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Political Studies
Journal Prestige (SJR): 1.485  Citation Impact (citeScore): 2 Number of Followers: 48  Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)ISSN (Print) 0032-3217 - ISSN (Online) 1467-9248 Published by Sage Publications  [1176 journals]
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- Preparing to Maximise Losers’ Consent in Contested Sovereignty
Referendums: The Potential Case of Referendums on Irish Unification-
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Authors: John Garry, Brendan O’Leary
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Peaceful transitions in power, after elections or referendums, depend upon the acceptance of the outcomes of the contests by those who have lost – a phenomenon known as ‘losers’ consent’. Achieving losers’ consent is arguably most acute in contested sovereignty referendums. A public opinion strategy is required by those who advocate changing the sovereign status of a territory and who are subject to three constraints: (i) their wish to maximise losers’ consent, (ii) their need to retain their support base, and (iii) their need to persuade undecided voters. The strategy involves generating, based on findings from specially designed studies of public opinion, an optimised version of the alternative to the status quo – and advocating that version before the referendum. The strategy in action is illustrated with potential referendums on Irish unification, a ‘typical’ case because it poses the core challenges – on timing, content and persuasion – addressed by our strategy.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-08-14T05:56:00Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241266045
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- The Good Politician: Competence, Integrity and Authenticity in Seven
Democracies-
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Authors: Viktor Valgarðsson, Will Jennings, Gerry Stoker, Lawrence McKay, Daniel Devine, Nick Clarke
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
We explore the characteristics of politicians that make them trusted by citizens, fielding conjoint survey experiments in seven democracies. Studies regularly indicate that competence and integrity are key attributes in the perceived trustworthiness of politicians, but we show that displaying authenticity is also important. Authenticity is about being true to oneself, and in the political context this requires politicians to appear unlike typical politicians and more like ordinary people. We find that some attributes associated with authenticity are as important as competence and integrity, and they appear to be especially important to citizens with lower levels of generalized political trust. These findings suggest that considerations of politicians being ‘in touch with ordinary people’ can matter just as much as more traditional judgements of their honesty and ability to produce outcomes. This has implications for our understanding of political leadership as well as for trust-building strategies.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-08-08T11:47:14Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241261180
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- The COVID-19 Pandemic in Britain: A Competence Shock and Its Electoral
Consequences-
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Authors: Jane Green, Geoffrey Evans, Dan Snow
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Competence shocks cut through partisan and other salient divides to impact party reputations and electoral choice. We examine whether the COVID-19 pandemic was a competence shock in Britain – a context where the issue of Brexit had otherwise dominated and reshaped electoral choice. Using British Election Study panel data between 2019 and 2022, we show that Brexit support had little effect on pandemic performance evaluations, that the pandemic served primarily as a competence shock and that the incumbent Conservative government lost popular support over its handling of the pandemic. The Conservatives were insulated from electoral losses by leader evaluations and by partisanship, but lost more of their newer voters from the 2019 general election. While the pandemic was exceptional, its effects have wider lessons for British politics in the post-Brexit era. The British case also provides insights into how competence shocks can cut through highly salient and otherwise dominant socio-cultural political divides.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-08-08T07:31:50Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241263404
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- The Role of Ethnic Diversity and Residential Segregation in Shaping
Anti-Immigrant Sentiment and Support for Brexit-
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Authors: Magda Borkowska, James Laurence
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
This article explores the relationship between ethnic structure of local areas, anti-immigrant sentiment and Brexit vote among White British in England. We focus on two indicators of ethnic structure: ethnic minority outgroup share and minority–majority segregation. Our findings suggest that local minority share plays a key role in shaping anti-immigrant sentiment and Brexit support. However, how it affects these outcomes is conditional on levels of local residential segregation. It is only residents living in high minority share areas that are residentially segregated who report higher anti-immigrant sentiment and Brexit support. In fact, living in high minority share areas that are residentially integrated appears to improve attitudes and reduce Brexit support.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-07-31T12:06:47Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241261748
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- Populist Attitudes, Conspiracy Beliefs and the Justification of Political
Violence at the US 2020 Elections-
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Authors: Sebastian Jungkunz, Robert A Fahey, Airo Hino
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
The months around the US 2020 presidential election were characterized by polarization, populism, conspiracy theories, and violent acts, far exceeding usual out-party animosity in western democracies. Using an original two-wave panel survey fielded before the election in November 2020 (n = 3111) and after the inauguration in January 2021 (n = 3384), supported with data from the American National Election Study (ANES, n = 3080), we investigate the dynamics of political violence justification and its connection with populist attitudes and conspiracy beliefs. While we find that conspiracy beliefs are associated with higher justification of violence, the relationship with populist attitudes is mixed, and mostly depends on whether people believe in conspiracy theories or not—with populist attitudes being associated with greater political violence justification among those who believe conspiracy theories, while having no or even a negative correlation among those who do not. Finally, results from fixed-effects models provide some evidence for a temporal interpretation of the relationships, indicating that an increase in conspiracy beliefs is strongly and consistently associated with an increased willingness to justify violence.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-07-30T12:27:29Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241259229
