JournalTOCs

Latin American Perspectives
Journal Prestige (SJR): 0.259

Number of Followers: 15

Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0094-582X - ISSN (Online) 1552-678X
Published by Sage Publications

[1176 journals]

Book Review: The Ambiguity and Complexity of Mexico’s Indigenismo
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  Authors: Steve Ellner
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-03-21T11:56:36Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231163591
Book Review: Cuban and U.S. Immigration Inequality
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  Authors: Ronald H. Chilcote
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-03-17T12:51:57Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231164107
Book Review: Myths and Half-Truths about Mexico in the Late Twentieth
Century
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  Authors: Steve Ellner
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-03-17T12:50:28Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231163596
“Water Pays for Water”: Sonora, An Affluent of National
Privatization
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  Authors: Fernanda Ibarra, Ramón I. Centeno
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  A status quo has been structured in Mexico that prioritizes the commercial value of water over its socio-environmental value. Sonora is a typical case of the transfer of a common good to the private sphere. The communities historically linked to the two major affluents in the region, the Río Yaqui and the Río Sonora, have experienced this trend firsthand. There, as in the rest of Mexico, a water market has emerged that has led to de facto privatization benefiting the bourgeoisie.En México se ha estructurado un status quo que prioriza el valor comercial del agua sobre su socioambiental. Sonora es un caso típico de transferencia de un bien común a la esfera privada. Las comunidades históricamente vinculadas a los dos principales afluentes de la región, el Río Yaqui y el Río Sonora, han experimentado esta tendencia de primera mano. Allí, como en otras partes de México, ha surgido un mercado del agua que ha llevado a una privatización de facto que beneficia a la burguesía.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-03-16T12:00:46Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231159912
Neoliberal Resource Nationalism: The Scramble for Mexico’s
Hydrocarbons
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  Authors: Tamara A. Wattnem
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  PEMEX, Mexico’s state oil company, was fiercely defended against privatization proposals throughout most of Mexico’s neoliberalization process, even as hundreds of state-owned enterprises were privatized, for two major reasons. First, the state increasingly came to depend on oil income to guarantee its fiscal needs, and this allowed it to postpone a tax reform, to the benefit of economic elites. Second, the meaning of oil in Mexican political culture partially shielded the energy sector from privatization attempts. Paying attention to the state’s fiscal interests, resource nationalism, domestic elite interests, and the meaning with which economic sectors are imbued adds explanatory leverage to our understanding of neoliberalism’s variegated implementation.Aun cuando cientos de empresas estatales fueron privatizadas, PEMEX, la compañía petrolera estatal de México, contó con una feroz defensa frente a las propuestas de privatización durante la mayor parte del proceso de neoliberalización mexicano. Esto obedeció a dos razones principales. La primera es que el Estado llegó a depender cada vez más de los ingresos petroleros para garantizar sus necesidades fiscales, asunto que le permitió posponer una reforma fiscal en beneficio de las élites económicas. La segunda es que el significado del petróleo en la cultura política mexicana protegió parcialmente al sector energético de los intentos de privatización. Si prestamos atención a los intereses fiscales del Estado, el discurso nacionalista en torno a los recursos, los intereses de las élites nacionales y el significado con el que están imbuidos los sectores económicos tendremos un entendimiento más completo de la variada implementación del neoliberalismo.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-27T08:00:40Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231155857
The Far-Right Takeover in Brazil: Effects on the Health Agenda
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  Authors: Maíra S. Fedatto
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  On October 28, 2018, the far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro won Brazilian elections against the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) candidate Fernando Haddad after a vigorous social-media campaign reinforced by fake news. In a context of economic crisis, escalating violence, and corruption scandals and a polarized population, Bolsonaro’s authoritarian inclinations and reactionary rhetoric were concerns from several perspectives, mainly regarding the environment, education, human rights, health, and even the young Brazilian democracy. In particular, the Mais Médicos program, the national drug policy, and the HIV/AIDS Department have all been negatively influenced by his anticommunist rhetoric and the alarming escalation of evangelical conservatism. The militarization of his supporters in terms of moral values challenges the future of the secular state and therefore its substantial gains in international cooperation for health. With his approval rate falling and an international health crisis under way, Bolsonaro may not have an easy path ahead of him, and neither will the Brazilian population.No dia 28 de outubro de 2018, o populista da extrema direita, Jair Bolsonaro, ganhou as eleições contra o candidato do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), Fernando Haddad, depois uma campanha enérgica baseada em redes sociais e reforçada por notícias falsas. Num âmbito que inclui uma crise econômica, uma escalada de violência, escândalos de corrupção e uma população polarizada, as tendências autoritárias e retórica reacionária de Bolsonaro apresentam desafios com respeito a muitos temas como o meio ambiente, a educação, direitos humanos, a saúde, e mesmo a democracia jovem do Brasil. O programa Mais Médicos, a política antidrogas e o Departamento de VIH/Sida, em particular, foram negativamente influenciados pela retórica anticomunista e pela alarmante expansão do conservadorismo evangélico. A militarização dos seguidores de Bolsonaro em termos de valores morais ameaça o futuro do estado secular e, por conseguinte, seus ganhos significativos na área de cooperação internacional com relação à saúde. Com sua índice de aprovação em declínio e uma crise internacional de saúde que está atualmente em curso, não podendo ser fácil para Bolsonaro e nem para a população brasileira nos anos a seguir.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-22T05:40:38Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221149026
The State, Accumulation, and Oaxaca’s Earthquake Survivors: Three
Mechanisms of Inequality
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  Authors: Alessandro Morosin
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Ethnographic field interviews collected in three municipalities of Oaxaca explain how the Mexican state’s response to the Chiapas earthquake facilitated capital accumulation while intensifying indigenous-campesino grievances against megaprojects and resource extraction. State policies in Oaxaca’s Isthmus of Tehuantepec during the fall of 2017 reinforced social inequality by way of three key mechanisms: neglect, dispossession, and pacification. Making sense of the way state institutions exercised power during this disaster benefits from combining a critical perspective on global capitalism with long-standing frameworks of cultural genocide and internal colonialism.Las entrevistas de campo etnográficas recogidas en tres municipios de Oaxaca nos muestran cómo la respuesta del Estado mexicano al terremoto de Chiapas facilitó la acumulación de capital al mismo tiempo que intensificó las quejas de campesinos indígenas contra los megaproyectos y la extracción de recursos. Las políticas estatales en el istmo de Tehuantepec en Oaxaca durante el otoño de 2017 reforzaron la desigualdad social a través de tres mecanismos clave: abandono, despojo y pacificación. Para poder dar sentido a la forma en que las instituciones estatales ejercieron el poder durante este desastre es importante combinar una perspectiva crítica sobre el capitalismo global y marcos teóricos de larga data en torno al genocidio cultural y el colonialismo interno.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-20T01:17:18Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231154265
Bolsonaro’s Subservience to Trump, 2019 and 2020: A Demanding Agenda
and Limited Reciprocity
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  Authors: Laís Forti Thomaz, Tullo Vigevani
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  In the relationship between Brazil and the United States during the Bolsonaro and Trump administrations (2019 and 2020), Brazil advanced a demanding agenda that met with limited reciprocity. John Kingdon’s concept of the policy window is useful for explaining that the two presidents, having similar worldviews, saw the possibility of moving forward with this agenda, but Brazil’s subservient position ended up compromising its bargaining position. In the case of the commercial aspects of the Alcântara technological safeguards agreement, Brazil’s unilateral concessions failed to generate concrete results before this window was closed and even set the country on the path toward becoming an international pariah.O governo brasileiro promoveu uma agenda ambiciosa que facilitou pouca reciprocidade na relação entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos durante os governos Bolsonaro e Trump (2019 e 2020). O conceito de John Kingdon do policy window é útil para explicar o fato que ambos os presidentes, além de partilhar visões semelhantes do mundo, viram a possibilidade de avançarem esta agenda. Contudo, a posição submissa do Brasil acabou em comprometer sua posição negocial. No caso dos aspectos comerciais do acordo das salvagardas tecnológicas da Alcântara, o Brasil deixou passar essa oportunidade porque as concessões unilaterais do governo brasileiro falharam em produzir resultados concretos e, ademais, colocou o país no caminho de se tornar um paria internacional.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-20T01:15:58Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231152903
Left Government Strategies toward Business Groups and the Outcomes: The
Mexican and Venezuelan Cases
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  Authors: Steve Ellner
