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Authors:Katie Donington Pages: 823 - 825 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 823-825, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:26:45Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479 Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Fraser Raeburn Pages: 825 - 827 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 825-827, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:28:12Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479a Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Bryan-Paul Frost Pages: 827 - 829 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 827-829, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:28:12Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479b Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Fabrice Grenard Pages: 829 - 830 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 829-830, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:28:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479c Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Andrew Paxman Pages: 830 - 832 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 830-832, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:28:12Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479d Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Katarzyna Jeżowska Pages: 832 - 834 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 832-834, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:27:10Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479e Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:James Ellison Pages: 834 - 836 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 834-836, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:27:45Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479f Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Martin Conboy Pages: 836 - 837 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 836-837, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:26:45Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479g Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Dirk Kruijt Pages: 838 - 839 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 57, Issue 3, Page 838-839, July 2022.
Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-15T05:27:10Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221083479h Issue No:Vol. 57, No. 3 (2022)
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Authors:Alexander Kazamias Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. From the mid-1940s to the fall of the Colonels’ Dictatorship in 1974, Greek society was defined by an official anti-communist discourse that divided it into ‘nationally-minded’ Ethnikofron citizens and left-wing ‘enemies of the nation’. The article shows how this power discourse deployed visual media to construct an emotional regime of fear around communism during and after the Greek Civil War. It uncovers a large volume of propaganda imagery, including posters, illustrations, book covers, photographs, newsreels and feature films, which was used alongside texts and corporeal practices to vilify the Greek left. The article argues that the visual language of Ethnikofrosyni patterned itself on older scripts of negative othering embedded in Greek popular culture, such as lycanthropy, teratology, witchcraft, Islamophobia and Orientalism to discredit communism without engaging with its twentieth-century ideas and policies. Communists were therefore portrayed as monsters, beasts, barbarians, Muslims, Turks, Jews and unfeminine women to arouse primordial fears that threatened the deepest symbols of Greek national identity. The article stresses the centrality and relative autonomy of images in the discourse of Ethnikofrosyni and uses comparisons to unveil the processes of circulation and domestication operating across different national strands of anti-communism in the Cold War. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-06-22T06:55:52Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221090838
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Authors:Artemis Joanna Photiadou Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. Among the thousands of camps Britain operated in the twentieth century were some that gained a notorious reputation for how they treated prisoners. Such places were often seen as aberrations within their individual contexts. Their recurrence across different places and times – including in Aden, Cyprus, and Northern Ireland – nonetheless renders it difficult to dismiss them as mere anomalies. This article examines one of the first post-war camps to have attracted such attention in Allied-occupied Germany, which was closed down following an investigation into its appalling conditions. Seeking to understand how an establishment ended up departing so drastically from accepted interrogation norms, which saw torture as unproductive and un-British, it finds that prisoners were subject to a combination of neglect due to difficult circumstances and malevolence. Tracing the camp's successors, the article also finds that political considerations ensured future camps in Germany did not step out of line; nevertheless, there was a failure to ensure the same for other cases more generally and to turn this into a one-off affair for Britain. Overall, while the camp existed within a unique post-war context, its history points to conditions and structures that may serve as units of analysis for investigating similar establishments. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-05-31T02:19:10Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221087854
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Authors:Claudia Roesch Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. In 1988, French pharmaceutical company Roussel Uclaf introduced Mifepristone (RU 486), a pill which medically induces abortion, but withdrew the drug one month later after severe protests. The abortion pill caused transnational controversies from 1988 to 1993. This article examines these controversies as a gateway to the entanglements between biomedical research, economic interests, and social protests in the last third of the twentieth century, as the American antiabortion movement initiated protests against the drug's French producer and its German parent company after its market release in France. The movement used boycotts against French products and utilized discomforting references to Germany's Nazi past to put pressure on pharmaceutical executives. In contrast, German, French, and American feminists and family-planners relied on transnational networks to enable medical trials and ensure the global distribution of Mifepristone. The article highlights how feminist demands for individual choice and public health concerns clashed with the antiabortion movements’ demands and entrepreneurs’ concerns about crude Holocaust comparisons. It shows that actors on both sides of the abortion controversy employed nonmedical arguments to influence scientific research and social movements acted on a transnational level to influence the market introduction of new biomedical advances. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-05-16T07:06:54Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221099850
