Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Philip C. C. Huang Pages: 459 - 497 Abstract: Modern China, Volume 48, Issue 3, Page 459-497, May 2022. This article argues for the construction of a new political economy based on Chinese practices. It begins with an explanation of the research approach of starting from practice, and from a distinctive mode of thinking that is akin to that of medicine, rather than Newtonian physics and mathematical logic. Then it discusses the present-day Chinese practices of combining socialism with market economy, state enterprises with private enterprises, the peasant economy with an industrial economy, and the party-state with the economy—all distinctive realities about the new Chinese political-economic system. The foil for the discussion is the long-standing hegemonic ideology and worldview of Anglo-American classical and neoclassical liberal economics and law. This article suggests that we employ China’s traditional dyadic integration worldview, evident in today’s practices, to arrive at a new integrative cosmological view that rises above both. To a considerable extent, this article is also a reinterpretation of classical Marxist political economy. What the article advocates may be termed a “participatory socialist market economy,” to be distinguished from a bureaucratized and controlling socialist planned economy. This is a system that is still very much in the process of formation, its particular content and characteristics yet to be clarified and specified through a sustained period of searching through practice. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-04-18T01:25:16Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004221082515 Issue No:Vol. 48, No. 3 (2022)
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Shucheng Wang Pages: 617 - 649 Abstract: Modern China, Volume 48, Issue 3, Page 617-649, May 2022. Judicial documents, which interpret statutory laws and make new rules for adjudication, have become a robust basis for judicial decision making in China. This article examines why and how, with no explicit congressional delegation, the practice of producing judicial documents has become embedded in the adjudication of China’s courts; how judges can effectively refer to judicial documents during adjudication; and the extent to which judicial documents have enabled subnational courts, under the dual leadership of superior courts and the local Party committee, to efficiently and effectively respond to subnational diversity and differences in local politics. It proposes the theory that this judicial lawmaking practice exists in a “twilight zone” between legal and illegal and examines why it is suitable for maintaining the political resilience of China’s authoritarian regime. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-04-18T01:26:56Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004221079528 Issue No:Vol. 48, No. 3 (2022)
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Elise Pizzi, Yue Hu Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. Does governmental policy shape potential migrants’ destination choices' Chinese cities use the household registration (hukou) system to adjust the barriers to gaining local status and access to public services and social welfare benefits. We draw on a nationally representative survey of migrants and an original survey experiment to test the effect of hukou-related barriers and benefits on the relative appeal of different destination cities. We find that strict limits on acquiring local hukou status do not deter migrants. However, local hukou status is important because it confers access to public services and social welfare benefits. Cities where migrants can gain access to such services and benefits without changing their hukou status are more appealing. These findings demonstrate that hukou policy has real impacts on migration patterns and on access to public services and social welfare benefits for millions of Chinese. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-04-28T03:10:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004221087426
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Matthew Ming-tak Chew Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This is a cultural sociological study of the mainland Chinese reception of the films of Stephen Chow, the popular Hong Kong actor and director. This study’s theoretical objective is to rethink the cultural relations between post-handover Hong Kong and China. Its empirical analysis challenges five major frameworks of studying post-handover Hong Kong culture that interpret Hong Kong–China cultural relations as hegemonic and conflictual. The study’s first substantive section establishes that the Chinese reception of Chow’s films has been very positive and well participated. The second and third sections illustrate that the Chinese scholarly reception of Chow’s films and the Chinese popular audience reception of them stress their counter-hegemonic characteristics. This study’s data include the hundreds of Chinese-language publications on Chow, online sources, and interviews with twenty-four informants. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-04-02T07:05:39Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004221079194
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Chunying Wang, Y. Yvon Wang Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This article uses legal archives from Liangshan 梁山 county, Shandong, to explore the ambiguous position of rural markets in China during the Great Leap Forward campaign (1958–1962). These testimonies, though sparse, show that negotiations at a local, indeed personal, level underpinned the symbiosis between the “second economy” of illicit trade and the party-state’s putatively socialist political economy. Liangshan’s gray market bridged the gap between the party-state’s Sputnik promises and catastrophic realities, contributing twofold to the party-state’s political survival. First, illicit commerce helped famine survivors, including local cadres, obtain desperately needed sustenance; these cadres’ support of trading villagers despite top-down restrictions on such transactions likely helped them retain local moral authority after the Leap. Second, the intermittent formal prosecution of “profiteers” in the ritualized space of the county courtroom projected justice, stability, and coercive power, which also contributed to the party’s continuing hold on authority. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-03-02T06:53:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211072546
