masculinity can be for populist politicians. Ultimately, I aim to shed insight on the specific ways that Instagram serves far-right political projects, both in Spain and beyond. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-24T05:19:48Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221100486
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print.
Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-22T06:26:56Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088427
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Léonie de Jonge, Elizaveta Gaufman Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. Although there is widespread agreement in the literature that the media play an instrumental role in furthering or limiting the spread of right-wing populism, there are few studies that examine the micro-mechanisms at play that facilitate the normalisation of the far right in and by the media. This contribution seeks to redress that gap. Focussing in particular on the Netherlands, we trace the ways in which the media have accommodated populist radical right politicians and their parties in the run-up to the 2021 Dutch general elections, thereby discursively shifting the boundaries of what is considered appropriate or ‘normal’. We do so by concentrating on the far-right political newcomer, Thierry Baudet, who is the leader of the Forum voor Democratie (Forum for Democracy or FvD, also referred to as Forum). Using discourse-conceptual analysis of Dutch newspaper articles, the article provides illustrative evidence that Dutch mainstream media outlets adopted an accommodative stance towards Baudet and his party in the run-up to the elections. The findings suggest that this media strategy contributed to the normalisation of the far right in the Dutch public sphere. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-22T06:26:50Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095418
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Jason Roberts, Karin Wahl-Jorgensen Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. The alternative right-wing news website Breitbart has been a subject of increased academic scrutiny following the election of Donald Trump as U.S. President in 2016. Due to its prominence during the campaign, where it became the most significant news website within the conservative media sphere. Breitbart remains highly influential within the conservative media sphere, particularly as a result of its attacks on mainstream media actors and organisations, which remain a prominent feature of its coverage and represent an ongoing form of metajournalistic discourse in the struggle to define the boundaries of journalism. This paper seeks to examine how Breitbart builds journalistic authority and legitimacy amongst their readership as a result of attacks on liberal and conservative journalists alike, emotionally appealing to normative, ‘common-sense’ understandings of journalism. In particular, Breitbart frequently use recontextualised news as a method of attacking oppositional journalism whilst simultaneously bolstering their own journalistic credentials. We argue that in a media ecology in which emotional content is prioritised in order to commodify the anger of citizens, practices of recontextualisation will continue to play an important role in the battle over the boundaries of acceptable journalistic practice. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-16T12:21:04Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095422
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ioannis Michos, Lia Figgou, Aphrodite Baka Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This study documented the rhetorical constructions of ‘human rights’ in political discourse and the potential implications of their invocation as a frame for LGBTQI+ claims. The minutes of the VI Greek Parliamentary session on a bill related to the legal recognition of gender identity, conducted in 2017, were analyzed. Analysis utilized the concepts of Rhetorical and Critical Discursive Social Psychology, indicating that human rights are flexibly used in arguments oriented to the expansion, the limitation, or the opposition to self-defined gender identity. Varied representations of human rights’ content and boundaries and different constructions of agency concerning their enactment are identified. Although representations of human rights as universal are oriented to the inclusion of LGBTQI+ community, other liberal arguments obscure anti-LGBTQI+ social actors’ accountability. Human rights are also depicted as threatening Westernizing tools. The rhetorical functions of these constructions and their potential implications for queer claims and politics are discussed. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-10T06:45:07Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088129
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Phil Graham, Harry Dugmore Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. In this paper we present a perspective on normalisation that turns on public pedagogies; that is, on ambient, ever-present systems of mediated experience that consciously teach ways of seeing, evaluating, acting, and reacting. Our perspective is further focused by theories of literacy and utopianism. It takes the view that we are in, or at least fast moving towards, post-literate cultures for which instructions to achieve political utopias are grounded in the devices of narrative mnemonics. We demonstrate our perspective using negative discourse analysis and show how narrative elements from extremist manifestos get normalised through the mediations and remediations of mainstream politicians, and through print and broadcast journalism, greatly aided at every stage by the volatile environments of digital media. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-08T10:04:46Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095421