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Authors:Raúl Necochea López Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. Women's advocates’ strategies to influence international health agencies offer a new way to think about development. This article deals with the vibrant growth of women's health initiatives at the Pan-American Health Organization during Latin America's financially turbulent years from the 1980s through the 1990s. The multi-faceted nature of this process was especially apparent in the case of cervical cancer, the illness that launched the organization's cancer control programs. Archived reports and interviews with former officers show how the Pan-American Health Organization's approach to women's health broadened in this period to include new actors in response to demands of women's health advocates from Latin America. These advocates advanced the position that gender inequality played a fundamental role in placing women at risk for lethal and preventable illnesses. They also challenged international health agencies such as the Pan-American Health Organization to prioritize redressing those gendered inequalities as integral to development, rather than define the latter solely in terms of the improvement of economic conditions. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-04-13T11:58:58Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094211045492
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Authors:Mathias Schütz Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. Since its inception in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the academic discipline of bioethics has profoundly shaped the professional and public assessments of biomedicine. A universalistic approach preferred by American bioethicists and challenges posed by modern biomedicine created a transatlantic moment for ethical theories and practices. This article will discuss the transfer of bioethical knowledge from the United States to (West) Germany and highlight its immediate reception, its slow adaptation, and its belated implementation at universities, in society, and in the medical profession. Examples from academia, policy and law will provide a narrative focus for explaining the peculiar relationship between institutional ambitions, universalistic theoretical claims, and local professional routines and adjustments. In particular, the article contrasts a general openness towards ethical concepts and practices with the comparably reluctance in adopting American bioethics as it was perceived in Germany, which effectively delayed the implementation of ethics in German medicine for decades. The German responses to American bioethics provide a topical example for boundary work on an international level. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-04-12T08:24:10Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221090839
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Authors:Mercedes Peñalba-Sotorrío Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. This article analyses Fascist and Nazi propaganda during the Spanish Civil War, asking how both nations exploited the conflict and how they interacted with each other and the emerging Francoist state. In so doing, the article highlights the propagandistic value of Nazi-fascist cultural policy and sheds light on the development of the Nazi-fascist alliance. It shows how despite Italy being in many ways at the forefront of the intervention, the development of tight Nazi-falangist relations, among other factors, led to the replacement of Fascist Italy by Nazi Germany as a model for the rebirth of the nation in Spain. This, in turn, sheds light on the Nazi-fascist Alliance, showing how Italy's wide-ranging propaganda originated from a place of self-perceived weakness rather than strength. German–Italian relations were marked by a complex and non-linear dynamic of admiration and jealousy, collaboration and competition, which made itself evident in the Spanish conflict and beyond. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-02-01T12:38:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221074817
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Authors:Stephen E. Mawdsley Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. Since the 1980s, some commercial airline pilots and flight crews in the United States, United Kingdom and Australia began to report an illness they believed was caused by exposure to contaminated cabin air. Despite a body of scientific research and health activism calling for this condition, termed Aerotoxic Syndrome (AS), to be classified an occupational illness, it has not been accepted as a clinical entity because its causation remains contested. This article contends that debates over the recognition of AS have been shaped by the politics of science and what can be considered evidence of a causal link; the burden of proof lay with survivors and their allies rather than with airlines and manufacturers. The history of AS shows the challenges of reacting to health risks in a global industry that provides an important form of transportation, and enjoys considerable political and economic influence. It also reveals that at the heart of commercial jet air travel remains an unresolved public health issue, and those who claim to be suffering from AS expected prompt recognition, reform and assistance in light of scientific research and personal testimony, as well as a range of chemical, medical, legal and air safety reports. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-01-28T01:13:10Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221074819
