Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ron Dudai Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. The Northern Ireland 1998 Good Friday Agreement has generated a global industry of “lessons from Northern Ireland” to other conflict situations. While a lively polemical literature has been debating what exactly should these lessons be and whether they could be validly exported, this article adopts the prism of the “politics of comparison”: examining why and how certain actors appeal to analogies with other societies, and the causes and functions of such appeals. The article explores the case-study of the resonance of the Northern Ireland analogy in Israeli public discourse. It identifies and analyses four themes: the analogy with Northern Ireland is used as an argument for hope; as a source of peacemaking models; as self-justification, to deflect blame; and to legitimize narrow local interventions. The article contributes to literatures on the politics of comparisons, and political dynamics in the context of intractable conflicts. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-06-23T10:03:14Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221103404
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Jonathan Fox, Marie Eisenstein, Jori Breslawski Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. States support religion to varying extents. What is the effect of state support for religion on generalized social trust' The majority of previous studies of religion and social trust focus on individual-level factors, and none examines the impact of state support for religion. We argue that when a state chooses to support the majority religion, this creates increased levels of doctrinal homogeneity and conformity, which, in turn, cause higher levels of social trust within the majority religion. Drawing upon the Religion and State and World Values Survey datasets, we find that state support for religion is associated with higher levels of social trust. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-06-14T12:24:06Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221102826
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Catalina Carpan Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. I argue that racial profiling gives minority groups reason to perceive a threat of violence and wrongful arrest when interacting with the criminal justice system, consequently leading them to engage in self-limiting conduct in order to avoid being profiled. As a result, they may ultimately exercise a de facto second-class citizenship status through a limited exercise of basic rights and access to public services. This would suggest, contra consequentialist defenders of the practice, that a public ban on profiling would serve to contain an important, but often overlooked source of racial injustice and that a thorough cost–benefit analysis should include these costs. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-06-10T11:56:33Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221099101
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Melina Altamirano, Sarah Berens, Sandra Ley Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. In Latin America, deep social inequalities coexist with persistent, high-level criminal violence. Facing competing needs and budget constraints, citizens in the region have to prioritize among different policy choices. We analyze how perceptions of insecurity and crime victimization shape attitudes toward budgetary priorities in social and security policies. Our analysis relies on original data from Mexico and Brazil, two countries exhibiting increased violence at the national level, albeit with important regional variation. We find that exposure to crime takes its toll on citizens’ policy priorities. In both Mexico and Brazil, citizens who feel insecure seem to prioritize public expenditure on the police over social investment policies. Victims of criminal violence are, however, mostly indifferent as to budgetary allocations across the security and social policy fields, suggesting that their spending priorities might diverge from these two spheres of government action or give rise to policy indifference. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-06-10T11:53:14Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221096559
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:David Lefkowitz Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. Proponents of an associative account of political obligation maintain that individuals bear certain moral duties simply in virtue of their membership in a particular political community. I defend this thesis by interpreting it as a metaethical claim that expresses or implicitly relies on a pragmatist account of the nature of normativity, justification, and knowledge. Such a defense has a number of virtues. First, it offers a compelling rationale for the strategy commonly employed to defend the associative thesis. Second, a pragmatist reading provides the resources necessary to rebut a number of objections advanced against the associative thesis, such as the criticism that associative theorists cannot distinguish actually having political obligations from merely believing or feeling that one has political obligations. Third, a pragmatist metaethics entails a particular model of practical reasoning, namely constructive interpretation, that helpfully illuminates our actual practice of attributing or contesting political obligations. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-06-10T11:49:30Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221099111
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Brian Paul Boyle Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. The issue of unequal electoral turnout poses serious concerns for both the overall health of democratic politics, and the extent to which certain groups exert an unequal influence on the political process. This article explores the relationship between electoral rules such as: compulsory voting, electoral system proportionality, and voter registration with voter inequality in terms of age, income and education. This is examined using cross-national survey data and cross-level interactions between electoral institutions and socio-demographic variables. The final dataset is based on waves 2–4 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and contains information on 133,000 individuals, within 45 countries, between 2001 and 2016. The results indicate that compulsory voting is associated with a significant reduction in turnout inequalities, while the effects of proportionality and voter registration are somewhat more mixed. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-06-08T06:07:56Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221096563
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ugur Aytac Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. This article argues that social media companies’ power to regulate communication in the public sphere illustrates a novel type of domination. The idea is that, since social media companies can partially dictate the terms of citizens’ political participation in the public sphere, they can arbitrarily interfere with the choices individuals make qua citizens. I contend that social media companies dominate citizens in two different ways. First, I focus on the cases in which social media companies exercise direct control over political speech. They exercise quasi-public power over citizens because their regulation of speech on social media platforms implies the capacity to arbitrarily interfere with citizens’ democratic contestation in the political system. Second, companies’ algorithmic governance entails the capacity to interfere with citizens’ choices about what mode of discursive engagement they endorse in their relationships with fellow citizens. By raising the cost of deliberative engagement, companies narrow citizens’ choice menu. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-06-01T05:03:40Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221096564