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- Europhoria! Explaining Britain’s Pro-European Moment,
1988–1992-
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Authors: James Dennison
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
British attitudes to ‘Europe’ have been long characterised as ‘reluctant’. This article uses a range of qualitative and quantitative sources to describe and explain an anomalous period in which Britons were highly ‘enthusiastic Europeans’. This ‘Europhoria’ is interpreted using an expanded ‘calculation, cues, and community’ theoretical framework, including: (1) calculations driven mainly by anticipation of the ‘1992’ single market launch and ‘social chapter’ and trust engendered by unrealised negative predictions raised during the 1975 referendum; (2) proactive domestic European policy leading to harmonious, influential, insider status; (3) benchmarking of comparable, better performing European economies and (4) newfound belief that Europe was Britain’s most important international community. ‘Europhoria’ interplayed with a sense of European community and geopolitical possibilities stimulated by the fall of the Berlin Wall and unusually ‘European’ cultural trends in media, sports and arts. The reversal of these factors – in some cases at pan-European level – explains the British return to Euroscepticism thereafter. These findings have profound theoretical implications for public attitudes to Europe and historical understandings of Britain and Europe.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-07-27T10:31:21Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241266032
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- Beyond the Ballot: The Impact of Voting Margin and Turnout on the
Legitimacy of Referendum Outcomes in Europe-
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Authors: Sveinung Arnesen, Troy Saghaug Broderstad, Mikael P Johannesson, Jonas Linde
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
This study delves into the criteria under which referendums can legitimise political choices. It employs survey experiments regarding EU membership across seven European nations, focusing on variations in referendum outcomes, majority margins and voter participation. The empirical results reveal a consistent pattern of legitimacy attributed to referendums, emphasising the influence of majority margin and voter turnout. It also uncovers the critical role of status quo bias on outcome favorability and the apprehension regarding false majorities in shaping public acceptance of referendums. This research contributes to understanding the mechanisms by which democratic procedures legitimise political decisions, revealing the nuanced role of referendums in democratic governance.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-07-27T10:24:21Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241266025
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- Why Are Graduates More Socially Liberal' Estimating the Effect of Higher
Education on Political Values Through Variation in University Experience-
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Authors: Ralph Scott
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Previous research has found that attending university results in an individual being more socially liberal and less racially prejudiced, accounting for a variety of alternative explanations. Yet what is it about university that induces this change in political values' This is the question this article addresses, by investigating three variations in university experience – degree subject, geographic mobility and change in social context – through analysis of a British cohort study linked to Census data. Using panel estimation methods, it finds that graduates of arts, humanities and social science subjects become more socially liberal than those studying other subjects, even when accounting for institutional variation, mobility, contextual effects and time-invariant confounding. It therefore makes the case that the effect of university on political values should be considered in part a learning effect: whereby disciplines affect individuals’ worldviews during the ‘impressionable years’.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-07-26T12:28:15Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241266029
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- Radiating Truthiness: Authenticity Performances in Politics in Brazil and
the United States-
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Authors: Henrique Sposito
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Political authenticity is connected to higher levels of political trust from electorates and can influence political outcomes, but it is often overlooked as a relevant factor for electoral behavior. To date, discussions of how authenticity appears and changes in politics typically remain at the theoretical level and are rarely comparative. This article develops a framework to identify and compare how authenticity is performed in political discourses over time and across settings by politicians. To demonstrate the usefulness of the framework, this article investigates authenticity performances in 21,496 political texts of electoral debates, interviews, campaigns, and official speeches by presidents and presidential candidates in Brazil and the United States since 1988. The findings indicate that authenticity is generally performed with greater frequency by presidents and presidential candidates in Brazil than in the United States, though authenticity performances are not more prevalent during election years in either country.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-07-26T12:10:16Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241261229
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- Why Voters Prefer Politicians With Particular Personal Attributes: The
Role of Voter Demand for Populists-
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Authors: Hirofumi Miwa
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Recent studies in democratic countries suggest that voters generally prefer candidates with specific personal attributes, such as being female and young. However, some of these patterns cannot necessarily be explained by voters’ expectations of candidates’ competence. Building on a growing body of literature that addresses populist attitudes as an important factor influencing voters’ political preferences, this study hypothesizes that candidates’ personal attributes shape voters’ perceptions of their populist attitudes and that such perceptions mediate the relationship between personal attributes and voter preferences. A conjoint experiment conducted in Japan showed that several personal attributes substantially influenced candidates’ perceived anti-elitism and people-centrism. An additional experiment to disentangle causal mechanisms suggested that, albeit inconclusive, young candidates were more likely to be preferred because of voters’ expectations of their populist tendencies. Methodologically, this study illustrates advancements in the conjoint experiment design to elucidate causal mechanisms, with a careful discussion of necessary assumptions.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-07-26T10:21:45Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241263295