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Authors:Jonas Scherner First page: 553 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. This article sheds light on why there was, and why Nazi Germany pursued, only comparatively little economic cooperation between the two most important axis partners, Italy and Germany, during the Second World War. In particular, the article looks more closely at the two countries’ cooperation in terms of raw materials, crucial to the war economy: why did Germany not deliver more raw materials to Italy and why did an underutilized Italian industry not export more manufactures to the Reich' Based on comparisons with other axis partners and occupied nations, the article argues that this was primarily the case because Italy could resist German economic pressure and, in contrast to many other countries in wartime Europe, maintained its sovereignty. Unlike Italy, these other countries readily (if not always voluntarily) financed larger bilateral German balance of payments deficits at favourable conditions and could not prevent Germany from implementing and monitoring a rigid raw material regime in their factories. Under these circumstances, greater economic cooperation with Italy seemed too costly to German officials and economic experts. Ironically, economic cooperation between the two Axis partners was so limited precisely because they were allies. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-05-23T05:46:15Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221100002
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Authors:Paula Chan First page: 597 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. Literature on the Soviet treatment of the Holocaust is riddled with generalizations about a conspiracy of silence, as opposed to the sacred status the genocide came to hold in ‘the West.’ Yet what scholars have interpreted as the ‘Western’ response has been mainly limited to initiatives emerging from countries that did not experience occupation during World War II. This article examines French prisoners of war at the Rava-Russka camp in Ukraine who played vital roles in Soviet investigations of Nazi atrocities. Back home, these Frenchmen found that joining the Gaullist narrative of the war depended upon whether they could demonstrate their resistance, a revision in which recollections of crimes against Jews had no place. By analyzing how French witnesses presented their experiences differently to the Soviet and French governments and how each government manipulated these testimonies, this article argues for the need to depart from the East-West dichotomy imposed by the Cold War. Once the Soviet case is placed in a Europe-wide context, it becomes clear the USSR was not a backward outlier uniquely committed to a conspiracy of silence. On the contrary, the Holocaust had elements of a ‘usable past’ only for the Soviet Union. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-04-15T05:51:45Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221087857
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Authors:Brett Bowles, Roel Vande Winkel First page: 621 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. Historians of the Third Reich generally view Ohm Krüger (Hans Steinhoff, 1940), an anti-British historical drama set during the Boer War, as a triumph of Nazi propaganda, yet the film's distribution and reception in German-occupied territories have never been studied in depth. By offering a detailed comparison between the German original and a substantively reedited, French-dubbed version produced in 1941 under the title Le Président Kruger, as well as a politically and economically contextualized analysis of the film's distribution and reception in occupied and Vichy France, this article questions the persuasive power traditionally ascribed to Ohm Krüger to draw broader conclusions about the complexities of exporting Nazi propaganda to foreign markets in the volatile context of the Second World War. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-05-20T08:19:27Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221099861
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Authors:Samuel Miner First page: 669 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. This article examines the British Foreign Office decision to abandon a British-run war crimes trial after the Second World War against suspected perpetrators of the Holocaust in Latvia and the efforts of a Holocaust survivors’ organization to seek justice. Faced with repeated inquiries from The Association of Baltic Jews in Great Britain and their parliamentary allies, the Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin repeated a lie told to him by his subordinates that Holocaust victims were imprecise in their testimony, making them unreliable witnesses and justifying the release of several suspected war criminals. Although very few German and Latvian perpetrators saw the inside of the courtroom, survivor advocacy countered the prevailing silence about the Holocaust in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-04-07T12:07:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221087856
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Authors:Raanan Rein First page: 691 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. On 12 October 1947, Argentine President, Juan Domingo Perón, used the events of the Hispanidad Day to extoll the Spanish heritage in Latin America. Within a few years, however, Perón well understood the futility of using Hispanidad as the basis of a new national consciousness for the Argentine immigrant society. Instead, he opted for a corporative mode of political representation under the aegis of the ‘organized community’. This model was designed to be of an inclusive nature and to offer space not only to different social groups, but also to the variety of ethnic and immigrant groups of Argentine society. This new concept of corporative citizenship facilitated a heightened recognition of collective rights, which manifested in the gradual integration of Argentines of Jewish, Arab, or Japanese origins in the political system, as well as that of indigenous peoples’ movements. By the early 1950s, Peronism had adopted a more inclusive perspective and began to demonstrate respect for all religions. Peronism aspired to confront the transgressions of the privileged few by protecting the rights of minorities and marginalized groups. Thus, it also challenged the traditional melting pot with its emphasis on White, European, and Christian Argentines. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-01-07T10:47:20Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094211065994