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Michał Krzyżanowski, Mats Ekström Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This article postulates broadening as well as deepening the agenda for critical research on the role of discursive practices in media, journalism and the wider public sphere/s in normalization of far-right populism and nativist authoritarianism. Our argument is that, on the rise since the early 2000s and especially from the 2010s onwards, authoritarian and nativist populism has posed some very significant challenges to contemporary media and journalism. This has made necessary the calls for in-depth, critical discussions about the norms and practices of journalism as well as for the systematic analyses of the sometimes obviously active role that news and opinion discourse have played in normalizing the nativist as well as radically-nationalist and authoritarian status quo. Through a set of empirically-based studies which outline how media carry as well as normalize far-right political and other discourse and ideology, but also how they become the tool and the target of far-right politics, we show that the entanglement between far-right ideas and actions on the one hand, and media and journalism on the other, has become ever stronger as well as ever more complex. At the same time, we also point to the practices in the wider public spheres where, inter alia, the pervasive presence of alternative far-right media and uncivil society and its news sources has posed wider and indeed numerous challenges. These have become evident in the ongoing radicalization of both online/offline media and journalism and of wider public opinion and imagination wherein the normalization of undermining of values and norms of liberal democracy has become increasingly prevalent and widespread. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-04T06:08:28Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095406
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Michał Krzyżanowski, Natalia Krzyżanowska Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This article highlights how the recent discourse of ‘the new normal’ – re-initiated and widely used in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic in national and international media and political discourse – marks the advent of a new approach to ‘crisis’ in the normalisation of far-right populist politics. Drawing on the example of the analysis of ‘policy communication’ genres pre-legitimising the Polish right-wing populist government’s recent actions aimed at curtailing media freedom and controlling opposition media, the article shows that, in the context of an undisputed crisis such as the recent pandemic, the right-wing populist imagination has gradually and strategically altered its usual, highly ambivalent approach to crisis. However, the latter’s new, (quasi) ‘factual’ imaginary has, as is shown, become a tool in the further escalation and normalisation of far-right political strategies and policies, especially with regard to new far right strategies of media control aimed at the systemic colonisation of the wider public sphere. Therein, as the article shows, far-right actors often resort to a very peculiar – and by now common – adoption of many pro-democratic arguments while ‘flipsiding’ them in favour of far-right arguments and pre-legitimising their own undemocratic politics of control and exclusion. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-04T06:06:07Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095420
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ruth Wodak Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. Far-right populist parties instrumentalize the media and intervene into processes of mediatization in significantly different ways, depending on socio-political contexts, their position of power, their role in government or opposition and – related to the latter – their specific access to media. In this paper, I focus on one of the many ways propagandistic tools are employed to control the relevant agenda and information being disseminated by both traditional media and online, in other words ‘message control’. Message control illustrates one of many steps of normalization of far-right agenda. The concept of ‘message control’ emerged from the specific propaganda tool developed by the former Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz and his followers and implies launching and thus controlling select information via weekly press conferences, briefings, personal conversations, back-ground conversations (Hintergrundgespräche), and text messages, and to financially subsidize only those media that reported favorably about the activities of Kurz’s government. Thus, a new media logic based on favoritism, nepotism, and clientelism was established and normalized. This stands in contrast to Trumpism, which delegitimized all investigative journalism without explicitly attempting to control it. Former US President Donald Trump constitutes rather a prime example of Löwenthal and Guterman’, as he instrumentalized far-right and extreme-right media channels (such as Breitbart or Fox News) and extensively used Twitter to spread systematic disinformation. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-04T06:02:49Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095419
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Sean Phelan Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. The radical democratic theorist Chantal Mouffe has long criticized the moralization of politics in its neoliberalized Third Way form. The argument informs her analysis of the rise of the far right, which she suggests has partly been enabled by moralizing antagonisms that inhibit a culture of agonistic political contestation. This paper uses Mouffe to think about the current condition of mediatized public discourse, extending her critique of moralized politics to a wider set of targets. I illuminate the argument through an analysis of a BBC Newsnight report that thematizes the ‘toxic’ nature of public debate about the science of COVID-19. I show how the report internalizes sedimented ‘culture war’ discourses about the polarized nature of today’s public culture and, in the process, offers oblique insights into how far-right discourses are normalized. I end by considering some of the limitations of Mouffe’s work as a resource for thinking about how to counteract the far right. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-01T06:49:15Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095408