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- Self-Determination and the Limits on the Right to Include
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Authors: Lior Erez, Ayelet Banai
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
States’ right to exclude prospective members is the subject of a fierce debate in political theory, but the right to include has received relatively little scholarly attention. To address this lacuna, we examine the puzzle of permissible inclusion: when may states confer citizenship on individuals they have no prior obligation to include' We first clarify why permissible inclusion is a puzzle, then proceed to a normative evaluation of this practice and its limits. We investigate self-determination – a dominant principle in theories of the right to exclude – as a normative ground for limits on the right to include. We argue that states’ duties to respect one another’s self-determination yield limits on permissible inclusion. When inclusive policies for citizenship undermine the permissible scope of self-determination of other states, they are impermissible; they should either be prohibited, or require compensation.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-06-17T03:47:34Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241260934
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- Can Empathy Provide a Route to Democratic Inclusivity'
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Authors: Keith Hyams
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
How can democracies promote full consideration of all relevant interests in political decision-making' Is there a role for empathy, especially where there are obstacles to direct inclusion of relevant groups, as for example in the case of future generations and citizens of other countries' Critics of existing uses of empathy in political theory press that limits to our capacity to empathise can lead to bias and partiality. I argue instead for a more nuanced ‘holistic’ approach to the use of empathy into democratic design. The approach recommends, first, that we be sensitive to the potential consequences of catalysing empathy in specific decision-making contexts, rather than making general prescriptions. Second, it asks us to consider how different methods of empathic induction generate insight and motivation of different strength and degrees of generality. Third, the approach proposes not only that empathy be introduced into existing institutions and designs, but that we aim through democratic design to bring patterns of power into closer alignment with naturally occurring patterns of empathy. Fourth, the approach recommends taking a pragmatic view of which interventions might be most useful in any particular institutional context.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-06-17T03:45:52Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241259584
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- ‘We Didn’t Know What We Were Eating Tomorrow’: How Class Origin
Shapes the Political Outlook of Members of the Parliament in Britain-
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Authors: Vladimir Bortun, Aaron Reeves, Sam Friedman
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Most work in political science on class and political ideology is focussed on politicians’ class destination rather than class origins. Yet that is inconsistent with evidence in the case of the United Kingdom that the conditions of someone’s family upbringing do influence their politics. This article revisits the conceptualisation of class background in the current literature by redirecting attention to the sociological concept of class origin. We draw on in-depth interviews with 24 British Members of the Parliament to unpack how these political elites perceive their class background to have affected their political outlook and behaviour. Our results indicate that ‘class origin’ is more salient in the formation of Members of the Parliament’ political outlook than educational or occupational background. The manifestation of this political outlook is constrained, however, by party discipline. This tension in how British Members of the Parliament relate to their class origins has implications for how we think about the power of descriptive representation in politics.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-31T12:37:46Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241257006
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- Where Do They Go and Why, How Do They Vary and What Is Their Impact:
Assessing Leaders’ Campaign Visits in England 2010–2019-
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Authors: David Cutts, Alia Middleton
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Leaders’ visits are now an integral part of British general election campaigns. Yet, outside of a few cross-sectional explorations of leaders on the campaign trail, it remains under-explored. Here, we redress this imbalance. Using a unique data source collected by the authors over the four most recent British general elections, we explore where leaders visit, what determines these visits and whether the reasons have changed over time. For the first time, we also put forward an original typology of leader visits in England. Our findings detail how the type of visit varies over time according to the electoral context, by respective campaign strategies, closeness to election-day and how it is often shaped by the personalities of the leaders themselves. In the final part, our evidence suggests that leaders’ visits impact party support although the effects vary for parties across elections.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-27T12:29:05Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241255025
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- How Attitudes on Gender Identity, Sexuality, and Core Populist Radical
Right Values Combine in Diverging Ideological Constellations Among
Populist Radical Right-Inclined Voters-
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Authors: Nik Linders, Niels Spierings, Stefan Dudink
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
This article addresses three caveats in populist radical right (PRR) voter studies focusing on gender and sexuality: omission of potential voters, representing gender and sexuality as one undifferentiated category, and issue-specific rather than comparative analysis. We use a theory-grounded latent class analysis, based on the Dutch Parliamentary Election Study (2021), to identify voter profiles in terms of how nativism, populism, and gender identity and sexuality attitudes combine differently among citizens who are inclined to vote populist radical right. Empirically, we find distinct profiles in terms of populism, nativism and gender identity and sexuality attitudes: a small minority of gender-and-sexuality-conservatives and larger classes of more modern and moderate potential populist radical right voters; but all clearly nativist. Abstracting from the specific case of the Netherlands, we provide typological descriptions of populist radical right voters that are likely also relevant in other countries.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-27T12:26:44Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241254711
