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Abstract: As Civil War historians, we talk and write endlessly about workers. How could we not' After all, the era's enslaved people toiled to generate profit; its women performed the labor of social reproduction; and the multitudes who constituted its armies self-identified as mechanics or laborers.1 "Free labor" was the Republican Party rallying cry and its expansion the motivation for secession. The respective war efforts, Union and Confederate, depended on mobilizing and marshaling millions of wage earners, care workers, and working-class military enlistees. The most common defining trait of the conflict's soldiers was not race, region, religion, national origin, or even language, but their shared status as laborers. ... Read More PubDate: 2024-08-10T00:00:00-05:00
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Abstract: In 1861, immigrant Illinois coal miners organized a union and issued a manifesto that called for the emancipation of labor North and South. They simultaneously organized to send troops to the front. By 1863, they established the first national miners' union in the United States, the American Miners Association (AMA). Mine operators launched a countermovement to destroy the union and contested miners' capacious vision of free labor. For that, they organized the state as a legitimate use of force and ushered in the Pinkertons as a private police force. By profiling Illinois miners and operators organizing during the Civil War era, this article adds to understanding the Civil War as a crucial period in working-class ... Read More PubDate: 2024-08-10T00:00:00-05:00
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Abstract: In May 1866, Lt. F. J. Massey, the Freedman's Bureau agent in charge of York County, Virginia, wrote to his superior officer of a recent conversation between himself and a formerly enslaved man. "When asked if the new freed-people would be able to provide for themselves," the newly emancipated man had replied, "'We used to support ourselves and our masters, too, when we were slaves, and I reckon we can take care of ourselves now.'"1 In this assertion, the interviewee highlighted the reality that white observers often missed: formerly enslaved people had always been the backbone of the Southern economy. They emerged from slavery with the skills necessary to support themselves and knew that they were capable of doing ... Read More PubDate: 2024-08-10T00:00:00-05:00
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Abstract: On January 13, 1875, just four months after a White League coup toppled the Louisiana state government, Henry Frisbie warned Maj. Gen. Régis de Trobriand that the state was on the verge of another rebellion. "The same hatred of America, its name, its history, its traditions, [and] its glory," he observed, had inspired the September 1874 "Liberty Place" insurrection under the banner of white supremacy. If Americans were unwilling to punish those who orchestrated the coup or to prevent their paramilitary organizing in the future, they would lose the "right of American citizens to live wherever the flag floats, without danger of assassination for being loyal to American unity." The state that had led the way in Black ... Read More PubDate: 2024-08-10T00:00:00-05:00
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Abstract: Readers of the Open Shop, a nationally circulated publication popular with mostly urban-based businessmen, were reminded in 1907 that "Abraham Lincoln freed the shackles from the limbs of 4,000,000 slaves." The nation's diverse set of employers used the memory of the Civil War and Reconstruction to contend with rebellious workers committed to building closed-shop worksites, or places that employed union members exclusively. In the face of these challenges, the socalled Great Emancipator served as a model of moral clarity and principled action, someone worthy of high praise and emulation. Like Lincoln, spokespersons for the powerful, multilocational open-shop movement were determined to battle pushy union leaders ... Read More PubDate: 2024-08-10T00:00:00-05:00
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Abstract: Professional historians who might benefit from a dose of humility about the earth-moving potential of our vocation need do no more than contemplate the gap between the outpouring of groundbreaking scholarship on war and emancipation over the past half century and its faint register in popular understanding. From the command bunkers of those directing the "war on woke," Americans face increasingly strident and well-resourced efforts to restore a neo-Confederate reading of the past that resurrects the worst of the Dunning school, albeit with more unconcealed malice and less scholarly credibility. Such attempts should serve as an important wakeup call, sounding the alarm against complacency. But the breach between ... Read More PubDate: 2024-08-10T00:00:00-05:00
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