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Giuseppina Scotto di Carlo Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. The present study intends to contribute to the analysis of digital discursive practices of hate speech expressed throughout the so-called ‘Manosphere’, a group of online communities in which men express their considerations about masculinity. Through qualitative and quantitative analysis, it investigates how one of the main Manosphere groups, the Incels, creates its in-group/out-group discourse through its representations of women and of themselves. Driven by Critical Discourse Studies and studies on the ideological function of metaphors, the first part of the analysis reveals a conflation of apparently sarcastic metaphors, dark humour, and misogyny used to talk about women, while the second section of the study focuses on the peculiar self-representations of the men who participate in the forum, which breach Van Dijk’s ‘us vs them’ identity square pattern: rather than emphasising the positive traits of the in-group, incels describe themselves through self-derogative nominations and predications that give way to a spiral of self-pitying and self-contempt, which might be used to create fraternal bonds within the community. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-01T06:42:16Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221099380
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:María Martínez Lirola Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This paper analyses the main visual characteristics of sub-Saharan immigrants represented as non-citizens in a sample from the Spanish press, and deepens on how this contributes to perpetuating the ‘we-they’ dichotomy. The data consist of all the news items published on sub-Saharan immigrants in the digital editions of the Spanish newspapers El País and ABC from 1 January 2016 to 1 January 2021. Kress and van Leeuwen’s visual grammar and van Leeuwen’s model for the visual representation of social actors will be the theoretical frameworks. The findings indicate that there are different visual ways to portray immigrants as non-citizens, which allows establishing this classification: representing immigrants’ arrival as illegal and clandestine, portraying them as invaders, representing immigrants as violent individuals or associating them with animalization. All these can be considered visual dysphemisms that problematize the arrival of immigrants and highlight the differences between Spanish population and immigrants. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-06-01T01:19:56Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088121
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Mats Ekström, Marianna Patrona, Joanna Thornborrow Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This paper provides a comparative critical discourse analysis of news discourse on terrorism with respect to the coverage by two Swedish and two UK broadsheet newspapers of the terrorists attacks that took place in Stockholm and in London respectively in the year 2017. The research goal is to investigate the type of discourses mobilized that help enact a ‘politics of fear’, and to compare the constitutive elements of this rhetoric within the same, and across the two national contexts. The findings point to three major representations as points on a continuum of discourses that emphatically affirm, give rise to, but also resist and counteract, a politics of fear. The paper sheds light on processes of normalization at work in the routine discursive practices of press coverage, but also to the rise of counter-discourses that resist, downplay, or take a critical stance toward the core elements of a politics of fear. It is argued that these latter discursive practices may work in the opposite direction, namely to de-normalize or marginalize a dominant politics of fear. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-05-25T05:28:08Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095409
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Charlotte-Rose Kennedy Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. The increasingly used method of corpus-assisted Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) has recently been criticised for lacking identifiable and accountable methods in its qualitative analyses. For example, manual concordance analysis (a popular corpus technique involving the ‘close reading’ of text) rarely explicates the qualitative method involved – that is, if any has been used at all. This article seeks to strengthen qualitative concordance analysis in the context of the press representation of protests. In doing so, it theoretically formulates the novel linguistic application of Tilly’s sociological ‘WUNC’ framework, which argues protests and social movements are successful when they display worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment. By mapping prominent CDA theories onto Tilly’s definitions of worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment, the article offers a replicable qualitative approach to the analysis of concordances specific to linguistic research about the press representation of protests. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-05-19T11:34:36Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221093650
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Xinmei Sun, Małgorzata Chałupnik Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. In the context of the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, female medical staff constituted a large proportion of frontline healthcare workers in China, with 50% of doctors and over 90% of nurses being women. In this paper, we aim to examine how these medical workers were represented at the start of the pandemic in online news reports posted on one of China’s most popular social media platforms, Weibo. In the paper, we draw upon corpus-based critical discourse analysis, comparing representations of female medical workers to those of medical workers in general. We observe that not only are female medical workers portrayed through a predominantly gendered lens, but they are also subordinated to the needs of the state. We consider the role played by state-controlled media in regulating the position of (working) women in society and probe into rhetorical means through which this is achieved. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-05-19T11:21:14Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221096029
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Bart Cammaerts Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. In this article, the so-called ‘anti-woke’ culture war is deconstructed through the notions of metapolitics in fascist discourses – linked to the Gramscian ‘hegemonisation’ and ‘the war of position’ – as well as the Schmittian friend/enemy distinction coupled with theories of deviance and moral panics. The appropriation of the neo-fascist culture war discourse by the mainstream right in the UK is analysed discursively, combining political discourse analysis, the discourse-historical approach and discourse-conceptual analysis. The anti-woke culture war by the British conservative party as well as rightwing media will serve to analyse how social justice struggles like anti-racism, anti-sexism and pro-LGBTQ rights are being abnormalised and positioned as extreme deviant political positions. Linked to this, so-called ‘cancel culture’ is strategically deployed by dominant groups to neutralise contestations against racist, sexist and anti-LGBTQ views. Finally, freedom of speech and the right to offend is weaponised to protect racist and discriminatory language and to position these idea’s as valid opinions worthy of democratic debate. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-05-12T12:25:16Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095407