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The progressive governments of Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico and Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela followed a strategy of selective treatment to win over some businesspeople and neutralize others in order to weaken the opposition of a hostile business class. This approach had advantages and downsides. It succeeded in gaining support from business representatives for government initiatives in moments of difficulty and crisis and reducing the firepower of the commercial media. It was also, however, conducive to corruption. Many nonhostile businesspeople proved to be unreliable allies as they ended up withdrawing their support for the government. These capitalists were a far cry from the progressive “national bourgeoisie” with which Communists and other leftists attempted to form alliances in the twentieth century, but proestablishment actors attacked many of them, including such leading capitalists as Gustavo Cisneros in Venezuela and Ricardo Salinas in Mexico, who in some cases were considered “traitors.” In Mexico, major businesspeople before and after the left’s rise to power played a more overtly political role than, for the most part, in Venezuela. Chávez attempted to define the behavior of progressive businesspeople, which included limits on profits, and also promoted the formation of politically progressive business organizations.Los gobiernos progresistas de Andrés Manuel López Obrador en México, y Hugo Chávez y Nicolás Maduro en Venezuela, siguieron una estrategia de trato selectivo para ganarse la confianza de algunos empresarios y neutralizar a otros con el fin de debilitar la oposición de parte de una clase empresarial hostil. Este enfoque implicó tanto ventajas como desventajas. Logró obtener el apoyo de los representantes empresariales para iniciativas gubernamentales en momentos de dificultad y crisis, así como reducir el impacto negativo de los medios de comunicación comerciales. Sin embargo, también dio lugar a la corrupción. Muchos empresarios no hostiles resultaron ser aliados poco confiables y, eventualmente, retiraron su apoyo al gobierno. Estos capitalistas estaban muy lejos de constituir la “burguesía nacional” progresista con la que los comunistas y otros izquierdistas intentaron formar alianzas en el siglo XX. Sin embargo, actores a favor del status quo atacaron a muchos de ellos, incluidos capitalistas prominentes como Gustavo Cisneros en Venezuela y Ricardo Salinas en México, quienes, en algunos casos, fueron vistos como “traidores”. En México, los principales empresarios antes y después del ascenso de la izquierda al poder desempeñaron un papel más abiertamente político de lo que ocurrió, mayoritariamente, en Venezuela. Chávez intentó definir el comportamiento de los empresarios progresistas, lo cual incluyó poner un límite a sus ganancias, y también promovió la formación de organizaciones empresariales políticamente progresistas.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-18T08:02:14Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231153875
Blowtorching Freirean Thought Out of Bolsonaro’s Brazil:
Alagoas’s Escola Livre Law
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  Authors: Thiago Pezzuto
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The state of Alagoas’s Escola Livre law prohibited teachers from sharing with their students opinions that are political, partisan, religious, or philosophical in nature. Application to the analysis of its passage of the punctuated-equilibrium concepts of policy image and policy venue suggests that mutual reinforcement of (1) the return of the right in Latin America, (2) the rise of evangelicals, and (3) the advent of the School Without Party movement in the larger context of Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment process created a unique window of opportunity that the law’s author perceived and seized.A Lei Escola Livre do estado de Alagoas proibiu que professores compartilhassem com seus alunos opiniões de natureza política, partidária, religiosa ou filosófica. A aplicação dos conceitos de equilíbrio pontuado de policy image e policy venue à análise de sua promulgação sugere que o fortalecimento mútuo entre (1) o retorno da direita na América Latina, (2) a ascensão de evangélicos, e (3) o advento do movimento Escola Sem Partido no contexto mais amplo do processo de impeachment de Dilma Rousseff criou uma janela de oportunidade única que o autor da lei autor identificou e explorou.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-16T01:07:17Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147894
Introduction: Brazil under Bolsonaro
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  Authors: Tulio Ferreira, James N. Green
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-15T12:35:54Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231157700
Film Review: Malvinas Female Veterans: Traveling through Memories
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  Authors: Paula Salerno
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-15T12:34:55Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231155851
Territorial Dispossession in Mexico: Mining and the New Latifundism
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  Authors: Aideé Tassinari
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Three multibillionaire-owned consortia in Mexico—Carlos Slim Helu’s Minera Frisco, Germán Larrea’s Grupo México, and Alberto Baillères’s Industrias Peñoles—have played a leading role in the process of accumulation through dispossession by perpetrating violence against indigenous and peasant communities in the form of the expulsion of thousands of people from their land, attacks on their security, health and ways of life, environmental depredation, fraud, criminalization, and murder. Examination of media reports of the most recent socio-environmental conflicts and corporate documents reveals the tension between profit accumulation through dispossession and territorial depredation in mining and various forms of resistance.Los consorcios multimillonarios mexicanos—Minera Frisco de Carlos Slim Helu, Grupo México de Germán Larrea e Industrias Peñoles de Alberto Baillères—han desempeñado un papel protagónico en el proceso de acumulación a través del despojo efectuado a través de la perpetración de actos de violencia contra las comunidades indígenas y campesinas. Esto se ha manifestado en la expulsión de miles de personas de sus tierras, ataques a su seguridad, salud y formas de vida, así como depredación ambiental, fraude, criminalización y asesinato. Un análisis de los informes hechos por los medios de comunicación en torno a los conflictos socioambientales más recientes así como de documentos corporativos revela la tensión existente entre la acumulación de ganancias a través del despojo y la depredación territorial en el rubro de la minería, al igual que diversas formas de resistencia.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-10T06:29:54Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231154225
Young Tzeltal Migrants from the Ejido to California’s Cities
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  Authors: Tania Cruz-Salazar
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The meaning of “youth” is changing among young Tzeltal migrants from Chiapas, Mexico, living in the U.S. state of California. Migration improves young people’s condition in terms of work, leisure time, and cultural consumption. A study based on ethnographic data, interviews, questionnaires, and participant observation undertaken in 2011, 2013, and 2016 shows how the material resources to which these migrants have access are directed toward building a unique youth style based on aesthetics and language that can be called the “Tzeltal jungle cowboy.”El significado del concepto “juventud” está cambiando entre los jóvenes migrantes tzeltales de Chiapas, México, que viven en el estado de California en Estados Unidos. La migración mejora las condiciones de vida de los jóvenes debido a su acceso al trabajo, tiempo libre y consumo cultural. Un estudio hecho en base a datos etnográficos, entrevistas, cuestionarios y observación participante realizado en 2011, 2013 y 2016 nos muestra cómo los recursos materiales a los que tienen acceso estos migrantes se dirigen a construir un estilo juvenil único basado en la estética y el lenguaje que podría denominarse el “vaquero Tzeltal de la selva”.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-10T06:28:34Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231154218
Wages, Price, and Profit: Protection and Value Capture in the Mercosur
Automotive Industry
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  Authors: Alejandro Fitzsimons, Sebastián Guevara
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The expansion of the automotive industry in Argentina and Brazil and its regional integration can be attributed to determinants that differentiate them from other contemporary regionalization processes. Their limited scales of production, outmoded technology, and lower productivity levels than the average in the world market and the inward orientation of regional industry are shared characteristics of the two national processes of capital accumulation, which are still organized around the appropriation by industrial capital of a portion of the substantial ground rent available.La expansión de la industria automotriz en Argentina y Brasil, así como su integración regional, pueden atribuirse a determinantes que las diferencian de otros procesos de regionalización contemporáneos. Sus limitadas escalas de producción, la tecnología anticuada y niveles de productividad más bajos que el promedio en el mercado mundial, así como la orientación interna de la industria regional, son características compartidas por ambos procesos nacionales de acumulación de capital, los cuáles todavía se encuentran organizados en torno a la apropiación, por parte del capital industrial, de una parte de la renta sustancial disponible.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-10T06:26:47Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231153146
Center-Left Parties and Developmental Regimes in Latin America: Assessing
the Role of Democracy
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  Authors: Pedro Perfeito da Silva, Julia Veiga Vieira Mancio Bandeira
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Comparison of the paths of two countries with developmental regimes led by left-of-center parties, Chile and Mexico, shows that the democratic regime, Chile’s, had better social indicators than its authoritarian counterpart at the price of slower industrialization.Comparação das trajetórias de dois países com regimes desenvolvimentistas dirigidos por partidos do centro-esquerda no Chile e México demostra que o regime democrâtico chileno teve maiores indicadores sociais que sua contraparte autoritária às custas de uma industrialização mais lenta.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-10T06:25:15Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231153139
Between Markets and Barracks: The Economic Policy Narrative of Brazilian
Authoritarianism
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  Authors: Niels Søndergaard
