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Authors:Yi-Hui Christine Huang, Yu Hong, Fen Lin, Zhao Alexandre Huang, Jian Lin Pages: 3 - 6 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Volume 7, Issue 1, Page 3-6, March 2022.
Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-03-12T12:47:43Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473221085758 Issue No:Vol. 7, No. 1 (2022)
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Authors:R S Zaharna, Zhao Alexandre Huang First page: 7 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. Professor R. S. Zaharna is a leading scholar in international communication and public diplomacy. She has witnessed the rapid development of public diplomacy since 2001 and has been committed to researching different communication logics in public diplomacy. In recent years, she has begun to explore the boundaries of public diplomacy theory, aiming to expand the conceptual scope of public diplomacy, advocating a relational shift in conventional public diplomacy studies, and reflecting on the limitations of the actor-centered approach in international communication. In this interview, Professor Zaharna shared her definition of public diplomacy and discussed how relations, connectivity, and interactivity will be indispensable in public diplomacy research and practice. She also analyzed the limitations of the actor-centered public diplomacy research and explained three communication logics in humanity-centered diplomacy. For her, humanity-centered public diplomacy responds to the needs of human societies, harnessing our capacity to collaborate in collective decision-making and problem-solving. In this case, communication is not about agency or control but about navigating the connectivity and interactivity made possible by digitalization, emphasizing horizontal social collaboration, and observing relational constellations and dynamics. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-02-10T08:22:33Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473221078619
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Authors:Satofumi Kawamura, Koichi Iwabuchi First page: 15 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. This article considers how digital media communication reconfigures a “neo-nationalist subject” in the Japanese context. A neo-nationalist subject is not the so-called modern national subject that maintains a shared, collective identity as the rationale regulating his or her decisions and behavior, but rather is a fragmented subject that, in view of “the decline of symbolic efficiency,” is open to discourses that others are in effect stealing his or her “enjoyment” (jouissance). Starting from an overview of the rise of cyber-nationalism and the popularity of neoliberal authoritarian governance in Japan since the 1990s, we explore how affect-driven digital media environments promoted by a neoliberal economy produce neo-nationalist subjects who attribute responsibility for their dissatisfaction with life to others, and whose self-defensive “drive” functions as the primary support of the culture of hate and modern racism. In this way, we offer an account for the intersection of nationalism, jingoism, and populism in the digital age. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-02-05T05:07:23Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473211073932
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Authors:Joshua P Ewalt First page: 27 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. This essay explores the mapping of power geometries as public rhetoric within People’s Tribune’s coverage of Benton Harbor, Michigan. In doing so, the essay demonstrates three techniques for mapping power geometries: that they (a) oscillate between spatial scales, thereby managing a tension between framing place as unique and common to a broader geography; (b) articulate regions so as to locate the power dynamics of the nation; and (c) connect the place to a power geometry of resistance. Mapping power geometries also enables the production of a multi-scalar public: a set of strangers who understand their relationship to each other through a shared, yet differentiated, connection to variously scaled issues. The analysis consequently contributes to existing literature regarding spatial scale, the use of place-based argument in social movement rhetoric, and the formation of multi-scalar publics. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-01-29T10:29:15Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473221074814
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Authors:José van Dijck, Jian Lin First page: 59 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. In this interview, José van Dijck distinguishes the concept of deplatformization from deplatforming and platformization. It describes the phenomena of the systematic pushing back of controversial platforms and their communities to the edge of the platform ecosystem, dominated by mainstream platforms (such as Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon, and Microsoft). Deplatformization further demonstrates the hierarchical power relations within the global platform ecosystem and the complexity of platform governability. From the European perspective, van Dijck argues that public values and public institutions should play more active role in platform governance. The recent Russia–Ukraine war also indicates the vulnerability brought by such co- and inter-dependence on American platforms. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-05-20T06:36:55Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473221102199
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Authors:Tsukasa Tanihara First page: 67 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. This study investigates the bias of Twitter as an agenda-setter during COVID-19. Specifically, we analyze the agenda-setting function of Twitter (Study 1) and characteristics of information disseminators on Twitter, agenda-builders (Study 2), related to the COVID-19 pandemic. In Study 1, we examined rank correlations between the media agendas on COVID-19 and public agendas. The results indicated that Twitter agendas resonate with those who have liberal tendencies. In Study 2, we used data from the Internet survey to identify the political attitudes of agenda-builders who tweet or retweet on COVID-19. The results of the model analyses indicated that people with liberal tendencies, motivated by their political attitude, created original tweets, and some of those tweets were then retweeted by flaming-oriented people driven by a sense of justice. This seems to be how information about COVID-19 spreads on Twitter in Japan. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-02-22T10:43:01Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473221075846
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Authors:Nguyễn Yến-Khanh First page: 84 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. This study examined the Vietnamese online news media discourse of a child abuse incident at a private autism center. Using framing analysis, the study found the news media frame the child abuse dominantly as a professional misconduct. The study detailed how the media’s blame was directed to the abusive staff and the uninformed parents, not institutional governance and policy loopholes. The study argued that the Vietnamese media focused on constructing ideologies of parental responsibilization and autonomous citizenship rather than state authorities’ accountability. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-04-28T03:29:59Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473221094052
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Authors:Robert S Hinck, Marco Ehrl First page: 97 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. For most of the past two decades, the United States pursued a policy leveraging its traditional NATO partners to secure Afghanistan’s future against the Taliban with little lasting success. However, in a dramatic reversal of U.S. policy in July 2018, President Trump ordered the start of direct talks between the United States and Taliban with the goal of internationalizing Afghan security. We argue that this move in 2018 by the United States can be understood as an attempt toward forming a transnational community around Afghan security by allowing non-allied nations greater voice and agency in Afghanistan’s political future. However, current theories of transnational public sphere are unable to account for such processes. Thus, the primary aim of this study is development of a theory of transnational foreign policy sphere formation. Drawing upon Wessler et al.’s (2008) four-step process of transnational public sphere development, we conceptualize this process as one of strategic narrative (dis)alignment across and within foreign nations’ media reporting on a common issue of concern. We then use media narratives reporting on Afghanistan’s political future as an empirical case study to demonstrate our theory, by examining over 2000 news articles from 17 different Chinese, Russian, U.S., and Afghani media outlets from February 2017 to January 2020. Theoretically, our study advances research into the transnational public sphere by examining their (dis)formation over time as well as the limits and opportunities of transnational public sphere emergence outside of European contexts and on foreign policy issues among publics with very different sociopolitical interests and cultures. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2022-04-28T03:33:55Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473221094397
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Authors:Jiyoun Suk, David Coppini, Carlos Muñiz, Hernando Rojas First page: 40 Abstract: Communication and the Public, Ahead of Print. The contemporary communication ecology contributes to affective polarization by presenting us with extreme exemplars of disliked groups. News exposure that is associated with political discussion networks is related to greater political knowledge, yet unlike previous eras where political knowledge and tolerance went hand in hand, this is no longer the case. We employ a comparative design to examine this idea among two democracies with differing levels of journalistic professionalism and political system: Mexico and the United States. Results show that greater political knowledge is associated with affective polarization, especially for the United States. Furthermore, there was a significant indirect path between media use and affective polarization, mediated through homogeneous political talk and political knowledge, but not in Mexico. Citation: Communication and the Public PubDate: 2021-12-28T10:38:47Z DOI: 10.1177/20570473211063237
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