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Manuela Romano Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This paper presents a Critical and Socio-Cognitive analysis of protest discourse as created in slogans for feminist rallies taking place in Spain (2017–2020). The study focuses on the discursive evolution of the term manada (‘wolfpack’), from its origins as a metonymy to refer to a gang rape taking place in the San Fermín bullfighting celebration of July 2016, to its reappropriation by feminists to bring attention to gender violence and, most importantly, to create a positive in-group identity of cohesion and empowerment, while delegitimizing and dispossessing the out-group, rapists, of their power. The analysis shows how reappropriation, together with recontextualization and multimodal creativity, helps to understand the impact of a single term, manada, in the transformation of the traditional discourse of fear and threat into one of solidarity and hope when addressing gender violence, as well as its effects on the constructions of new cognitive and social frames within the community. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-05-10T07:06:26Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221093649
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Sunyoung Yang, Kathy Lee Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This study examines the phenomenon of “mirroring” used by Womad, a cyberfeminist community in South Korea. Mirroring involves the reversal of gender to spotlight misogynist practices that might otherwise go unnoticed. To better understand mirroring, we introduce selected posts from Ilbe, a male-dominant online forum, known for denigrating Korean women and then analyze Womad’s posts on similar topics following approaches in critical discourse analysis and feminist post-structuralism. Our analysis examines two main linguistic strategies of mirroring that Womad uses to disrupt gendered ideologies. First, we focus on the use of intertextuality in Womad’s posts through their adoption of Ilbe’s masculine register to combat misogyny by targeting men. Interdiscursivity is another important strategy Womad users deploy to foreground the inequities entrenched in Korea’s long-standing patriarchy. Ultimately, mirroring offers critiques of gender inequity and misogyny through active engagements with everyday linguistic practices online while opening up new possibilities for gender politics. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-05-07T08:23:46Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221096028
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Simon Statham, Helen Ringrow Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. The 8th Amendment to the Irish Constitution, which codified a near-absolute ban on abortion in Ireland, was ratified in 1983 and removed after a high profile campaign to ‘Repeal the 8th’ in 2018. This article analyses the language of the pro-choice group Together for Yes and the anti-choice groups Love Both and Pro-Life Ireland that campaigned to ‘Save the 8th’. We combine an application of the Appraisal framework with an account of conceptual metaphor in a Critical Discourse Analysis of the language of both campaigns on the social network platform Twitter. Both sides of the ‘Repeal Referendum’ strategically utilised language across a wide range of semiotic modes. This article assesses the specific role of social media language in the Irish abortion referendum and connects these strategies to the wider campaign tactics of both sides. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-28T05:43:39Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088132
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Kate Power, Peter Crosthwaite Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This paper compares Australian and New Zealand Prime Ministers’ crisis response communication about COVID-19. We examine how gender performativity and contextual factors contribute to each leader’s discursive ‘style’ at the lexical level, and explore micro-diachronic changes as the pandemic unfolded. Informed by corpus linguistics approaches, we analysed written texts published on each leader’s website between January and December 2020, using Scattertext to visualise lexical differences between each leader’s corpus, and mapping frequencies against coronavirus case numbers in each country. Guided by these results, closer qualitative analysis reveals that whereas Jacinda Ardern quickly established and maintained a consistent and highly personalised style in guiding New Zealanders through the pandemic, Scott Morrison’s messaging was both less personal and more reactive to the epidemic curve. However, despite some traces of stereotypically gendered language, neither leader made gender salient in their COVID-19 crisis response communication. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-26T10:54:13Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221076612
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Elena Musi, Chris Reed Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This study tackles the fake news phenomenon during the pandemic from a critical thinking perspective. It addresses the lack of systematic criteria by which to fact-check the grey area of misinformation. As a preliminary step, drawing from fallacy theory, we define what type of fake news convey misinformation. Through a data data driven approach, we then identify 10 fallacious strategies which flag misinformation and we provide a deterministic analysis method by which to recognize them. An annotation study of over 220 news articles about COVID-19 fact-checked by Snopes shows that (i) the strategies work as indicators of misinformation (ii) they are related to digital media affordances (iii) and they can be used as the backbone of more informative fact-checkers’ ratings. The results of this study are meant to help citizens to become their own fact-checkers through critical thinking and digital activism. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-23T12:51:53Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221076609