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- The Effect of Spotlight on the Allocation of Voter Attention: Evidence
From Block-Voting Ballots-
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Authors: Yiran Li, Tao Li
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
The prevailing notion in electoral studies suggests that salient candidates boost the visibility of their neighbors on the ballot, whereas the selective visual attention theory from psychology predicts the opposite. This article leverages the unique setting of large Chinese block-voting ballots, which originally came from Europe, to resolve the theoretical controversy. Our findings reveal that conventional ballot position effects persist, with top-listed candidates receiving more votes. More importantly, we demonstrate that a candidate who receives more votes steals the spotlight of the local neighborhood by reducing the votes of her immediate neighbors. The selective visual attention effects vanish in randomly reshuffled placebo ballots yet remain robust when we use pre-election media exposure as an instrumental variable for the votes of spotlight candidates. Our research offers a novel perspective on the interaction between voter attention and candidate positioning, supporting the selective visual attention theory within an electoral context.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-27T12:24:42Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241254335
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- When Weber Meets Habermas: The Effect of Weberian Bureaucracy on
Habermasian Deliberative Quality in International Deliberations-
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Authors: Seebal Aboudounya
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Weber and Habermas have inspired many academic studies. However, the ideas of those two thinkers have not previously been brought together in an international deliberative context. This article allows the ideas of Weber to meet and interact with those of Habermas while studying deliberative quality at an international level. The study is applied to the International Maritime Organisation’s deliberations. Through the content analysis of 1175 speeches, the article arrives at significant results demonstrating the importance of bureaucratic quality for the deliberative performance of the International Maritime Organisation’s member states. The speeches are coded using an amended version of the discourse quality index coding scheme. An amended version of the discourse quality index is developed to make it more useful for an international institutional context. Following the coding process, the quantitative analysis and interview findings demonstrate that meritocratic recruitment and permanent representation both matter for the deliberative performance of the International Maritime Organisation’s member states.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-27T11:52:42Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241255327
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- From ‘Terror State’ to Part of the ‘Jewish-Christian
Civilisation’: Exploring Diversity in the German Far Right’s Position
Towards Israel-
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Authors: Omran Shroufi
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Recent shifts in West Europe have resulted in increasingly pro-Israel far-right parties. While this phenomenon remains under-theorised, existing research suggests the far right’s position is not uniform, and support for Israel is limited to contemporary radical right parties. By contrast, traditional extreme-right parties remain hostile towards Israel. To substantiate these claims, the article focuses on Germany and compares the Israel/Palestine discourse of the radical right Alternative für Deutschland and the extreme right Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands. The article shows how the parties adopt diametrically opposed positions, with the AfD vehemently supporting Israel while the NPD frames Israel as a pariah state. Yet, the article also highlights a similarity in the parties’ discourse, with both framing a racialised ‘other’ as ‘our’ enemy. As such, the article’s findings suggest the radical/extreme divide needs to be treated with caution. Despite adopting contrasting positions towards Israel, German far-right parties continue to have much in common.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-27T11:50:14Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241255326
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- Addressing the Will Theory Challenge to Animal Rights
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Authors: Serrin Rutledge-Prior
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Participants in the long-standing interest/will theory debate, long in disagreement over the function of rights, are united on this point: while the interest theory can accommodate animals, the will theory cannot. Recent scholarship in animal political theory agrees, accounting for animal rights via the interest theory alone. This article offers the first sustained challenge to this position by exploring two interpretations of the will theory. It concludes that only a more moderate interpretation of what it takes to be a competent decision-maker allows us to interpret the will theory in a way that both retains its distinctiveness and conforms to current, mainstream rights discourse. Through a discussion of how we might regard at least certain animals, in certain contexts, as being capable of giving or withholding their consent, the article argues that they should no longer be categorically held as outside the domain of will theory rights-holders.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-21T12:48:36Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241253555
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- The Politics of Blame-Seeking: Strategic Antagonism, Effective Alignment
and Benefitting From Backlash-
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Authors: Matthew Flinders, Markus Hinterleitner
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Why would a politician ever want to be blamed' Under what contextual conditions might blame-seeking behaviour emerge as a rational strategy' What tactics, tools and strategies might they deploy' Where is the empirical evidence of blame-seeking in action and why does it matter' These are the questions this article engages with as it challenges the long-standing ‘self-evident truth’ within political science that blame-is-bad. We argue that a new ‘blame game’ has emerged in which blame generation is deployed not solely to taint opponents but also to demonstrate the blame-seeker’s willingness to challenge convention, break the rules, or side with the marginalized. In a broader context characterized by democratic dissatisfaction, anti-political sentiment and affective polarization, we suggest that blame-seeking assumes a powerful symbolic and performative dimension. Antagonizing certain sections of society and then harnessing the backlash provides a powerful political strategy which challenges traditional scholarly assumptions about credit and blame existing in a zero-sum relationship. We illustrate these arguments using the case of Boris Johnson’s rise to the British premiership. A focus on blame-seeking, we suggest, expands our understanding of what politicians say and do to achieve their goals in polarized political contexts.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-05-08T11:45:47Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241251700