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Yumin Sheng Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. An influential performance-based authoritarianism thesis attributes China’s reform-era economic success to merit-based political selection whereby the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has persistently rewarded with career advancement local leaders overseeing fast GDP growth. Yet voluminous empirical research on whether boosting local economic growth has bestowed career advantages on provincial leaders remains inconclusive due to the assumption of static preferences of the national leadership for unbridled GDP growth and inconsistency in data measurement in studies with disparate time coverage. Employing annual individual-level data consistently coded with a general measure of career mobility and a rigorous measure of relative economic performance, I reexamine how provincial GDP growth affected the career outcomes of the governors and provincial party secretaries under different CCP national chiefs spanning the entire reform era. My findings challenge the sweeping, one-sided conventional wisdom and call for greater attention to shifting political and economic contexts in theoretical and empirical research on contemporary China. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-02-25T02:44:07Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004221074297
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Gideon Elazar Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. In 2001, the county of Zhongdian in Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan province, was renamed Shangrila, after the monastery described in James Hilton’s 1933 novel, Lost Horizon, and in allusion to the mythical Tibetan kingdom of Shambhala. Thereafter, work began on constructing the region as an easily accessible showcase for Tibetan culture. Based on fieldwork conducted in the Shangrila Thangka Academy, this article deals with the production and commodification of Tibetan Thangka scrolls. The multiple narratives presented in this article, in parallel and sometimes contradictory ways, center around authenticity—ranging from the preservation of Tibetan culture to the propagation of Tibetan Buddhism—and function as a cultural critique of Chinese society in the reform era. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-02-14T05:41:07Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211073513
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Sha Li Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This article advances a more precise appreciation of Yan Fu’s idea of liberty based on a close and contextualized reading of his Lectures on Politics (1906), which he adapted from John Seeley’s Introduction to Political Science (1896). Yan’s creative interpretation of Seeley’s account of liberty exposes his own persistent views and tendencies. Specifically, Yan’s text adopts Seeley’s literal, neutral concept of liberty while extending its use as security against political tyranny. Yan shows consistent recognition of liberty in the latter sense, while his statist discourses expose potential tolerance of oppression for the sake of the collective good. Yan’s lectures also reveal his more limited libertarian spirit that underpinned his statism, brought out and conceptually strengthened by Seeley. This statism was, nevertheless, mitigated by the liberal dimensions he maintained. Overall, Yan’s idea of liberty is a highly complex one, meaning that a one-sided assessment as either liberal or nationalistic is untenable. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-02-12T05:07:20Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211072182
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Vivienne Shue Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This analysis aims to place certain key elements of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) rule observed under Xi Jinping today into longer and fuller historical perspective. It highlights trademark CCP practices of ordering space, marking time, potent political messaging, and vigorous propaganda diffusion as these have evolved over many years up to the present, reconsidering these in light of early Chinese cosmological thought and later symbolic practices of empire. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2022-01-11T06:14:06Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211068055
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Michal Zelcer-Lavid Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. There is wide consensus that Islam is an important rallying point for the Uyghurs and an essential component of their national identity. Yet despite its centrality in Uyghur culture, there is only marginal reference to religion in modern Uyghur poetry. In this article, I argue that poets such as Adil Tuniyaz, Tahir Hamut Izgil, and others, most of whom are secular and urban, choose to relate to religion through mysticism and nostalgia in reaction to the Chinese state’s characterization of Islam as identified with violent fundamentalism and terrorism. By avoiding the use of separatist symbols, these poets contribute to a broad national ethos that strengthens contemporary Uyghur identity. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-12-17T07:20:51Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211064987
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Flora Sapio Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This article explores the history of state supervision organs in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from the early attempts to establish supervision organizations in communist revolutionary base areas to the founding of the National Supervision Commission in 2018. In the PRC today, the power to supervise the activity of state organs is not autonomous but is rather part of the disciplinary powers of the Chinese Communist Party. This type of institutional arrangement does not result from any predetermined path of historical and institutional development. While institutions should ideally work as predicted or dictated by distinct political philosophies or by models of institutional design, their development can in practice be shaped by bureaucratic politics and by variables endogenous to both political philosophy and institutional modeling. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-10-31T04:18:38Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211049489
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Bin Xu Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This article addresses social legacies or “historically remaining issues”—the impacts of Mao-era policies and practices on life courses, socioeconomic statuses, living conditions, and other aspects of social life in the post-Mao era. These social legacies involve state–society interactions on policy adjustments and symbolic practices and, therefore, are tangled up with other legacies, institutional and cultural, of the Mao years. This point is illustrated in a study of the Shanghai–Xinjiang zhiqing migration program of 1963–1966, in which about 97,000 Shanghai “zhiqing” (educated youths) were mobilized to settle in the Xinjiang Construction and Production Corps. After petitions and protests in 1979–1980, some returned to Shanghai legally, but others returned to and remained in Shanghai without documents. This article discusses how Shanghai zhiqing returnees have been petitioning and protesting to pressure the state to solve problems relating to their hukou, pensions, and healthcare, and how the state responded with repression and incremental, ad hoc policy changes, which have caused repercussions and provoked grievances. State–society interactions over the social legacies of the Shanghai–Xinjiang migration program have been constrained by related institutional and cultural legacies, including the hukou system, the status of the Xinjiang Construction and Production Corps, the state’s positive historical assessment of the Shanghai–Xinjiang program, and the zhiqing’s pride in and confusion over their identities. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-04-15T06:15:26Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211003280