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  In recent years, a series of right-wing populists has ascended to power in both the Global North and the Global South. While these leaders frequently have provided challenges to liberal democracy, neoliberal modes of economic governance have often been part of their agendas. Analysis of the economic policy narrative of the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro’s electoral campaign in 2018 through the theoretical lens of authoritarian neoliberalism reveals that it has worked by the relegation of economic matters to technocratic management outside the sphere of democratic debate and the instrumentalized estrangement of groups and institutions opposed to his political views.Recentemente, uma série de populistas direitistas têm chegado ao poder tanto nos países do norte como naqueles do sul. Enquanto estes lideres frequentemente apresentam desafios às democrâcias liberais, modos neoliberais de governança econômica muitas vezes desempenham um papel nas suas agendas. Uma análise da narrativa da política econômica na campanha presidencial do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro no Brasil em 2018 mediante uma visão teorética de neoliberalismo autoritário indica que ela funcionou pela relegação de assuntos econômicos a gestores tecnocrâticos que ficam fora da esféra de debate democrâtico e pelo afastamento instrumentalizado de grupos e instituições que se opõem às idéias políticas de Bolsonaro.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-08T10:47:12Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231154226
The Fight against Hunger in Brazil: From Politicization to Indifference
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  Authors: Lourrene Maffra, Heather Hayes
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Federal administrations have been addressing the problem of hunger in Brazil since the days of Lula da Silva. An extensive review of the literature shows that the fight against hunger reached its highest level of priority during the Lula da Silva administrations (2003–2010), where it was organized with an institutional structure and seen as an international model for public policy. Every subsequent government since then has given less attention to it, ending in the complete neglect of the issue under the Bolsonaro administration.Governos federais têm abordado o problema da fome no Brasil desde a época de Lula da Silva. Uma revista exhaustiva da literatura aponta que a luta contra a fome atingiu o seu apogeu quando lhe foi atribuída máxima proridade na agenda política federal durante os governos Lula da Silva (2003–2010) onde era organizada com base numa estrutura institucional que é hoje celebrada como modelo internacional de política pública. Desde então, cada governo sucessivo prestou cada vez menos atenção à fome, acabando no descaso completo do assunto sob o governo Bolsonaro.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-08T10:44:32Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231152905
The Social Base of Bolsonarism: An Analysis of Authoritarianism in
Politics
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  Authors: Mariana Miggiolaro Chaguri, Oswaldo E. do Amaral
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The cohesion and resilience of the social base supporting Jair Bolsonaro is backed by an authoritarian perception of politics and society. Support for the president runs through all sectors of Brazilian society and reflects a variety of demands. A multidisciplinary research strategy that articulates statistical analysis of data from an innovative national survey with a sociological approach to the construction of an authoritarian vision of politics and society in Brazil suggests that the authoritarian right is a political and electoral force that will persist and that it has several characteristics that distinguish it from conservative movements in the Global North.A coesão e resistência da base social que apoia a Bolsonaro são baseadas numa visão autoritária da política e da sociedade porque o apoio ao presidente se extende por todas as classes na sociedade brasileira e traz à tona uma diversidade de exigências. Uma estratégia multidisciplinária de pesquisa que articula uma análise estatística de dados colhidos de um levantamento nacional innovador com base numa aproximação sociológica voltada para a construção de uma ótica autoritária da política e da sociedade no Brasil constata que a direita autoritária persistirá como força política e eleitoral e que tem várias características as quais lhe distingue dos outros movimentos conservadores localizados nos países do norte global.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-08T10:42:52Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X231152245
Radical Reorganization of Environmental Policy: Contemporaneous Evidence
from Brazil
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  Authors: Mauro Guilherme Maidana Capelari, Ana Karine Pereira, Nathaly M. Rivera, Suely Mara Vaz Guimaráes de Araújo
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  An overview of environmental policy in Brazil since President Jair Bolsonaro took office in January 2019 suggests that the rise to power of a new political elite has led to a radical change in Brazil’s trajectory of climate change initiatives and environmental protection. The new elite is associated with the disruption of two factors historically relevant for the design of environmental policy: the participation of civil society in the governance of public policy and multilateralism in matters of environment policy.Uma análise das políticas ambientais brasileiras desde a tomada de posse de Jair Bolsonaro da presidência da República em Janeiro 2019 constata que o aparecimento de uma nova elite política acarretou em uma alteração radical na trajetória do Brasil com respeito às suas iniciativas sobre a mudança climática e a preservação ambiental. Houve uma perturbação de dois fatores por causa desta elite política que eram historicamente importantes pela elaboração de políticas ambientais: a participação de organizações de sociedade civil na governança de políticas públicas e o multilateralismo.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-08T10:39:32Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221148714
The Movimento Brasil Livre and the New Brazilian Right in the Election of
Jair Bolsonaro
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  Authors: Marcelo Burgos Pimentel dos Santos, Claudio Luis de Camargo Penteado, Rafael de Paula Aguiar Araújo
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The Movimento Brasil Livre (Free Brazil Movement) has been one of the main proponents of the new Brazilian right since its emergence after the June Days of 2013. Through the strategic use of social networks, it has promoted a conservative agenda similar to those seen in other parts of the world. An examination of its mobilization strategies focused on its communicative power, its capacity to produce engagement, and its network mobilization shows how the use of information and communication technologies influenced the emergence of new political actors on the Brazilian right.O Movimento Brasil Livre tem sido um dos expoentes principais da nova direita brasileira que é um movimento que surgiu após as Jornadas de Junho de 2013. Através do uso estratégico das redes sociais, ajudou a expandir uma pauta conservadora em consonância ao que ocurre em diferentes partes do mundo. A presente pesquisa avalia as estratégias de mobilização do movimento com enfâse no seu poder comunicativo, capacidade de produção de engajamento e poder de mobilização de rede para indicar como os usos das tecnologias de informação e comunicação influenciam a emergência de novos atores políticos no campo da direita brasileira.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-08T10:37:55Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221146767
Protests for Women's Rights and against the Bolsonaro Administration
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  Authors: Olivia Cristina Perez, Joana Tereza Vaz de Moura, Caroline Bandeira de Brito Melo
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  A review of the agendas of three recent Brazilian protests in defense of women's rights—#EleNão, International Women's Day, and the March of the Margaridas—and of the Bolsonaro government’s actions regarding women’s rights shows that confrontation is manifested on both sides. In a sense, the protests followed and encouraged the confrontation strategies used by the government.Uma revisão das agendas de três recentes protestos brasileiros em defesa dos direitos das mulheres – #EleNão, Dia Internacional da Mulher e Marcha das Margaridas – e das ações do governo Bolsonaro em relação aos direitos das mulheres mostra que o confronto se manifesta em ambos os lados. De certa forma, os protestos acompanharam e estimularam as estratégias de enfrentamento utilizadas pelo governo.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-04T06:08:57Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221150442
Opening Pandora's Box: The Extreme Right and the Resurgence of Racism in
Brazil
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  Authors: Joaze Bernardino-Costa
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The emergence of Bolsonarism as a face of the extreme right in Brazil has come out of the articulation of several groups mobilized on social networks around a handful of key ideas including moral conservatism, economic liberalism, patriotism, public security, and a common enemy. Research on social networks and articles in the press shows that Bolsonarism has opened a Pandora's box, releasing behavior that combines racist antiracialism and racist racialism and that aims to dismantle the recent achievements of black and indigenous groups.A emergência do Bolsonarismo como manifestação da extrema direita no Brasil deve sua origem à articulação de vários grupos que se mobilizaram nas redes sociais em torno de um conjunto de idéias chaves que inclui um inimigo comum, um conservadorismo moral, um liberalismo econômico, o patriotismo e a segurança pública. Estudos sobre as redes sociais e artigos nos jornais mostram que o Bolsonarismo tem abrido uma caixa de Pandora, fomentando um comportamento que combina o antiracialismo racista com um racialismo racista que almeja desmontar os sucessos recentes conseguidos por grupos negros e indígenas.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-04T06:05:58Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147596
Brazil and the “Bolsonaro Phenomenon”: Politics, the Economy, and the
COVID-19 Pandemic, 2019–2020
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  Authors: Gustavo Moura de Oliveira, Marília Verissimo Veronese
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  From a document corpus taken from leading journals recording the discourses and actions of President Jair Bolsonaro and his team in managing the economy, politics, and the COVID-19 pandemic, it is more than clear that this administration refuses to play by the rules of the democratic game. There is a close relationship between the authoritarian administration and the naturalization of a logic that prioritizes market interests above all, producing an ultra-neoliberalism that not only operates within the economic and financial sphere but also produces antidemocratic modes of social subjectivity.Segundo um corpus de documentos proveniente dos jornais principais que registravam os discursos e ações do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro e seu equipe com respeito a sua gerência da economia, da polítca e da pandemia do COVID-19, fica muito claro que este governo se recusa a cumprir as regras do jogo democrático. Ademais, existe uma relação íntima entre o governo autoritário e a uniformização de uma lógica que prioriza os interesses do mercado sobre todo, produzindo um ultra-neoliberalismo que não somente opera dentro da esféra econômica e financeira mas também gera modos antidemocráticos de subjetividade social.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-02T10:41:26Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147597
