Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles) ISSN (Print) 0048-5950 - ISSN (Online) 1747-7107 Published by Oxford University Press[419 journals]
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Authors:Beienburg S. Abstract: Who Decides' States as Laboratories of Constitutional Experimentation, by SuttonJeffrey S.. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021, 496 pp., $29.95. PubDate: Thu, 03 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjac007 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2022)
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Authors:Lorentz K; II. Abstract: Hidden Laws: How State Constitutions Stabilize American Politics, by Woodward-BurnsRobinsonNew Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2021, 368 pp., $45. PubDate: Sat, 19 Feb 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjac005 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2022)
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Authors:Van der Beken C. Abstract: Routledge Handbook of Subnational Constitutions and Constitutionalism, edited by PopelierPatricia, DelledonneGiacomo, and AroneyNicholas. New York: Routledge, 2022,362 pp., $245. PubDate: Sat, 29 Jan 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjac003 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2022)
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Authors:McHugh J. Abstract: Federalism in Canada: Contested Concepts and Uneasy Balances, by HueglinThomas O.. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2021, 384 pp., $54.95 paperback. PubDate: Tue, 18 Jan 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjac002 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2022)
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Authors:Pears E; Sydnor E. Pages: 173 - 200 Abstract: AbstractThe Federalist Papers highlight the role that citizens’ state identities will play in American federalism, yet some scholars argue that contemporary Americans have shed their state attachments. Drawing on data from a nationally representative survey, we demonstrate that individuals still hold dual national and state identities, and that the likelihood that one will feel attached to their state depends on a variety of individual characteristics such as education, identification with a marginalized or minority community within the state, and one’s ideological “fit” with the partisan majority in their state, leading to significant variance from one citizen to the next. Additionally, we find that this state identity is correlated with political attitudes, particularly trust in and assessment of state elected officials. Individuals who hold stronger state identities are also more likely to trust their state government. These findings have implications for our understanding of the dynamics of federalism in modern U.S. politics. PubDate: Tue, 15 Feb 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjac004 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2022)
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Authors:Mobasher M; Qadam Shah M. Pages: 225 - 253 Abstract: AbstractThis study draws on results of an opinion survey about public views in Afghanistan regarding concepts related to federalism. We argue that concepts such as unitarism, federalism, centralization, and decentralization are highly politicized and often misunderstood when they enter the public discourse. As the survey results indicate, the association of ethnic groups with different systems of governance, although popular in Afghanistan, is misleading. A concurrent majority of ethnic groups takes a more nuanced approach of favoring central authorities on some issues, local authorities on others, and shared or divided authorities on the rest. The findings are helpful in contributing to a better understanding of how Afghans view federalism, and also by providing guidance to constitution-makers in designing institutional arrangements and distributions of power that address society’s needs. PubDate: Wed, 19 Jan 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab043 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2022)
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Authors:Liebschutz S. Pages: 351 - 352 Abstract: Richard P. (Dick) Nathan died on September 12, 2021 at the age of eighty-five in Winter Park, Florida, his home during retirement years. In truth, Dick never retired from the work in which he engaged. At a 2019 Health Care conference at the Brookings Institution that honored him, two former presidential advisors observed, “At a time in life when most people …might opt to rest on their laurels, Dick, the dean of scholars who study and practice public administration at the highest levels, [was] busy, busy, busy.” PubDate: Wed, 06 Apr 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjac001 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2022)
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Authors:Merriman B. Abstract: Fighting Political Gridlock: How States Shape Our Nation and Our Lives, by ToscanoDavid J.. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2021, 282 pp., $29.95. PubDate: Fri, 17 Dec 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab042 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2021)