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Corina Filipescu Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This article proposes the analysis of synthetic personalization as a new approach in studying and understanding the legitimization of the Crimean annexation. Drawing upon Norman Fairclough, synthetic personalization is a discursive strategy that identifies how aspects of language, which are regarded as commonsensical and normal, have ideological power, as they can become manipulative and controlling. The application of synthetic personalization to the March 2014 address of Russian President Vladimir Putin draws the audience’s attention to traits that unify the masses and thus stimulate their individual features, in particular by relying on presuppositions. The article argues that the address legitimized the annexation of Crimea by framing the annexation as a result of a religious, military, and heterogeneous unity, which unified Crimea and Russia. The findings also question the impact of the one-sided production process and who is the actual producer of the address. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-20T01:05:35Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088135
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Yufeng Liu, Dechao Li Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. Drawing upon a corpus approach to metaphor analysis, stance analysis, and Critical Discourse Analysis, the study analyzes different stances taken by the Chinese news outlet Global Times (GT) and the American The New York Times (NYT) in 2020 Coronavirus narratives to Chinese and English readers. The database includes all Coronavirus-related GT and NYT bilingual opinion articles in 2020, that is, 97 pairs from GT and 73 pairs from NYT which are comparable in Chinese and English tokens. Results show that the differences between GT and NYT in narrating the pandemic and the involved parties, that is, China and the US, are statistically significant with a moderate to strong effect size. The Lambda test of association demonstrates that the knowledge of metaphor transfer methods can significantly increase the correctness of attitudinal intensity prediction, which bears out metaphor transfer as a representation of stance mediation. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-16T03:55:33Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088122
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Jessica S Robles Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This project examines how meanings of drug addiction are negotiated through analysis of situated social actions in a telephone conversation. This paper uses interactional analysis to show how a former heroin user’s identity is constructed and moralized in the process of providing accounts through descriptions of drug addiction and its consequences. This case shows how social actions in interpersonal conversation provide insights into judgment and addiction, and how participants manage the complex moral hierarchies associated with drug use and drug user identities. The analysis contributes to enriching an area of empirical research that needs more data and more attention to interaction, while also contributing to theories of categorization, normalization, stigma, and morality of drug addiction. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-15T12:53:05Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088130
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Eleonora Esposito, Ruth Breeze Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This paper investigates digital discursive practices of hostility against women in UK politics through quantitative and qualitative analysis of a corpus of Twitter data retrieved across the 3 weeks preceding the UK General Elections in December 2019. A mixed-methods approach was designed. First, we used quantitative semantic analysis to compare the large datasets of tweets about female and male MPs, with a view to detecting possible gendered patterns. We then triangulated our quantitative findings with an in-depth critical discursive analysis of the tweets mentioning female MPs. Rather than showing gendered patterns across the board, the results from the quantitative analysis brought out large inter-individual differences. Some female MPs received comments containing more lexis related to appearance, sexual history and violence, as well as more emotional or extreme language. Critical analysis of the hostile and abusive messages targeting women reveals them to be deeply embedded in a social perception of women’s political activity as breaching the rules of gender performativity. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-03-16T04:40:04Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221076608
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Tamsin Parnell Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. In 2017, the UK Government revealed its vision for a ‘global’ post-Brexit Britain. Despite emerging interest in Global Britain discourses, there has been no diachronic discursive analysis of how the Global Britain vision shifts in relation to the changing socio-political context of Brexit. This article takes a diachronic, corpus-assisted critical discourse approach to UK Government documents published between 2016 and 2019. It reveals changing representations of Anglo-European relations prompted by rising political tensions over Brexit. Focussing on the key semantic domain of Personal Relationships, the paper reveals a move from positive portrayals of a transactional UK-EU relationship towards antagonism and uncertainty. The article illustrates that the increasing improbability of a stronger UK-EU partnership undermines the Global Britain narrative, threatening to position Britain as an international ‘outsider’ and ‘supplicant’. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-03-09T04:56:04Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221076588