Brazil’s Cultural Battleground: Public Universities and the New
Right
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  Authors: Juliano Fiori, Pedro Fiori Arantes
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  After assuming the presidency in January 2019, Bolsonaro used the machinery of government to wage culture warfare. Public universities, sites of cultivation of a new moral radicalism of the left over recent decades, became primary cultural battlegrounds. With its attacks on public universities (demonization, unconstitutional government interference, budget cuts, and political persecution), Bolsonaro’s government nurtured the reactionary imagination of Brazil’s new right and challenged the cultural hegemony of the left and thus undermined a biopolitical pact that once tied public universities to the defense of a right to life.Depois de assumir a presidência em Janeiro 2019, Bolsonaro utilizou a máquina do governo para fazer uma guerra cultural. As universidades públicas, viveiros pela formação de um novo radicalismo moral da esquerda durante as últimas décadas, se convertiram em importantes campos de batalha culturais nessa guerra. Com sua ofensiva contra as universidades públicas (demonização, interferência do governo inconstitucional, cortes orçamentais e persecuções políticas), o governo Bolsonaro fomentou um imaginário reacionário na direita brasileira que desafiou a hegemonia cultural da esquerda e, por conseguinte, minou um pacto biopolítico que anteriormente vinculava as universidades públicas à defesa do direito à vida.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-02T10:38:26Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147594
Book Review: Latin American Studies: The Multifaced History of a
Rebellious Academic Field
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  Authors: Felipe Antunes de Oliveira
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-02T10:09:19Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221142329
Communities of Resistance along the Border
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  Authors: David Bacon
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-02T05:14:02Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221149440
Conspiracy Theories and Foreign Policy Narratives: Globalism in Jair
Bolsonaro’s Foreign Policy
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  Authors: Feliciano de Sá Guimarães, Davi Cordeiro Moreira, Irma Dutra de Oliveira e Silva, Anna Carolina Raposo de Mello
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  An analysis of more than 2,000 speeches and social media posts on foreign policy issues from four members of Jair Bolsonaro’s government from January 2019 to December 2020 suggests that a conspiracy theory called “globalism,” which explains current events using a series of intrigues and stratagems carried out by fictitious enemies to undermine the national order, has not only taken root in Brazil’s foreign policy narrative but consistently been used over time by the cabinet members responsible for that policy. It also indicates that the use of “globalism” is not just a political strategy to persuade voters but a worldview embedded in Bolsonaro’s far-right cabinet.Uma análise de mais de 2.000 discursos e posts provenientes de redes sociais sobre questões da política externa do Brasil por quatro membros do gabinete do governo de Jair Bolsonaro de janeiro de 2019 a dezembro de 2020 indica que a teoria de conspiração denominada “globalismo,” que explica atualidades em termos de uma série de intrigas e estratégias implementadas por inimigos fictícios para minar a ordem nacional, não se arreigou apenas na narrativa exibida na política exterior brasileira mas também se utilizou há anos pelos mesmos membros do gabinete que são responsáveis por sua elaboração. Isso significa que o uso do “globalismo” não é só uma estratégia política para convencer eleitores mas é também uma visão do mundo que é enraizada no gabinete de Bolsonaro cuja origem reside na extreme direita.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-02-02T05:03:00Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147504
Bolsonaro, the Last Colonizer
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  Authors: Manuel Domingos Neto, Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The traditional relationship between the Brazilian state and indigenous peoples is based on the state’s “protection.” Under the ultraconservative Bolsonaro government, the state has been taken over by elites with rural and extractive capital who plan on exploiting the Amazon rain forest at any cost and see indigenous peoples as an obstacle to their goal. The military also has a noteworthy position in this offensive, which strikes at the heart of what are considered human rights. The legislative and judiciary branches continue to confront this ambiguous policy, which is accompanied by laws, statutes, national agreements, and international conventions that lack clarity and precision. If Bolsonaro were to be reelected it might mean the extinction of surviving indigenous ethnicities.A relação tradicional entre o Estado brasileiro e os povos originários é baseada na “tutela” do Estado. O governo ultraconservador de Bolsonaro reflete a captura do Estado pelas elites do capital agrário e extrativista que pretendem dispor da floresta amazônica a qualquer custo, considerando os povos originários como obstáculo à sua agenda. Os militares têm posição de destaque nesta ofensiva que afronta as noções elementares de direitos humanos. Ora, os poderes Legislativo e Judiciário lidam com essa política de maneira ambígua, acompanhando leis, estatutos e convenções nacionais e internacionais de forma pouco precisa e pouco clara. Se Bolsonaro for reeleito, isso poderá acelerar a extinção das etnias indígenas sobreviventes.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-01-13T09:32:06Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147598
Development Projects, Models of Capitalism, and Political Regimes in
Brazil, 1988–2021
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  Authors: Carlos Eduardo Santos Pinho
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The Bolsonaro government combines authoritarianism with a model of capitalism that destroys social rights. Despite the expansion of the neoliberal reforms put in place during the 1990s and the decline of the inclusionary policies of the 2000s, there is a causal link between the content of neoliberal public policies, the drop in the level of political participation in their implementation, the militarization of the Bolsonaro government, and the decay of democratic institutions in Brazil.O governo Bolsonaro combina o autoritarismo com um modelo de capitalismo destruidor de direitos sociais. Além do aprofundamento das reformas neoliberais dos anos 1990 e da regressão das políticas de inclusão dos anos 2000, há uma relação de causalidade entre o conteúdo de políticas públicas neoliberais, a redução do nível de participação política em sua implementação, a militarização do governo Bolsonaro e a degeneração de instituições democráticas no Brasil.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-01-13T09:30:06Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147595
Tongues of Fire: Silas Malafaia and the Historical Roots of
Neo-Pentecostal Power in Bolsonaro’s Brazil
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  Authors: Andre Pagliarini
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Evangelical Christians and especially Neo-Pentecostals in Brazil have gone from accepting a position as junior partners in a broad governing coalition led by the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) to asserting themselves as an indispensable pillar of the Jair Bolsonaro administration. A close examination of the career of the prominent Bolsonarist pastor Silas Malafaia suggests that if progressives want to improve their political relationship with evangelical voters they must first find discursive and material ways to neutralize or at least work around the most prominent and virulently conservative faith leaders.Os cristãos evangélicos (em particular os neo-pentecostais) no Brasil passaram de aceitar uma posição de ser parceiros menores numa coligação governamental abrangente dirigida pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) para impor-se como pilar imprescindível do governo de Jair Bolsonaro. Uma análise exhaustiva da trajetória do renomado pastor bolsonarista, Silas Malafaia constata que se os progessistas quiserem melhorar a sua relação política com eleitores evangélicos, eles devem por primeiro descobrir meios discursivos e materiais para neutralizar ou, no mínimo, evitar os líderes religiosos que são os mais preeminentes e fortemente conservadores nesses grupos sociais.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2023-01-10T10:31:15Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147593
Commentary: Unearthing the Root Causes of Central American Migration
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  Authors: Louis A. Pérez
  Pages: 198 - 200
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Volume 49, Issue 6, Page 198-200, November 2022.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-11-29T09:48:12Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221134810
  Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 6 (2022)
Sebastián Lelio’s Una mujer fantástica: Intimate Citizenship, Trans
Activism, and the Gender Identity Law in Chile
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  Authors: Penny Miles
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  When Una mujer fantástica reached the height of Oscar success in March 2018, Chilean trans populations were fighting to secure legal recognition, and they were doing so at a time of political transition from a leftist to a rightist government. The film’s international success ensured that the gender identity bill remained on the table. Use of the concepts of intimate citizenship and frame resonance to analyze the social and political role of the film’s trans representation shows how they offer visual framing and visual resonance for Chilean activism. The protagonist’s story created a visual frame to reinforce trans activist claims at a key moment in the congressional debates as the soft power of the Oscars was brought to bear on them.Cuando Una mujer fantástica alcanzó la cima del éxito en los óscares de marzo de 2018, las poblaciones trans chilenas luchaban por asegurarse reconocimiento legal en un momento de transición política—el paso de un gobierno de izquierda a uno de derecha. El éxito internacional de la película aseguró que el proyecto de ley sobre identidad de género permaneciera sobre la mesa. El uso de los conceptos de ciudadanía íntima y resonancia de marco para analizar el rol social y político de la representación trans en la película muestra cómo esto nos brinda tanto encuadre como resonancia visual al activismo chileno. La historia de la protagonista generó un marco visual que refuerza las afirmaciones de activistas trans en un momento clave en los debates del Congreso, los cuales se vieron influenciado por el poder blando de los óscares.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-12-15T12:30:58Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131593
