Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles) ISSN (Print) 1753-9129 - ISSN (Online) 1753-9137 Published by Oxford University Press[425 journals]
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Pages: 81 - 83 Abstract: AbstractIn this introductory section of the special issue titled “Feminist Political Communication in the Global South” the editors make the case for the broader recognition and deeper examination of feminist political communication across the Global South. Women’s and feminist movements in this context have developed situated knowledges and strategies that make them distinct from the hegemonic (neo)liberal feminisms of the Global North. Furthermore, the recent successes of Global South feminisms demonstrate their ability to influence national and transnational politics in ways that expand freedoms and rights for marginalized constituencies across the world. This special issue offers a glimpse into some of these movements and their political communications, showcasing the political and theoretical value of feminist and women’s rights advocacy. PubDate: Tue, 28 May 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae017 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
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Pages: 84 - 94 Abstract: AbstractThis study presents a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the networked frames built in Twitter trending hashtags by proponents and opponents of abortion legalization in Argentina. The online discourses exemplified the dynamics of networked framing, where activists reshaped their framing of issues through crowdsourcing practices. While both sides focused their attention on defining violence and deservingness, the impact of abortion on democracy, and the appropriate geopolitical scope of the debate, they developed stark oppositional views. Supporters of legalization defined illegal abortion as state-sponsored violence against gestating people and highlighted transnational solidarities. On the other hand, pro-life users identified legal abortion as state-sponsored violence against the unborn and accused pro-abortion politicians of subverting the democratic rights of the pro-life majority. Both movements portrayed themselves as embodying reason and righteousness while projecting negative connotations onto their counterparts. Our findings provide a nuanced examination of the discursive work of Global South feminists whose advocacy shifted policy against formidable opposition. PubDate: Wed, 29 May 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae016 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
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Pages: 95 - 102 Abstract: AbstractIn 2011, protests against rape culture ignited across the globe. Inspired by SlutWalk Toronto (SWT), organizers planned protests that adapted the rhetorical features of SlutWalk to their local contexts. This article examines the visual rhetoric of Marcha das Vadias (MDV), a series of satellite protests in Brazil. I argue that protestors enacted disidentification as a response to the constitutive rhetoric of SlutWalk, bringing into focus how ideologies of race, class, and religion interact with norms of sex and gender to reinforce rape logic. The translation of “slut” to “vadias” centered the linguistic and cultural contexts of contemporary Brazil while maintaining solidarity with the broader SlutWalk movement. Protestors deploy seven rhetorical personae that resituate the constitutive narrative of the movement. Altogether, their performances of personae enact a rhetoric of survivance, which utilizes collectivity, structural critique, non-linear temporality, and storytelling to resist systems of oppression. PubDate: Mon, 10 Jun 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae013 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
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Pages: 103 - 111 Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the continuity of heteropatriarchal discourse within China’s population policies, focusing on the transition from the one-child policy to the current three-children initiative, and women’s responses to these official narratives. Through the lens of Foucauldian bio-politics, the study explores how discursive practices surrounding family planning policy are manipulated to sustain authoritarian rule, linking it with loyalty to the state and fostering an anti-feminist support base that attributes collective feminist movements to “excessive education.” The “optimization” of the family planning policy is analyzed as a discursive construct that conceals dehumanizing policies reducing women to mere reproductive machines, and portraying children solely as future labor force. This paper argues that the digital feminist movement in China is sustained by women’s constant engagement with, and resistance against official narratives that co-opt feminism to serve the state’s bio-political agenda of managing and controlling the female body. PubDate: Fri, 31 May 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae014 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
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Pages: 112 - 119 Abstract: AbstractThis article examines women’s dissonance and refusal of gender hate on LIHKG, a platform converged with local and Global North manospheres that gained prominence for political communication during Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement. Despite criticism for its misogyny, LIHKG witnessed women’s participation during the movement. However, women’s agencies are underexplored by its critics and studies on the manosphere. This study argues that acknowledging dissonance within manospheres redirects focus on the targets of gender hate, specifically women, accentuating the possibilities of feminist intervention within gender hate networks. Employing a digital ethnographic approach, this study contributes by: (1) providing a relational and contextualized understanding of the convergence between manospheres beyond the notion of homogenization; (2) redressing the injustice in hate which obliterates the hated bodies; and (3) breaking the unintended repetition of such injustice in the literature on the manosphere, which has paid little attention on the repugnant women’s agencies. PubDate: Tue, 14 May 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae011 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
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Pages: 120 - 126 Abstract: AbstractThe question of what constitutes solidarity (and what does not) has been a persistent concern for feminist scholars. In this conceptual article, we develop a distinction between superficial feminist solidarity and substantive feminist solidarity, grounded in illustrations of digital resistance during the transnational “Woman, Life, Freedom” feminist movement. The categories of superficial feminist solidarity and substantive feminist solidarity provide a framework for critically distinguishing between the range of actions in the movement and understanding their respective logics, practices, and implications. Superficial feminist solidarity actions may raise awareness, but often do so in the service of building consensus for Western feminism. In contrast, substantive feminist solidarity manifests as anti-colonial praxis that advances demands for social justice through a horizontal dynamic with people subjected to inhumane conditions. PubDate: Mon, 26 Feb 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae003 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
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Pages: 127 - 136 Abstract: AbstractWith all gender bills presented to Nigeria’s Federal House of Assembly rejected in March 2022, women suffered an outrageous backlash in their pursuit of gender egalitarianism. This affirms tokenism and the government’s feigned commitment to gender parity. Reckoning that women’s political participation should augment their political representation, this article interrogates the political communication tactics of selected women in politics and non-state actors who fought for the bills. By engaging methods of critical analysis and reconstructive argumentation, we use the concept of “Feminist African Political Communication” (Feminist Afropolicom) to: (1) foreground African communicative experiences and tactics adopted by the women; (2) interrogate how tokenism trumps women’s political communication; and (3) examine how such tactics address questions of agency, space, and power. PubDate: Fri, 07 Jun 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae018 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
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Pages: 137 - 145 Abstract: AbstractThis article explores digital intimacies within Nigeria’s networked political discourse, focusing on the resurgence of the Feminist Coalition (FemCo), known for their involvement in Nigeria’s 2020 #EndSARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) movement against police brutality, as feminist political subjects during the 2023 election campaigns. It analyzes Twitter-networked interactions as FemCo was unexpectedly thrust into hypervisibility when asked to endorse Peter Obi, the Labor Party’s presidential candidate, despite prior criticism of their #EndSARS activism. Employing close feminist reading and social network analysis of Twitter data, informed by a contextual feminist/computational approach, this article explores how processes of unpredictable digital intimacies and virtual backstabbing unfold when feminist political subjects are exploited by opposing clusters online. Investigating how affects circulate and transform feminist political subjects into bodies of hate/value, this article sheds light on the affective contexts of political communication in Nigeria, beset by a range of actors, including, activists, influencers, and citizen-users, wielding central power. PubDate: Tue, 16 Apr 2024 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/ccc/tcae008 Issue No:Vol. 17, No. 2 (2024)
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
[425 journals]