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- Taming Through Support' Youth Organisations and the Impact of Public
Funding on Their Political Activities-
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Authors: Marco Giugni, Maria Grasso
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
This article investigates the relationship between public funding and the political activities of youth organisations in Europe. By analysing original data from a random sample of about 4500 youth organisations in nine countries generated through a content analysis of organisations’ websites, we examine the extent to which they engage in political activities. The analysis provides evidence for a negative impact of public funding on the engagement of youth organisations in political activities. This suggests that receiving financial resources from state institutions may lead to depoliticisation. Moreover, we also show how the effect of public funding is conditional upon the broader context, suggesting that the question of whether public funding encourages or discourages youth organisations to carry out political activities may be contingent on their broader economic and political environment.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-04-29T11:54:00Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241247674
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- Capable but Not Empowered' How Emancipative Values Affect Protest
Participation Across Different Contexts-
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Authors: Carsten Wegscheider, Marlene Mauk
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Political protest and citizen participation are important drivers of democratic change. While previous research has identified both micro-level attitudes such as emancipative values and macro-level factors as drivers of protest behavior, we know little about how citizens’ value-driven motivations interact with the political context. We argue that the effect of emancipative values on protest participation depends on both democratic institutions and the capacity of civil society mobilizations. Specifically, we expect the positive effect of emancipative values to be stronger in countries with higher democratic quality and more pro-democratic mass mobilizations, and weaker in countries with more pro-autocratic mass mobilizations. By combining survey and macro data for 88 democratic and autocratic regimes, we find that citizens’ value orientations interact with democratic quality and the prevalence of pro-autocratic mass mobilizations in shaping protest participation. These results contribute to a better understanding of the structural and societal preconditions for democratic change.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-04-23T06:02:43Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241247377
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- Civility and Environmental Politics
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Authors: Matteo Bonotti, Steven T Zech, Alexander Faehrmann
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
In this article, we offer a normative analysis of environmental politics through the lens of civility. First, we explain what civility is by identifying its three key dimensions: civility as politeness, moral civility and justificatory civility. We then examine various instances of environmental politics and activism through the lens of civility, by focusing on the complex intersections between its three dimensions as well as the hierarchical relationship that exists between them, with moral civility taking precedence over justificatory civility and the latter over civility as politeness. This analysis, we argue, can help us to formulate more nuanced judgements about the desirability of different instances of civil and uncivil environmental politics and activism, and to develop educational strategies for preparing policymakers, environmental activists and citizens more generally to be civil participants in environmental politics.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-04-23T06:00:25Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241243264
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- Well-Being, Harmony, and Deference: Toward a Confucian Case for Empowered
Mini-Publics-
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Authors: Zhichao Tong
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Nearly all debates within contemporary Confucian political theory regarding the full or partial adoption of democracy have understood democracy as electoral representative democracy. Almost no attention has then been paid to how Confucian democracy or Confucian meritocracy would relate to randomly selected deliberative bodies increasingly considered by democratic theorists amid an ongoing reconceptualization of democracy. In this article, I explore such a relationship by presenting a Confucian case for empowered mini-publics. My central claim is that the adoption of this institution can be interpreted in Confucian terms and embraced by Confucian democrats as well as Confucian meritocrats, on the basis of several key Confucian values which they have already employed in defending their respective political proposals. By making this claim, I also demonstrate that one of central institutional innovations originally proposed to alleviate ills facing Western liberal democracies has a broader application and appeal than it has been assumed.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-04-15T03:12:14Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241245347
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- Anti-Immigrant Attitudes and Political Participation in Europe
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Authors: Andrej Kokkonen, Jonas Linde
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
This article investigates the relationship between anti-immigration attitudes and political participation in European democracies. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018), we first show that a participation gap between pro- and anti-immigrant citizens exists for all types of political participation, even though the gap in voting is relatively small. The analyses also show that leftist and centrist anti-immigrant citizens participate less than leftist and centrist pro-immigration citizens, whereas their right-leaning counterparts participate almost as much in politics as do right-leaning pro-immigrant citizens. The observed participation gap points to the fact that there is a reservoir of anti-immigrant leftist and centrist citizens potentially waiting to be mobilized in many European countries.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-29T03:20:10Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241241438