The Rise of Fascism in Brazil
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  Authors: Armando Boito
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Analysis of Brazil’s Bolsonaro administration, its most active social support base, and the political crisis that gave rise to it shows that, operating with a concept of fascism embedded in the Marxist tradition, it can be characterized as (neo)fascist. The political crisis of 2015–2018 that led to it involved a crisis of hegemony of the bloc in power, the crisis of party representation of the dominant classes, political activism by the state bureaucracy, the political defensiveness of the workers’ and lower-class movement, and the formation of a reactionary middle-class movement. The option for fascism was not without risks, as is reflected today by the demonstrations of dissatisfaction with its administration.Uma análise do governo Bolsonaro no Brasil, a sua base social a mais ativa e a crise política que lhe deve origem, mostra que, baseado num conceito de fascismo enquadrado na tradição marxista, este governo pode ser denominado como (neo)fascista. O governo (neo)fascista de Bolsonaro era decorrente de uma crise política nos anos 2015-2018 que implicou uma crise de hegemonia no bloco de poder, uma crise de representação partidária das classes dominantes, um ativismo político na burocrâcia estatal, uma atitude defensiva política do movimento dos trabalhadores e classes pobres e a formação de um movimento reacionário da classe média. A opçao fascista não é isento de riscos vis-à-vis a burguesia como se reflete hoje nas manifestações de insatisfação com a administração burguesa.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-12-10T10:26:57Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221140419
U.S. Hegemony in Latin America during an Age of Challenges: The Perception
of Threats by the U.S Southern Command
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  Authors: Lívia Peres Milani
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  U.S. hegemony in Latin America is being challenged by the economic presence of foreign powers, such as China, in the region. Much of the literature that discusses this phenomenon deals with the economic and political dimensions of Chinese expansion and the U.S. reaction. Another aspect of this phenomenon is the effects of these changes on the way threats are perceived by U.S. military personnel operating in Latin America. An analysis of declassified documents produced by U.S. Southern Command during the Trump and Biden administrations identifies the threats and challenges perceived by military officials during these two administrations.A hegemonia estadunidense na América Latina vem sendo contestada em razão dos desafios representados pela presença econômica de potências estrangeiras, como a China, na região. Grande parte da literatura que discute este fenômeno tem analisado as dimensões econômicas e políticas da expansão chinesa e as reações estadounidenses. Outro aspecto desse fenômeno são os efeitos destas mudanças na maneira como as ameaças são percibidas pelos militares estadunidenses que operam na América Latina. uma análise dos documentos desclassificados produzidos pelo U.S Southern Command (Comando Sul) durante os governos Trump e Biden, identificando os desafios e ameaças que foram percebidos pelos militares durante estes dois governos.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-12-03T07:44:58Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221140418
Book Review Popular Struggle and Resistance in Latin America
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  Authors: Ronald H. Chilcote
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-11-30T10:07:33Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221140417
Book Review: A Generation of Conflict in Contemporary Brazil
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  Authors: Ronald H. Chilcote
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-11-30T10:06:22Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221138566
State Violence against Mapuche Women in Chile, 1998–2018
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  Authors: Hillary Hiner, Karina González
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Mapuche women both suffer and resist state violence in Chile, particularly with regard to neoliberal, multinational extractive projects in the southern regions and the militarized police that protect these projects. While there is a great deal of historical scholarship on topics related to women or the Mapuche people from 1990 on, there is relatively little specifically on the struggles of Mapuche women. Additionally, the majority of texts on state terrorism and women in Chile focus on the Pinochet dictatorship and non-Mapuche women. A study from the perspective of decolonial feminism reveals the persistence of the “coloniality of gender” while critically reflecting on the tensions between Mapuche women and the Chilean feminist movement.Las mujeres mapuches sufren y resisten violencia estatal en Chile, particularmente en lo relacionado a los proyectos extractivos neoliberales y multinacionales en las regiones del sur y la concomitante presencia de la policía militarizada que protege dichos proyectos. Si bien y desde 1990 ha habido una gran cantidad de investigación histórica sobre temas relacionados con las mujeres, por un lado, y el pueblo mapuche por otro, hay relativamente poca literatura en torno a las luchas de las mujeres mapuche. Lo que es más, la mayor parte de los textos sobre terrorismo de Estado y mujeres en Chile se centra en la dictadura de Pinochet y mujeres que no son mapuche. Un estudio abordado desde una perspectiva de feminismo descolonial nos revela la persistencia de la “colonialidad de género”, al mismo tiempo que reflexiona, de manera crítica, sobre las tensiones entre las mujeres mapuche y el movimiento feminista chileno.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-11-21T07:13:56Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221129835
Russian Foreign Policy in Latin America and the Caribbean in the
Twenty-first Century
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  Authors: Ekaterina Kosevich
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  A comprehensive examination of Russia's foreign policy in Latin America and the Caribbean shows that, while interstate relations varied in the first quarter of the twenty-first century with shifts in the international environment and the foreign and domestic sociopolitical situation, this policy was symbolic, ill-considered, and reactive. Post-Soviet Russia has not created a system of partnerships in the region that would ensure the stability of foreign policy outcomes in the face of fluctuations of the regional conjuncture.Un análisis exhaustivo de la política exterior de Rusia en América Latina y el Caribe muestra que, si bien las relaciones interestatales variaron en el primer cuarto del siglo XXI con cambios en el entorno internacional y la situación sociopolítica exterior e interna, esta política fue simbólica, poco recomendable y reactiva. La Rusia postsoviética no ha creado un sistema de asociaciones en la región que garantice la estabilidad de los resultados en política exterior ante las fluctuaciones de la coyuntura regional.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-11-21T05:47:55Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221138285
Commentary
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  Authors: George Leddy
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-11-01T12:42:10Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131518
The Effects of Postconflict Memory: Forced Sterilization in Peru
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  Authors: Alejandra Ballón Gutiérrez, Mariana Ortega-Breña
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Forced sterilization was common practice in Peru in the 1990s, especially under the national reproductive health and family planning program developed in the midst of the armed conflict (1980–2000). However, in spite of the concomitant serious violations of fundamental rights, this practice was not included in the investigations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Recently published images, videos, testimonies, and texts provide new evidence regarding the role of the armed forces in these eugenic procedures, the largest state-run population control program in the Americas.La esterilización forzada fue una práctica común en el Perú durante la década de 1990, especialmente dentro del marco del programa nacional de salud reproductiva y planificación familiar que se desarrolló en medio del conflicto armado (1980-2000). Sin embargo, a pesar de las concomitantes graves violaciones a los derechos humanos fundamentales, esta práctica no fue incluida en las investigaciones de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación. Imágenes, videos, testimonios y textos recientemente publicados nos dan nuevas evidencias en torno al papel de las fuerzas armadas en estos procedimientos eugenésicos y lo que fuera el programa estatal de control de población más grande de las Américas.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-31T11:56:27Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221133839
False Generosity: A Freirean Reflection on Food Aid and Lima’s
Comedores Populares
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  Authors: Sarah Rachelle Renkert
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Paulo Freire is known for his liberatory approach to education. Less discussed are his reflections on charitable giving, aid, and welfare programs, which he criticizes for their “false generosity.” He argues that superficially generous acts of giving are often false in that they serve to uphold uneven power dynamics and the economic status quo, maintaining the oppressed in a position of manipulability and dependency. The distribution of aid by populist state actors is often rife with paternalistic false generosity, allowing politicians to use their positions of power to reap benefits from recipients. Peru’s state-sponsored comedores populares (communal kitchens that distribute state-subsidized food aid) have employed false generosity to build political loyalty in seeking to control an unpaid labor force that maintains a seemingly benevolent image of the generous state.Paulo Freire es conocido por su liberador enfoque en torno a la educación. Menos discutidas son sus reflexiones sobre las donaciones caritativas, la ayuda y los programas de bienestar, asuntos que criticó como basados en una “falsa generosidad”. Según él, los actos caritativos superficialmente generosos a menudo resultan falsos en tanto permiten conservar una dinámica de poder desigual y el status quo económico, manteniendo a los oprimidos en una posición de manipulabilidad y dependencia. La distribución de la ayuda por parte de actores estatales populistas a menudo está plagada de una falsa generosidad paternalista, asunto que permite a los políticos usar su posición de poder para obtener beneficios de quienes la reciben. Los comedores populares patrocinados por el Estado en Perú (cocinas comunales que distribuyen ayuda alimentaria subsidiada por el gobierno) han empleado dicha falsa generosidad para construir lealtad política en un intento por controlar una fuerza laboral no remunerada y mantener, a la vez, una imagen aparentemente benevolente de un Estado generoso.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-27T12:53:07Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221128792