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ali Basarati First page: 129 Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This paper is to analyse 180 speeches of the Iranian Supreme Leader (SL), Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei, from 2005 to 2013 which are concentrated upon characterising the threats of doshman [enemy] and depicting the future space of Iran. Adopting the Proximisation Theory, the investigation of the Iranian Supreme Leader’s speeches reveals that doshman poses futuristic spatial-axiological threats to the central values, programmes and policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). Furthermore, the future space of Iran is figured in multifarious policies to preempt the construed spatial-axiological threats of doshman. In this regard, I indicated that the Supreme Leader resorts to the characterisation of the pre-revolutionary states of affairs (the past) to analogously characterise the opposite futures space of the IRI. Therefore, the SL programmes to mould the futures based on the present time values and programmes in order to abort the re-birth of the past. It was also indicated that the future space in this discourse serves to preempt the reification of the construed threats in the future. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-12T11:45:47Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088142
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Grace Diabah First page: 154 Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, although there have been steady increases in the number of women in politics, widespread gender inequalities persist. This is particularly pervasive in patriarchal societies where gender norms and practices are deeply entrenched, with socio-cultural barriers often cited as some of the key impediments to women’s search for political power. There have, therefore, been calls to remove such barriers for effective participation. Unfortunately, some events that occurred before Ghana’s 2020 election discourage, rather than encourage, women’s participation in governance. With data from articles, headlines and comments from various online media outlets, this paper examines three events that reinforce what may be called ‘a bloody widow discourse’ in Ghana’s politics. Using Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis, the paper shows how traditional norms and expectations associated with widowhood can be perceived as barriers to women’s (and not men’s) quest for political power, thereby sustaining the unequal gender and power relations in politics. The use of allusion, rhetorical questions and presuppositions further perpetuate a ‘blame-the-widow’ discourse which makes the women appear unworthy of the power they seek. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-13T11:42:55Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088160
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Aleksandar Takovski First page: 215 Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. The emergence of COVID-19 in Macedonia in March 2020 overlapped with a period in which the country was run by a technical Government tasked to organize premature elections. In circumstances of highlighted inter-party conflict predating the health crisis, the newly emerged health emergency has only added to the political confrontation and the existing political crisis. COVID-19 and the resulting discourses on health crisis in this respect, I argue, have been used strategically by the political actors to make a populist advancement in the struggle over state power. Moreover, the strategic use of the COVID-19 by the two major political parties in a discourse marked by blame casting and (inter)dependence on past political misconduct indexes, and at the same time perpetuates, a larger ongoing political crisis in the country. To demonstrate the strategic use of the COVID-19 health discourse within the interparty conflict and its diagnostic potential to witness a prolonged political crisis, I will use internet data collected from the websites of the two largest Macedonian political parties in order to analyze the discursive strategies of predication and argumentation employed by the political parties. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-09T12:08:49Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088156
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Samuel Vincent Reid First page: 235 Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. Agency is an important concept in social science, but definitions vary. This paper discusses the treatment of agency in critical linguistics, and argues it could be expanded in terms of scope and linguistic manifestations. It presents a framework for analysing agency in representations of action. This consists of four independent aspects of agency, with each aspect comprised of categories encompassing different levels of agency. The framework is exemplified by examining three official reports into the causes of the Fukushima nuclear disaster. Analysis shows how representations of responsibility in the report forewords are linked to the context and institutional aims of each report. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-15T12:42:24Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088144
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Tianhao Zhang First page: 264 Abstract: Discourse & Society, Ahead of Print. This paper examines members’ practices involved in accounting for discrimination against their own group in interaction. Applying membership categorization analysis to interviews conducted with Chinese international students in Japan, I show that membership categories and category-based knowledge constitute crucial resources for target-of-discrimination group members’ making discrimination intelligible and reasonable. Specifically, interviewee accounts for discrimination by bounding certain activities/traits to the membership category being discriminated against. Meanwhile, those activities/traits are displayed as sanctionable given the social relation the discriminating and the discriminated sides are embedded in. Consequently, discrimination becomes reasonable and understandable in its given context. Interviewer, drawing upon common-sense knowledge about social categories, regularly challenges interviewee’s account by problematizing the association between the proposed activities/traits and the membership category and by contending the proposed sanctionable nature of those activities/traits. Interviewee can either persist through such challenges by further categorization work or modify their original account of discrimination. As such, target-of-discrimination group members’ accounting for discrimination as reasonable and intelligible is collaboratively accomplished through participants’ categorization work in interaction. Citation: Discourse & Society PubDate: 2022-04-11T05:02:17Z DOI: 10.1177/09579265221088161
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
[1174 journals]