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- Must Refugees Be Grateful'
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Authors: Rebecca Buxton, Matthew J. Gibney
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
The idea that refugees should be grateful is pervasive in popular culture and is also evident in political theory, most notably in discussing whether refugees have an obligation to obey the law in their state of asylum. We examine the normative argument that refugees have a duty to be grateful to their host society, arguing that when the workings of the system of refugee protection are examined, it becomes clear that no such duty exists. Our main concern is that state-imposed barriers and hardships that refugees must endure to access asylum undermine any gratitude to the asylum state. Indeed, if any gratitude duties are owed by refugees, it is to those social actors who help them evade state restrictions. We conclude by suggesting that, once we take account of those features, resentment rather than gratitude often seems a more apt response by refugees to their asylum state.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-29T03:13:49Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241238124
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- When Are Carbon Border Adjustment Measures Just'
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Authors: Pierre André, Alice Pirlot
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Arguments in support of carbon border adjustment measures are often based on considerations of justice. Implementing carbon border adjustment measures would be necessary to, first, promote fair competition between corporations and, second, make carbon pricing instruments more effective and thus prevent the harms of dangerous climate change. Yet, both arguments tend to obscure considerations of distributive justice relative to the burdens of climate policies and the benefits of economic cooperation. In this article, we first explain why the case for carbon border adjustment measures based on the ideal of fair competition between corporations is flawed. Second, if the priority of harm avoidance over fair burden-sharing can justify carbon border adjustment measures, we argue that it does not justify all kinds of carbon border adjustment measures. On the contrary, it puts significant constraints on their design. We contend that just carbon border adjustment measures should include design features that allow for some form of carbon leakage risk, either via country-differentiated prices or via country-specific exemptions.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-21T11:02:10Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241238125
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- Enactors of the State: The Everyday Coproduction of Security in the
Prevention of Radicalisation-
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Authors: Jack Holland, Natalie Higham-James
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Since 2001, studies of (counter)terrorism and (counter)radicalisation have burgeoned. However, at times, these literatures have reduced the agency of ordinary citizens, imagining them as ‘actors of the state’ and ‘petty sovereigns’. By integrating vernacular security approaches with allied research in Education, we develop a novel ontological conceptualisation of ordinary citizens as ‘enactors of the state’, engaged in the everyday coproduction of security. The article presents the findings of a survey, semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and participant observations, conducted in Manchester’s Further Education sector, following the 2017 Arena attack. We capture the security enactments of 95 elites, professionals, teachers, and students. Our data reveal the complex interactions, ensembles, and assemblages at the heart of security’s everyday coproduction. In contrast to existing approaches, we show how this creative dynamic operates through citizens’ variegated imbrications with state policy, complex relationalities, and subtle nuances in everyday enactment.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-14T10:58:34Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241236074
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- Deterrent or Stimulus' How Perceived Societal Stigma Affects Participation
in Populist Radical Right Parties-
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Authors: Sofia Ammassari
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
While the effects of political stigma on populist radical right parties have been extensively investigated, we know little about the impact of societal stigma on populist radical right sympathisers. To examine this, I focus on a key group of populist radical right supporters, party members, and ask: How does perceived societal stigma affect the participation of populist radical right party members' Drawing on stigma research from social psychology and sociology, I develop the following three hypotheses: that stigma will work as a deterrent, as a stimulus, or that it will depend on where populist radical right rank-and-file live. I test these on the League in Italy and the Sweden Democrats, using original membership surveys of over 7800 grassroots members and interviews with 56 of them. The survey shows that perceived societal stigma has a consistent negative correlation with members’ participation. Furthermore, the interviews reveal that this negative relationship is due to stigma deterring participation, rather than participation reducing stigma.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-11T10:40:57Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241234527
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- Foreign Agents' Public Attitudes Toward Nongovernmental Organizations
in a Backsliding Democracy-
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Authors: Asif Efrat, Omer Yair
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
In a backsliding democracy, antidemocratic politicians often vilify nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and impose restrictions that make it harder for them to form, advocate, or obtain funding. Do citizens consider NGOs as a threat' Do they support regulatory measures to restrict NGO activities' We focus on two factors that may influence citizens’ attitudes toward NGOs: these groups’ reliance on foreign funding and their ideological leaning. In a preregistered survey experiment in Israel, we find that citizens perceive foreign-funded NGOs as slightly more threatening, but they are not more likely to support restrictions on these groups than on groups relying on local funding. The ideological bent of the NGOs has a much stronger effect: People perceive NGOs on the other side of the political aisle as more threatening and support restrictions on their activity. Antidemocratic leaders might exploit this type of partisan-motivated reasoning to silence civil society.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-08T10:46:20Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241232933