Victims and Ex-Combatants in Colombia: The Aulas de Paz Model of Truth,
Forgiveness, and Reconciliation
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  Authors: Juan Camilo Gaviria, Laura Baron Mendoza, James Meernik
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  In recent years there has been increasing interest in the interactions and relationships between victims of armed conflict and former members of armed nonstate actors. For many survivors, a critical element of restoration and repair is coming to terms with the violence that was visited upon them. At the same time, many of those who took part in acts of violence have sought to account for and apologize for their behavior—to unburden themselves of their knowledge, recover their own lost humanity, and be reconciled with those whom they victimized. The victim and the perpetrator are both vital elements in any effort at truth telling and reconciliation and ultimately the successful reincorporation of ex-combatants into the population. The method used by Aulas de Paz (Classrooms of Peace) in Colombia is effective in fostering interaction between ex-combatants and victims that can contribute to truth, forgiveness, and reconciliation. It is a theoretically grounded strategy of individual and collective healing that can help advance restorative justice in states affected by armed conflict.Los últimos años han visto un creciente interés en las interacciones y relaciones entre víctimas de conflictos armados y antiguos miembros de actores armados no estatales. Para muchos sobrevivientes, aceptar la violencia que se les impuso resulta un elemento crítico para la restauración y reparación. Al mismo tiempo, muchos de quienes participaron en actos de violencia han buscado rendir cuentas y disculparse por su comportamiento con el objeto de librarse de su conocimiento, recuperar la propia humanidad perdida y reconciliarse con aquellos a quienes victimizaron. La víctima y el perpetrador son elementos vitales en cualquier esfuerzo por hablar la verdad, fomentar la reconciliación y, en última instancia, reincorporarar exitosamente a los excombatientes a la población. El método utilizado por Aulas de Paz en Colombia fomenta de manera efectiva la interacción entre excombatientes y víctimas, asunto que puede contribuir a la verdad, el perdón y la reconciliación. Se trata de una estrategia teóricamente fundamentada de sanación individual y colectiva que puede promover la justicia restaurativa en los estados afectados por conflictos armados.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-20T01:01:05Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131046
Implementing Limited E-participation on Mobility Policy in Bogotá
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  Authors: Dustin Robertson
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The ability of city dwellers to participate in decisions about mobility is a crucial expression of urban democracy. Optimists hope that e-participation—engagement of citizens through information and communication technologies—can deepen democracy and empower the public by giving it a greater decision-making role. In Bogotá, Colombia, during the second administration of the center-right mayor Enrique Peñalosa (2016–2019), however, government agencies implemented limited and constrained forms of e-participation that failed to deliver on this promise. Beyond the perennial digital divide, e-participation was designed and operationalized in ways that restricted the scope for actual democratic improvements. These included limiting participation to superficial decisions, failing to link participation to specific actions, and creating rigorous participation protocols that excluded a majority of the population and avoided dissent.La capacidad de los habitantes citadinos para participar en las decisiones que afectan la movilidad es una expresión crucial de la democracia urbana. Los optimistas esperan que la participación electrónica (el compromiso de los ciudadanos a través de las tecnologías informáticas y de comunicación) pueda profundizar dicha democracia y empoderar al público al otorgarle un mayor papel en la toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, en Bogotá, Colombia, durante la segunda administración del alcalde de centroderecha Enrique Peñalosa (2016-2019), las agencias gubernamentales implementaron formas limitadas y restringidas de participación electrónica que no cumplieron esta promesa. Más allá de la perenne brecha digital, la participación electrónica se diseñó y puso en práctica de forma que pudiera restringirse el alcance de las mejoras democráticas reales. Estas tácticas incluyeron limitar la participación a decisiones superficiales, no establecer vínculos entre la participación y acciones específicas, así como rigurosos protocolos de participación que excluyeran a la mayor parte de la población y evitaran la disensión.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-15T11:41:09Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221129609
Power, Legitimacy, and Institutions in the October 2019 Uprising in Chile
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  Authors: César Guzmán-Concha
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The 2019 uprising in Chile was the outcome of an erosion of political arrangements and the politicization of popular unrest that developed over three decades. Two explanations for it—the political mobilization of the groups that emerged from the neoliberal reforms (the “new people” approach) and the mismatch between institutions and society (the “decoupling” approach)—can be reconciled by emphasizing the connections between elite and popular politics. Analyzing the long-standing relationship between power, legitimacy, and political institutions provides a framework for understanding this and other events of massive unrest.El levantamiento de 2019 en Chile resultó de una erosión de los acuerdos políticos y la politización del malestar popular desarrollado a lo largo de tres décadas. Podemos reconciliar dos de las explicaciones al respecto—la movilización política de los grupos surgidos de las reformas neoliberales (el enfoque de la “gente nueva”) y el desajuste entre las instituciones y la sociedad (el enfoque de “desacoplamiento”)—si enfatizamos las conexiones entre la élite y la política popular. El análisis de la relación de larga data entre el poder, la legitimidad y las instituciones políticas nos proporciona un marco posible para entender este y otros eventos de disturbios masivos.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-09-23T06:36:20Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124919
Place, Violence, and Resistance: Impacts of Mining in the Chilean Andes
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  Authors: Anita Carrasco
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The indigenous community of Estación San Pedro has turned a sense of place into an act of resistance to the impacts of mining on its homeland in the Chilean Andes. In 2007 San Pedrinos wrote to the headquarters of Chile’s National Copper Corporation claiming compensation for historical dispossession of water, forced migration from their homeland, and the disintegration of their traditional way of life. San Pedrinos continue to return to their homeland despite the mining corporation’s historical attempts to obliterate them.La comunidad indígena de Estación San Pedro ha convertido su sentido de lugar en un acto de resistencia ante los impactos de la minería en su tierra natal, localizada en los Andes chilenos. En 2007, los san pedrinos escribieron a la sede de la Corporación Nacional del Cobre de Chile exigiendo una compensación por el despojo histórico de agua, la migración forzada de su lugar natal y la desintegración de su forma de vida tradicional. Los san pedrinos continúan regresando a su tierra natal a pesar de los intentos históricos de la corporación minera por destruirlos.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-09-21T12:15:47Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124921
Building a Culture of Peace: The San José de Apartadó Peace
Community
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  Authors: Malely Linares Sánchez, Inmaculada Postigo Gómez, Román D. Moreno Fernández
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The case of the Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó (San José de Apartadó Peace Community) in the Urabá region of Antioquia, Colombia—a geostrategic territory disputed by various actors in conflict—calls attention to the importance of the transformation and handling of social and political conflicts and building a culture of peace.El caso de la Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó en la región de Urabá en Antioquia, Colombia, un territorio geoestratégico disputado por diversos actores en conflicto, nos remite a la importancia de la transformación y manejo de los conflictos sociales y políticos, así como la construcción de una cultura de paz.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-09-02T10:32:12Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221120000
Cross-Border Social Practices of Mexican Merchant Women
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  Authors: Marlene Celia Solís Pérez, Martha García Ortega, Félix Acosta Díaz, Gerardo Ordóñez Barba
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The results of a qualitative study of cross-border social practices of Mexican women engaged in small-scale trade on Mexico’s northern and southern borders reveal that, although their social practices are a response to an instrumental rationality and imply a certain economic autonomy, they develop on the basis of agency and social networks that enable reproduction of reciprocal relations and family livelihood strategies as types of informal labor, giving rise to a form of globalization from below.Los resultados de un estudio cualitativo de las prácticas sociales transfronterizas de las mujeres mexicanas dedicadas al comercio a pequeña escala en las fronteras norte y sur de México revelan que, si bien sus prácticas sociales son en respuesta a una racionalidad instrumental e implican una cierta autonomía económica, dichas prácticas se desarrollan sobre la base de la agencia, así como redes sociales que permiten la reproducción de las relaciones recíprocas y estrategias de subsistencia familiar como tipos de trabajo informal. Todo ello da lugar a una forma de globalización desde abajo.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-06-25T04:00:42Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221106160
The Central American Exodus and the Labor Border: U.S. Border Control
Outsourcing in Southern Mexico
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  Authors: Anna Mary Garrapa