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Lucas Brang First page: 498 Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. Political constitutionalism emerged on the Chinese academic scene in the mid-2000s as a countermovement to the rights-based, court-centered, and textual mainstream in Chinese constitutional scholarship. On the surface, it has launched a biting and sophisticated critique of academic and institutional Westernization and reasserted a sense of Chinese constitutional particularity. However, contrary to its intellectual self-representation as a genuinely Chinese phenomenon, the movement’s academic formation, methodological agenda, and theoretical vocabulary are inseparable from global ideological trends and draw heavily on European and American precedents. Consequently, the movement is troubled by a set of performative contradictions. These include the contradiction between its transnational genealogy and nationalist agenda; its pluralist theoretical makeup and anti-pluralist political rhetoric; as well as its putatively value-neutral sociological methodology and the politically selective application of said methodology. These antinomies, I argue, speak to the recurring dilemmas of “national” self-assertion in a globalized world. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-04-19T01:56:39Z DOI: 10.1177/0097700421994738
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ady Van den Stock First page: 535 Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. The academic discipline of “ethnic minority philosophy,” which emerged at the beginning of the 1980s in the People’s Republic of China, has thus far remained virtually unstudied in Western-language scholarship. The aim of this article is to place the genesis and development of this little-known discipline against the wider background of modern Chinese scholarly and political discourses on the interrelated issues of national, ethnic, cultural, philosophical, and religious identity. In doing so, this article analyzes what I call the “hierarchical inclusion” of minority traditions into the history of Chinese philosophy, the perceived proximity between ethnic minority philosophies and “primitive religion,” and the role of the problematic concept of “culture” in the reinvention of minoritarian traditions of thought as philosophy. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-04-26T03:23:26Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211003030
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Chun-Yi Sum, Tami Blumenfield, Mary K. Shenk, Siobhán M. Mattison First page: 568 Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. How do non-Han populations in China navigate the paradoxical expectations to become “proper” Chinese citizens, like the majority Han, while retaining pride in cultural practices and traditions that mark their differences' This article examines how Mosuo (otherwise known as Na) people in Southwest China have constructed the moral legitimacy of their ethnic traditions and identity through redirecting the Orientalizing gaze toward their Yi neighbors, another ethnic minority in the region. This argument, which displaces the analytical focus from the majority Han and the political state in analyses of the maintenance of ethnic boundaries, delineates how prejudice against a third-party ethnic other can serve as an important pathway for establishing cultural citizenship in the People’s Republic of China. The article ends with a discussion of the methodological significance of this lens for understanding interethnic relationships, while recognizing the challenges of examining ethnic prejudice as a site for negotiating identity and citizenship. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-06-02T08:57:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211017814
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ju-Han Zoe Wang, Gerald Roche First page: 593 Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This article provides a synthesis and critical review of the literature on urban minority minzu 民族 in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The vast majority of the Chinese-language literature on minorities in cities adopts a state-centric view through the lens of stability and integration, focusing on how minorities can adapt to urban life for the purpose of creating a “harmonized” society. This statist narrative not only denies the subjectivity of minorities in the city but also constrains the understandings of the dynamics of urban indigeneity. In this article, we draw on the literature of urban Indigenous peoples in settler colonial contexts to suggest new ways of examining the urban experience of minority minzu in the PRC. We suggest that this literature provides useful insights that help center the subjectivities and agency of Indigenous people in the PRC’s cities. Literature on urban minorities in the PRC can be expanded by engaging with the Indigenous urbanization literature to include coverage of three topics: representation (how minority people are shown as belonging to the city), mobilization (the use of urban space by minority people to pursue social, cultural, and political projects), and mobility (movement and interconnectedness between rural homelands and the city). Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-03-17T06:26:43Z DOI: 10.1177/0097700421995135
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Qiliang He, Meng Wang First page: 650 Abstract: Modern China, Ahead of Print. This article focuses on Zhao Dan’s (1915–1980) career in film after 1949 to investigate a specific type of stardom unique to Mao Zedong’s China (1949–1976). We argue that this new stardom was similar to what conventionally defines stardom, but with an added political dimension: Zhao Dan’s acquisition of high political standing in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). To arrive at a fuller understanding of the state–artist relationship in the PRC, this article challenges the paradigm of accommodation and resistance between the tyrannical state and subordinated artists, which presupposes a subjectivity or selfhood on the part of artists that pre-existed and was maintained against the intrusive hegemonic ideologies of the state. Instead, we underscore that the making of Zhao Dan’s subjectivity in the PRC—his subjectivity-in-stardom in this case—was a dynamic process, a “becoming.” Zhao Dan’s checkered career indicates that he not only acclimated himself to the ever-changing political atmosphere of Mao-era China but also sought to benefit from it. Citation: Modern China PubDate: 2021-04-20T12:30:37Z DOI: 10.1177/00977004211002752
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
[1174 journals]