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- What Explains Interest Group Prominence in Parliamentary Speech' Policy
Agenda, Partisanship, or Conflict Expansion-
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Authors: Darren R. Halpin, Timothy Graham, Bert Fraussen, Max Grömping, Zhiheng Zhou
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Gaining the attention of legislators in a crowded advocacy landscape is a key dilemma for organized interests. Yet, there has not been a great deal of direct analysis of whether groups are indeed recognized as important by politicians in the context of them advancing political arguments. In this article, we examine under what conditions interest groups achieve prominence among political elites. Drawing on a supervised machine learning approach to code prominence from legislative speech, we exploit variations in levels of prominence for the entire Australian interest groups system. We find that prominence is highly concentrated and that it covaries with the need to align with prevailing policy agendas and the logic of conflict expansion. Conversely, we do not find evidence of a strong partisan or ideological dimension of prominence. This contributes to our understanding of the responsiveness and representativeness of democratic political systems in which the interest group sector is expected to funnel public preferences into policymaking.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-08T05:29:12Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241232934
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- The Effect of Information About Local Demand for Redistribution on Support
for Territorial Transfers Among Affluent Groups-
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Authors: Diogo Ferrari, Marta Arretche
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Many multitier polities have some scheme of territorial-based redistribution, which plays a crucial role in mitigating territorial inequality. This article looks at the public opinion on inter-regional transfers and argues that: (1) perceptions of aggregate electoral support for interpersonal redistribution in the region affect support for inter-regional redistribution independently of perceptions about the region’s economic conditions and (2) perceptions of high electoral support for interpersonal redistribution among the region’s affluent can lead them to favor territorial transfers, because these transfers may work as a mechanism for local redistribution cost displacement. We test our argument using a survey experiment in which we provide information about regional economic conditions and aggregate demand for interpersonal redistribution. Our contribution highlights that the aggregate demand for interpersonal redistribution within regions is not necessarily endogenous to regions material conditions, and that the perception of this aggregate demand by the affluent affects their inter-regional redistributive preferences.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-03-05T08:46:22Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241232056
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- ‘No Participation Without Representation’: The Impact of Descriptive
and Substantive Representation on the Age-Related Turnout Gap-
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Authors: Davide Angelucci, Luca Carrieri, Marco Improta
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Previous studies have extensively demonstrated that young people vote less than older ones. However, the magnitude of this age-related gap varies across different contexts: While in some countries, the gap is remarkable and increasing over time, in others, it is quite modest, and it has remained constant. This article investigates some of the factors that might explain this variability. In particular, it examines the impact of different types of representation (descriptive and substantive) on the age-related gap in turnout. It does so by relying on a dataset that combines individual-level data with information concerning the age composition of national parliaments and party system emphasis on specific issues. Overall, the dataset covers 57 elections and 19 West European countries. Results show that when young people are descriptively represented, the age-related gap in turnout is significantly reduced. The same effect occurs when party systems place relatively more emphasis on postmaterialist issues.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-02-14T04:00:46Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241229316
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- What Drives Opposition to Social Rights for Immigrants' Clarifying the
Role of Psychological Predispositions-
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Authors: Carlo M Knotz, Alyssa M Taylor, Mia K Gandenberger, Juliana Chueri
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Why do people oppose granting social rights to immigrants' Previous research indicates that psychological predispositions such as authoritarianism or ethnocentrism are strong drivers, but our understanding of their roles is still incomplete. This is in part because studies have not yet systematically tested different psychological variables against other, but also in part because some other potentially important predispositions such as implicit bias and social dominance orientation have so far been overlooked. We address this gap using original data from survey experiments conducted in six countries (Denmark, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States). We find consistent effects of ethnocentrism and social dominance orientation, a less robust effect of authoritarianism and no effect of implicit bias. In substantive terms, we find that a belief in ethnocentric stereotypes and a desire for dominance are the central factors driving opposition to immigrants’ social rights.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-02-12T08:59:14Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241228456
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- Take Five' Testing the Cultural and Experiential Theories of Generalised
Trust Against Five Criteria-
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Authors: Michael Kumove
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Is generalised trust stable or changeable' The ‘cultural’ theory argues that trust is a relatively fixed personality trait, while the ‘experiential’ theory contends that life experiences can alter trust during adulthood. But these two theories have been tested using a variety of different criteria whose differences have seemingly never been acknowledged explicitly. In this article, I map out these five different criteria, formulating specific hypotheses for each one and test them on a large and representative longitudinal data set from Australia. As expected, both the cultural and experiential theories appear broadly correct: trust is affected by both early-life factors and adult experiences, but the impact of adult experiences is usually transitory. A broad range of adult experiences seem to affect trust, and trust exhibits high rank-order but low mean-level stability. I conclude by suggesting some new directions for the study of generalised trust.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-02-05T11:34:15Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217231224971