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The “labor border” is an analytical tool, a legal device for controlling incoming migration flows through government initiatives related to the employment system. Two programs for temporary legalization of migrants implemented by the Mexican government in the context of the so-called Central American exodus—the Estas en Tu Casa (You Are at Home) plan and the Emisión de Tarjetas de Visitante por Razones Humanitarias (Issuance of Visitor Cards for Humanitarian Reasons) program—are examples of such devices. A review based on recent research on their impacts on the mobility of migrants as they cross the southern Mexican border on their way to the United States contributes to the debate over the outsourcing of border controls in the framework of the dependent relationship between Mexican migration policy and U.S. security strategy.La “frontera laboral” es una herramienta analítica, un dispositivo legal para controlar los flujos migratorios entrantes a través de iniciativas gubernamentales relacionadas con el sistema de empleo. Dos programas de legalización temporal de migrantes implementados por el gobierno mexicano en el contexto del llamado éxodo centroamericano—el plan Estas en Tu Casa y el programa Emisión de Tarjetas de Visitante por Razones Humanitarias—son un ejemplo de dichos dispositivos. Una revisión basada en investigaciones recientes sobre sus impactos en la movilidad de los migrantes al cruzar la frontera sur de México en su camino hacia los Estados Unidos contribuye al debate sobre la externalización de los controles fronterizos en el marco de la relación de dependencia entre la política migratoria mexicana y la estrategia de seguridad de los Estados Unidos.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-06-25T04:00:22Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221106169
Governance, Participation, and Hegemony: Governing Cananea and the Sonora
River Region
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  Authors: Valeria Guarneros-Meza
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Building upon critical debates on network governance in policy making and complementary debates on corporate social responsibility in Mexican mining, a study of the municipality of Cananea and the Sonora River region of Mexico indicates that the (mis)management of information and implementation of participatory mechanisms produced administrative domination in the relationships between government authorities and the mining corporation. Gramscian understandings of hegemony have limitations when dealing with decentered relations beyond state actors. Therefore, Foucauldian concepts of governmentality are useful to complement understandings of power relations in governance arrangements.A partir de los debates críticos sobre la gobernanza de redes en la formulación de políticas y debates complementarios sobre la responsabilidad social corporativa en la minería mexicana, un estudio en torno al municipio de Cananea y la región del río Sonora, en territorio mexicano, argumenta que el (mal) manejo de la información y la implementación de mecanismos participativos produjeron dominación administrativa en las relaciones entre las autoridades gubernamentales y la corporación minera. Las interpretaciones gramscianas de la hegemonía se topan con limitantes cuando se trata de relaciones descentradas que van más allá de los actores estatales. Por lo tanto, los conceptos foucaultianos de la gubernamentalidad son útiles para complementar la comprensión de las relaciones de poder en los acuerdos de gobernanza.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-06-24T01:08:09Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221106146
The Fourth Transformation and the Trajectory of Neoliberalism in Mexico
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  Authors: Richard W. Coughlin
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The 2018 electoral victories of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (hereafter, AMLO) and his political party, Morena, may represent a significant inflection point in the development of neoliberalism in Mexico. The trajectory of neoliberalism has unfolded in terms of what Nils Gilman refers to as the “twin insurgency”—a plutocratic insurgency that, since the 1970s, has been restructuring capitalism on a transnational basis and a criminal insurgency that has flourished within the denationalized social spaces of neoliberalism. López Obrador’s national project, termed “the Fourth Transformation,” is an effort to anchor processes of capital expansion in Mexico within a restoration of political community centered on AMLO’s policy agenda and political rhetoric. In a broader context, it is also a process of state transformation historically shaped by the twin insurgency and characterized by the emergence of new hybrid modes of organized violence.Las victorias electorales de 2018 de Andrés Manuel López Obrador (en adelante, AMLO) y su partido político, Morena, pueden representar un punto de inflexión significativo en el desarrollo del neoliberalismo en México. La trayectoria del neoliberalismo se ha desarrollado en términos de lo que Nils Gilman llama la “insurgencia gemela”, una insurgencia plutocrática que, desde la década de 1970, ha reestructurado el capitalismo sobre una base transnacional y una insurgencia criminal que ha florecido dentro de los espacios sociales desnacionalizados del neoliberalismo. El proyecto nacional de López Obrador, denominado “la Cuarta Transformación”, es un esfuerzo por anclar los procesos de expansión de capital en México dentro de una restauración de la comunidad política centrada en la agenda política y la retórica política de AMLO. En un contexto más amplio, también es un proceso de transformación estatal históricamente moldeado por la insurgencia gemela y caracterizado por el surgimiento de nuevos modos híbridos de violencia organizada.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-06-04T10:10:31Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221103875
Introduction: Social Struggle in Neoliberal Central America
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  Authors: Adrienne Pine
  First page: 3
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-31T11:51:17Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131506
Worker Resistance in the Formation of the Maquiladora Enclave: in Honduras
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  Authors: Mateo Crossa Niell
  First page: 16
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  In contrast to the triumphalist corporate view that regularly champions the maquiladora industry as a lever of economic progress for Honduras, the maquila has caused fragmentation of production and widespread pauperization of social life, epitomizing an enclave economy aimed at international markets and threatening the very lives of workers. Substantial worker resistance has been characteristic of the maquila throughout its history.Contra la visión empresarial y triunfalista de la industria maquiladora como una palanca de progreso económico para Honduras, la maquila ha provocado la fragmentación productiva y una pauperización extendida de la vida social, representando de esta manera el galardón de una economía de enclave volcada a los mercados internacionales que pone en entredicho la vida misma de los trabajadores. Importantes experiencias de resistencia obrera se han desarrollado en la maquila a lo largo de su historia.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-07-26T10:23:17Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221114808
The Fight to End Neoliberal Madness in Honduras
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  Authors: Adrienne Pine
  First page: 33
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  While limited in numbers, unionized workers at the two psychiatric hospitals in Honduras have had an important impact in the evolving struggle to improve conditions in their facilities and their country. In the 57 years since the union was formed, its members have modified their strategies in response to major political changes, including the implementation of neoliberal policies led by international financial institutions, and the 2009 coup. The union has fought to achieve better conditions for workers and patients while facing serious challenges, including a context of institutional psychiatry that has dramatically failed to meet the mental health care needs of the Honduran population over the past century and neoliberal policies that have increased structural vulnerability, trauma, and the incidence of associated embodied manifestations—including mental illness—among Hondurans while increasing stigma against the mentally ill and drastically weakened the infrastructure and quality of health care through defunding and privatization.Aunque limitados en número, los trabajadores sindicalizados en los dos hospitales psiquiátricos de Honduras han tenido un impacto importante en la lucha progresiva por mejorar las condiciones en las instalaciones y su país. En los 57 años transcurridos desde la formación del sindicato, sus miembros han modificado sus estrategias en respuesta a los principales cambios políticos, incluyendo la implementación de políticas neoliberales liderada por instituciones financieras internacionales, y el golpe de estado de 2009. La lucha militante del sindicato por mejorar las condiciones para los trabajadores y los pacientes ha enfrentado serios desafíos. Estos incluyen un contexto de psiquiatría institucional que ha fracasado dramáticamente, probándose incapaz de satisfacer las necesidades de atención de salud mental de la población hondureña durante el siglo pasado, así como las políticas neoliberales que han aumentado la vulnerabilidad estructural, el trauma y la incidencia de manifestaciones somáticas asociadas (como las enfermedades mentales) entre los hondureños. Al mismo tiempo el neoliberalismo ha aumentado el estigma contra los enfermos mentales, mientras que la infraestructura y la calidad de la atención a la salud se han debilitado drásticamente a raíz de la desfinanciación y la privatización.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-11-09T02:08:41Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131516
Water and Socio-Environmental Crisis in Guatemala City’s
Metropolitan Area
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  Authors: Patrick Illmer
  First page: 55
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The water crisis in Guatemala City’s metropolitan area reflects the interaction of two dimensions of the deployment of power in low-income neighborhoods—the direct exercise of power over actors and spaces by elites or political centers and micropolitical operations. This interaction produces patterns of behavior that deepen socio-spatial segregation, social fragmentation, and the delimitation of horizons of political possibility among broad sectors of the urban population.La crisis del agua en el área metropolitana de la Ciudad de Guatemala refleja la interacción de dos dimensiones a partir del despliegue del poder en barrios de bajos ingresos—esto es, el ejercicio directo del poder sobre actores y espacios por parte de élites o centros políticos y operaciones micropolíticas. Esta interacción produce patrones de comportamiento que profundizan la desegregación socio-espacial, la fragmentación social y la delimitación de horizontes de posibilidad política entre amplios sectores de la población urbana.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-09-03T11:55:07Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221120014