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Authors:Ali S; Mufti M. Pages: 201 - 224 Abstract: AbstractWhy do politicians vote to decentralize power and resources' Drawing on structuralist and voluntarist approaches, we investigate why national party elites in Pakistan voted to devolve power to the provinces under the 18th Amendment to the 1973 Constitution but are hesitant to devolve meaningful fiscal and administrative power to the local level. We argue that the explanation for this disjuncture lies in Pakistan’s history of military experiments with local government, its candidate-centered party system, and the re-election incentives of politicians at the national, provincial and local levels. Using interviews with local government representatives, politicians, and bureaucrats, and archival research through National Assembly, Senate debates and newspapers, we show that devolution to the provinces was a means of holding a fragile federation together. However, Pakistan’s political parties, unable to elicit credible commitment from their legislators, feared that devolving power further could result in party defections, the rise of regional leaders, and inevitably, party fragmentation. PubDate: Wed, 10 Nov 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab037 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2021)
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Authors:Huang C; Berry F. Pages: 254 - 282 Abstract: AbstractUrban sustainability policy provides opportunities for expanding global efforts for climate change mitigation. Yet local governments may not commit to make such policy efforts. It is well recognized that internal and external factors in state and local governments can be potential drivers. Less recognized is that green energy policy adoption can also be impacted by competitive federalism, under which state laws might influence the likelihood of local adoption. Drawing on prior studies on inter-governmental interactions and managerial turnover, we hypothesize the effect of intergovernmental influence, managerial turnover, and their interactions on city adoption of energy efficiency and renewable energy programs. Results of the multilevel regression model indicate that state influence via regulatory or financial tools can encourage city sustainable energy consumption and production, while managerial turnover can inhibit these conditions, but the negative impacts of managerial turnover can be reversed when the successors are recruited externally. Our tests support the existence of both local government free-riding and city mobilization to enact more green policies with externally hired city managers, thereby helping us to distinguish the impact of competitive federalism in local energy policy. PubDate: Wed, 10 Nov 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab036 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2021)
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Authors:Dunn C. Pages: 283 - 309 Abstract: AbstractWhat role do subnational governments play in shaping a country’s redistributive efforts' Existing literature suggests that federalism can be a hindrance to redistribution. Such negative effects may be particularly true of Latin America’s federations due to high levels of regional inequality and malapportioned political institutions. However, in order to fully understand redistribution in federal systems in Latin America, we need to examine not only how subnational governments affect centralized redistributive efforts, but also what efforts these subnational governments are making themselves. In this article, I contribute to our understanding of subnational social spending in Latin America’s largest federation, Brazil. My results suggest that, in Brazil, state governments are constrained actors, but they do pursue different levels of redistributive social spending with higher levels being more likely under left parties. PubDate: Mon, 16 Aug 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab030 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2021)
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Authors:Schakel A; Brown A. Pages: 310 - 328 Abstract: AbstractAlthough regional governments play vital roles in most political systems, citizens’ perceptions regarding regional authority are only rarely studied. Relying on the International Constitutional Values Survey held among more than 6,000 respondents from 142 regions in eight countries, we develop measures to tap into citizens’ preferences for self-rule—i.e., for autonomy for their region—and citizens’ preferences for shared rule—i.e., for regional engagement in national decision-making. A majority of citizens prefer their regional governments to have some level of both self-rule and shared rule, but around a quarter of the citizens prefer their region to have more self-rule and less shared rule or vice versa. The analysis reveals these varying preferences are associated with a region’s actual authority and regional identity. These results are important because they indicate that most citizens do not presume increased self-rule to be the main or only path to a strong regional authority. PubDate: Sat, 14 Aug 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab020 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2021)
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Authors:Guinjoan M. Pages: 329 - 350 Abstract: AbstractObjective markers of distinctiveness such as language, ethnicity, religion, or origin are instrumental in the formation of territorial identities. In turn, territorial identity tends to be the most powerful factor in explaining differences in support for secession. Along with this subjective identity, objective markers of distinctiveness also play a role in explaining support for secession. In this article, I argue that the literature lacks an empirical assessment of how objective and subjective markers of identity are related to support for secession. In particular, I argue that most of the effect of objective markers on support for secession is indirectly expressed via (changes in) identity. Results from survey data from Catalonia (2015–2020, N = 30,000), confirm that a large share of the effect of the region’s objective markers—language and ancestry—on secession is, as expected, mediated. This evidence has both theoretical and empirical implications for studies on identity formation and support for secession. PubDate: Sat, 14 Aug 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab027 Issue No:Vol. 52, No. 2 (2021)
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
[419 journals]