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- Does Populism Fuel Affective Polarization' An Individual-Level Panel
Data Analysis-
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Authors: Juan Pérez-Rajó
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Populism and affective polarization speak of a bisected society, and scholars have linked them at the party level. While the relationship between populism and affective polarization can be reciprocal, this article leverages panel data to delve into the causal relationship between populism and affective polarization. First, I posit individuals who become identified with populist parties will hold higher levels of affective polarization. Second, I expect increases in levels of populist attitudes to heighten affective polarization, and this is explained by both the increase of affect towards the ingroup and the decrease of affect towards the outgroup. Using nine waves of a panel survey, results show the importance of differentiating between measures of populism at the individual level, as the increase in populist attitudes appears to fuel affective polarization, symmetrically increasing affect towards the ingroup and decreasing affect towards the outgroup, while the effect of becoming a populist party supporter is more nuanced, as it is different for populist left and right parties.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-02-03T12:24:42Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217231224579
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- The “Women’s Representation-Corruption Link” and Environmentalism: A
Cross-National Study-
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Authors: Hannah Salamon
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Numerous studies suggest a relationship between women’s political representation and improved environmental outcomes. Yet, the contexts in which this holds and the mechanisms through which it comes to be remain understudied. This study proposes that women’s impact on political commitments to environmentalism and policy outcomes are moderated by states’ corruption levels. Although women tend to be more environmental, left-leaning, and risk-averse than men, environments of high-corruption restrain, tokenize, and marginalize women representatives, thereby limiting the impact they may have on environmental governance. Time-series cross-sectional analyses of 58 democracies across 15 years show women’s representation is correlated with better environmental outputs and outcomes, but only when corruption levels are low. These findings help broaden our understanding of the relationship between representation and environmental politics and suggest that the interaction of both integrity and inclusivity in governments holds a key to fighting climate change.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-02-02T01:08:28Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217231224964
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- Reassessing the Role and the Benefits of Junior Ministers in Coalition
Governments-
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Authors: Ilana Shpaizman
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Junior ministers are very common in coalition governments. Existing research argues that parties assign junior ministers to satisfy the office goals of coalition partners or as a mechanism to manage delegation costs. This article aims to reassess this argument. Using interviews, personal calendars, coalition agreements and an original data set on junior ministers in Israel, it finds that junior ministers are engaged in policymaking either on general issues under the ministry’s jurisdiction or issues that are salient to their party. Although rival junior ministers have the capacity and the incentive to monitor the minister, they do so only on the margins, either because they do not need to, or because they focus on safeguarding their policymaking autonomy. Finally, all junior ministers assist the minister and represent the ministry.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-01-31T12:27:16Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217241227389
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- Minority Affirmations and the Boundaries of the Nation: Evidence From
Québec-
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Authors: Colin Scott, Antoine Bilodeau, Audrey Gagnon, Luc Turgeon
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Cultural criteria, like language skills and values, are salient features of nationalism discourse, reflecting imagined boundaries that separate ingroup from outgroup member when thinking about the nation. Despite their salience, the relationship between cultural membership criteria and other civic (attainable) or ethnic (ascriptive) national boundaries, along with their implications for intergroup relations, is contested. Using surveys from N = 6448 majority group members in the Canadian province of Québec, we argue cultural boundaries are empirically distinct from civic and ethnic ones. Cultural and civic criteria are both prominent prerequisites for membership into the Québécois national community, but cultural criteria show markedly divergent relationships with outgroup attitudes. The results underline the importance of conceptualizing cultural boundaries as a distinct set of national membership criteria and question the construct validity of blended ethnocultural boundary measures or approaches that aggregate civic and cultural criteria together as equally “attainable” markers of national membership.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-01-20T11:36:47Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217231223400
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- Does Schooling Increase Political Belief Accuracy'
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Authors: Riccardo Di Leo, Marco Giani
Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
Citizens must hold accurate beliefs about politically relevant facts to preserve democratic representation, accountability and legislation. We theorize that, abstracting from one’s background, schooling per se does not trigger the epistemological sophistication that is necessary to get a grasp of the political world. In this article, we study whether schooling improves the accuracy of factual beliefs about the share of foreigners and unemployed, later in life. We derive an appealing metric of belief accuracy, matching survey respondents’ beliefs with the corresponding real-world datum at the time of the interview in their country, retrieving high levels of inaccuracy in both issues. More educated individuals display higher belief accuracy, most likely due to selection, rather than causality: compelling otherwise-dropouts to stay in school by extending compulsory education does not entail a significant effect on belief accuracy, in both issues. Taken together, cross-sectional and causal estimates suggest that education is necessary, but not sufficient, to contrast inaccurate beliefs.
Citation: Political Studies
PubDate: 2024-01-19T11:58:28Z
DOI: 10.1177/00323217231222104
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