Defending Territory, Challenging Neoliberalism in Postwar Guatemala:
Peaceful Resistance La Puya
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  Authors: Patrick Illmer
  First page: 71
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Beyond the more spontaneous and reactive urban mass protests against corruption, the most sustained and explicit challenge to neoliberal policies in postwar Guatemala has been advanced by rural communities. As the case of Peaceful Resistance La Puya and its opposition to a mining project indicates, this form of agency has gone beyond indigenous territories to localized resistances in areas of mixed or primarily ladino population. A key factor in explaining the persistence of this process of defense of territory is the emphasis its members put on preserving the strong horizontal features of their locally rooted mobilizing structure. This has reinforced their antagonistic position toward the promoters of the mining project while encouraging the appropriation of the struggle among community members.Más allá de las masivas protestas urbanas de índole más espontáneo y reactivo contra la corrupción, el desafío más sostenido y explícito a las políticas neoliberales en la Guatemala de la posguerra ha sido aquel promovido por las comunidades rurales. Como indica el caso de Resistencia Pacífica La Puya y su oposición a un proyecto minero, esta forma de agencia ha trascendido los territorios indígenas para dar lugar a resistencias localizadas en áreas de población mixta o principalmente ladina. Un factor clave para explicar la persistencia de esta defensa del territorio es el énfasis que sus miembros ponen en preservar las fuertes características horizontales de su estructura de movilización, arraigada localmente. Esto ha reforzado su posición antagónica hacia los promotores del proyecto minero al tiempo que fomenta la apropiación de la lucha por miembros de la comunidad.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-09-28T07:27:45Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124540
La red que crece: Platform Politics and Social Struggle in Neoliberal
Guatemala
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  Authors: Eric Sippert
  First page: 107
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Free-trade policies have opened the Guatemalan economy to international forces and sparked massive internal and international migration, creating new forms of social struggle produced by and engaging with these processes. A review of the 2008 advent of a grassroots organization in Western Highland Guatemala involved in binational United States–Guatemalan fair trade and migrant and solidarity organizing uses the concept of the platform instead of the network to highlight continuities and ruptures between past and present struggles. This perspective disrupts the vertical/horizontal dichotomy in social movement studies and sheds light on the effects of technological change on grassroots resistance to neoliberalism.Las políticas de libre comercio han abierto la economía guatemalteca a las pujanzas internacionales y provocado una migración masiva tanto interna como internacional, creando nuevas formas de lucha social producidas por y comprometidas con estos procesos. Este repaso del advenimiento, en 2008, de una organización de base en las Tierras Altas Occidentales de Guatemala involucrada en promover el comercio justo binacional entre Estados Unidos y Guatemala, así como la organización migrante y los nexos de solidaridad, utiliza el concepto de la plataforma en lugar de la red para resaltar las continuidades y rupturas entre luchas pasadas y presentes. Esta perspectiva irrumpe en la dicotomía vertical/horizontal subyacente a los estudios de movimientos sociales y nos brinda una perspectiva sobre los efectos del cambio tecnológico en las resistencias de base al neoliberalismo.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:42:05Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221128536
Poisonous Exports: Pesticides, Peasants, and Conservation Paradigms in
Guatemala
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  Authors: Liza Grandia
  First page: 124
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  U.S. intervention in Guatemala’s agricultural autonomy over the past 80 years has been a toxic blend of commission and omission. From the Green Revolution on, the United States has exported both harmful pesticides and ideological frameworks to persuade indigenous and other locally rooted small farmers to abandon traditional, chemical-free agriculture. Although U.S.-funded programs suggested that with proper labor protocols agrochemicals can be applied without harm on export plantations, there are no conditions for "safe use" under real-life conditions for small subsistence farmers, many of whom live in close proximity to protected areas. Transnational biodiversity conservation organizations have remained oddly silent on this issue, and indigenous and peasant movements have not yet mobilized against pesticides because of a paucity of information about their dangers and the “slow” violence of their impacts on health. To decolonize agriculture and conservation will require a more inclusive environmentalism aligned with peasant movements that take seriously the real conditions of risk and vulnerability in the majority-Maya Guatemalan countryside.La intervención estadounidense en la autonomía agrícola de Guatemala en los últimos 80 años ha sido una mezcla tóxica de comisiones y omisiones. A partir de la Revolución Verde en adelante, Estados Unidos ha exportado tanto pesticidas dañinos como marcos ideológicos para persuadir a los pequeños agricultores indígenas y otros agricultores con arraigo local de abandonar la agricultura tradicional y libre de químicos. Aunque los programas financiados por Estados Unidos sugirieron que, siguiendo los protocolos laborales adecuados, no había peligro en utilizar agroquímicos en las plantaciones de exportación, no existen condiciones para su “uso seguro” en contextos de la vida real tal y como atañe a los pequeños agricultores de subsistencia, muchos de quienes viven muy cerca de áreas protegidas. Las organizaciones transnacionales de conservación de la biodiversidad han permanecido extrañamente silenciosas respecto al tema, y los movimientos indígenas y campesinos aún no se han movilizado contra los pesticidas debido a la poca información sobre sus peligros, así como la “lenta” violencia de sus impactos en la salud. Una descolonización de la agricultura y la conservación requerirá de un ambientalismo más inclusivo y alineado con los movimientos campesinos; uno que tome en cuenta las condiciones reales de riesgo y vulnerabilidad en el campo guatemalteco, con su población mayoritariamente maya.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:34:45Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124535
Violence without Truce: Hondurans in the Gulf of Mexico Corridor
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  Authors: María Teresa Rodríguez L.
  First page: 153
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  The Mexican states of Chiapas and Tabasco have for decades been linked to Central American migrations, largely through cross-border labor mobility. Today, however, the diversification of receiving areas in Mexico requires focusing attention on how the dynamics of mobility, settlement, and/or transit impact new contexts. The state of Veracruz, part of the so-called Gulf of Mexico corridor that connects the country’s southern and northern borders on the east, has emerged as an unplanned destination—a place of temporary or permanent residence—for Central American migrants, especially Hondurans. Examination of the types of violence experienced by in-transit undocumented migrants and temporary or permanent residents in the area shows how the coercive migration policies of the Mexican government contribute to maintaining a continuum of violence that affects people “trapped in mobility.”Los estados mexicanos de Chiapas y Tabasco han estado vinculados durante décadas a las migraciones centroamericanas, en gran parte a través de la movilidad laboral transfronteriza. Hoy, sin embargo, la diversificación de las áreas receptoras en México requiere que enfoquemos la atención en cómo la dinámica de movilidad, asentamiento y/o tránsito impacta en nuevos contextos. El estado de Veracruz, parte del llamado corredor del Golfo de México que conecta las fronteras sur y norte del país en el lado este, se ha convertido en un destino no planificado, un lugar de residencia temporal o permanente, para los migrantes centroamericanos, especialmente los hondureños. Un análisis de los tipos de violencia que experimentan los migrantes indocumentados en tránsito y los residentes temporales o permanentes en la zona muestra cómo las políticas migratorias coercitivas del gobierno mexicano contribuyen a mantener un ciclo de violencia que afecta a aquellos “atrapados en la movilidad”.
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-09-13T08:33:14Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221120007
Culture and Indigenous Craftwork by Kuna Women: A Decolonial, Feminist
Perspective
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  Authors: Márcia Alves da Silva, Nick Ortiz
  First page: 186
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  Craftwork, the production of embroideries known as molas, is the principal product of the Kuna people of Panama, and it is performed exclusively by women. Kuna craftwork sheds light on a model of social organization centered on the matriarchal. The division of labor by sex assigns different tasks to men and women but, in contrast to those of other societies, does not hierarchize them. Kuna communities are evidence that equality can be established in productive relationships, and they have historically resisted patriarchal domination (both territorial and political).O artesanato, nomeadamente a produção de bordados denominados molas, é o produto principal do povo Kuna de Panamá que é confeccionado exclusivamente pelos mulheres. O artesanato Kuna traz à tona um modelo de constituição social baseado no matriarcado. Diferentemente de outras sociedades, a divisão sexual do trabalho na sociedade Kuna separam as atividades de homens e mulheres mas não as hierarquiza. Portanto, as comunidades Kuna são a prova de que a igualdade se pode estabelecer dentro de relações produtivas e que esse povo vêm resistindo a processos de dominação patriarcais (tanto territoriais como políticos).
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-25T12:50:40Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221132757
Book Review: A Reinterpretation of Panamanian Transitism
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  Authors: Azael Carrera Hernández
  First page: 201
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:44:33Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221129844
Book Review: Images of Latin America
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  Authors: Donald W. Bray, Marjorie W. Bray, Timothy F. Harding
  First page: 202
  Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
  
  Citation: Latin American Perspectives
  PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:29:43Z
  DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221121657