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Authors:Jason M. Kelly First page: 708 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. During the 1950s and early 1960s, Chinese communist trade officials used commercial marketing not just to spur trade with foreign capitalists, but also to redefine China’s national identity in the eyes of companies, consumers, and governments outside the socialist bloc. Chinese officials sought to unmake the perception of China as a backward, ‘semi-colonial’ state and to write a narrative of China as a modern, postcolonial member of the postwar international commercial order. This article examines two persistent themes that emerged within ‘new’ China’s commercial narrative of itself. First, Chinese officials developed a story of solidarity with decolonizing states based on the theme of shared oppression at the hands of imperialist aggressors. Second, Chinese officials used commercial marketing to call for open and inclusive trade, regardless of differences in domestic political systems or ideology. By doing so, these officials wrested ‘free trade’ for China’s own use as a cudgel for attacking U.S. sanctions and as a device for framing ‘new’ China as a champion of trade rights for postcolonial states. Both themes reveal how China sought to redefine its image in the eyes of diverse audiences outside the socialist bloc through international commerce. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-02-07T10:09:49Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221074822
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Authors:Grace Huxford First page: 729 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. Evacuations, imagined as well as actual, reflect national strategic preoccupations, cultural assumptions and prevailing social values; they also reveal practical strengths and weaknesses in international relationships and in states’ interactions with their own citizens, at home and abroad. But evacuations are deeply symbolically significant too and grounded in far longer, intertwined social and strategic histories. Using the remarkable case study of Operation Chivalrous, the first plan devised for the evacuation of British military families from early Cold War Germany, this article uses evacuation to throw light on the changed relationship between British citizens and the state after 1945. The plan and planning revealed not only the renewed significance of the family in the post-war world, but also the tensions in the new welfare state. But, more broadly, this article argues that Britain's Cold War planning was closely linked, both practically and symbolically, to its responses to the end of empire and the domestic aftermath of the Second World War. In unpacking the intricacies of a proposal that was never used, for a war that was never fought, this article underlines the wider historical value of unrealised plans in revealing ‘ideational contexts' and social attitudes. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-05-19T04:28:44Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221099851
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Authors:Alessandra Vigo First page: 751 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. The repatriation of many citizens to Italy from the former colonies, and from other Italian communities in Africa, between the Second World War and the late 1960s, had a significant impact on the country. Compatriots coming back from Africa forced Italian institutions to deal with problems of reception and resettlement and made the consequences of African decolonization evident in the peninsula. Looking at three different cases of repatriation, the return of settlers from Italian ex-colonies (Libya, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia), and the return of Italians from Tunisia and Egypt, this article aims to display the political strategies enacted by post-war Italy in order to cope with citizens returning from Africa. The comparative approach highlights the political reasons that guided the State's action during the long repatriation. Italian governments had different attitudes towards the returnees, depending on the purposes of domestic and foreign policy but also on their places of departure and the supposed more difficult assimilation of certain groups of repatriates. In this regard, the article argues that the definitive resettlement in the peninsula of the returnees from Tunisia and Egypt was especially discouraged by the institutions, which long tried to divert those flows of migration to other destinations. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-03-21T08:27:06Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221087860
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Authors:Javier Fernández Galeano First page: 775 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. This article argues that the mariquita's subjectivity became a prevalent trope when individuals were prosecuted under charges of homosexuality in Franco's Spain. The mariquita was a liminal homosexual male who was expected to be family-oriented, devout, and involved in flamenco culture and Catholic festivals. I focus on judicial records to underscore the mariquita trope as a popular strategy for questioning the implementation of a stringent legal regime while demanding the social conformity of sexual minorities. The interventions of this article in the literature on nonconforming sexualities are twofold: (1) It contributes to the international scholarship by tracing the centrality of Catholicism and southern Spanish folk culture on mariquita subjectivity and social attitudes towards sexual minorities. This complicates the premise that liberalism has historically been the primary ideological frame informing sexual minorities’ resistance to repressive policies. In Spain, under a dictatorial regime, sexual minorities’ adaptative strategies and identities incorporated aspects of traditional rural femininity alongside modern forms of queer self-expression, such as drag shows in urban cabarets. (2) It contributes to the Spanish historiography, by revising the existing metrocentric research on homosexuality under Francoism and emphasizing the discrepancy between medico-legal discourses and recurring expressions of conditional toleration by rural communities. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-05-18T04:31:52Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221099858
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Authors:Laureen Kuo First page: 802 Abstract: Journal of Contemporary History, Ahead of Print. This article, using French information technology archives, is the first to describe attempted Anglo-French cooperation in information technology in 1965. This episode is often overlooked when discussing information technology cooperation cases in European countries. Moreover, the article further explores the main causes of the breakdown of negotiations. The breakdown was due to France's reversal of its position, mainly stemming from three factors: a refusal to develop large computer projects, the pall cast by the ELDO and Concorde affairs and the pursuit of an autonomous information technology industry. Citation: Journal of Contemporary History PubDate: 2022-04-07T12:07:24Z DOI: 10.1177/00220094221087859