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Juan Roch Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. Multiple voices warn about an analytical deadlock in the field of populism studies mainly due to an excess of description and a lack of contextualisation. Reflecting on the current responses to this impasse, this study presents a framework for contextualising populism and seeks to enrich and expand the potential of populism research. The main argument of this article is that a more dynamic and interactive analytical framework is necessary to show the contingent and fragile nature of populist discourses and complement existing research. To illustrate this approach, the case of Podemos is analysed to show how the populist discourse varies over time for the same populist actor and to what extent this variation responds to contextual pressures. The study concludes that the contingent nature of populism can be related to two main conditions: the variable power over discourse of populist mobilisation and the normative pressures within the political sphere. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-05-25T01:57:21Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221090108
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Andreas Bengtson Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. This article has two parts. First, I argue that three prominent arguments in favour of affirmative action – the mitigating discrimination argument, the equality of opportunity argument and the diversity argument – may be based on a relational egalitarian theory of justice, as opposed to a distributive understanding of justice. Second, I argue that basing these arguments in favour of affirmative action on relational egalitarianism has an interesting implication when it comes to the site(s) of affirmative action. Whereas affirmative action is usually discussed and pursued in university admissions and in hiring for jobs, the relational egalitarian–based arguments entail, all else equal, that we have more reason to pursue affirmative action in the political domain than in the traditional sites. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-05-21T10:05:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221095379
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Israel Waismel-Manor, Ittai Bar-Siman-Tov, Olivier Rozenberg, Asaf Levanon, Cyril Benoît, Gal Ifergane Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. Covid-19 has shocked governance systems worldwide. Legislatures, in particular, have been shut down or limited due to the pandemic, yet with divergence from one country to another. In this article, we report results from a cross-sectional quantitative analysis of legislative activity during the initial reaction to this shock and identify the factors accounting for such variation. Exploring legislatures across 159 countries, we find no relation between the severity of Covid-19 and limitations on legislatures’ operation, thus suggesting that legislatures are at risk of being shut down or limited due to policy “overreaction” and that a health risk may serve as an excuse for silencing them. However, we find that legislatures in democratic countries are relatively immune to this risk, while those in frail democracies are more exposed. In partially free countries, the use of technology can mitigate this risk. We also find that the coalitional features of the government may lead to legislatures’ closing. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-05-12T11:26:44Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221090615
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Tomáš Dvořák, Jan Zouhar, Oliver Treib Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. This article seeks to shed more light on the reasons for the regionally uneven distribution of populist attitudes. We take into account both individual-level and contextual drivers and focus mainly on the latter. We argue that regional peripheralization processes are a key contextual condition driving populist attitudes, especially in post-communist settings. The empirical analysis is based on a unique dataset combining comparable items from two representative surveys covering Germany (N = 2112) and the Czech Republic (N = 1000) with economic and demographic characteristics of relevant regional contexts in both countries (167 constituencies in Germany and 77 districts in the Czech Republic). Using multilevel regression models, the article shows that individual-level characteristics do not alone drive populist attitudes. In contrast, the results show that living in peripheral areas of the Czech Republic and eastern Germany increases the likelihood of having populist attitudes. These peripheries are characterized by unfavourable economic conditions in the Czech Republic and demographic decline in eastern Germany. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-05-11T09:58:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221091981
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Joshua Townsley, David Cutts Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. Content, messages and the way voters are contacted are all increasingly tailored to the individual. But are voters really contacted in the way they prefer' What actually drives campaign preferences' Who are parties tailoring these preferences to' For the first time, we address this gap in the literature. Our findings suggest that there is considerable heterogeneity in voters’ contact preferences. While some voters prefer not to be contacted, those who do prefer traditional methods (leaflets) and, in some cases, more personalised modes such as doorstep canvassing. Preferences are primarily driven by previous exposure to the mode, political interest, having an extraverted personality and age. We also examine preference ‘matching’ and find that parties are no more likely to ‘match’ a voter’s specific preference if they have contacted them before. Preference contact matching is significantly more likely to be targeted at women, middle-age voters and especially weak or nonpartisans. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-05-02T09:28:55Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221091503
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Emma Turkenburg, Ine Goovaerts Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. In televised election debates, politicians confront each other side-by-side to publicly debate their political viewpoints. As a result, these debates have the potential to promote reflective reasoning in citizens. However, concerns are voiced regularly about politicians’ increasing use of one-liners, slogans, and empty phrases, and decreasing use of elaborate and thoughtful argumentation, which may lower the debates’ reflection-promoting potential. Despite concerns, systematic empirical evidence testing whether reflection-promoting speech is declining is extremely scarce. This study contributes to filling this gap by (1) identifying four reflection-promoting speech components, that is, provision of justifications, substantive information, accessible communication, and engagement with others’ perspectives and (2) conducting a longitudinal quantitative content analysis (1985–2019) of Belgian election debates through the lens of their reflection-promoting potential. The results of all studied speech components point in the same direction: reflection-promoting speech in election debates has not declined, showing that allegations surrounding debates should be considered with caution. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-04-29T11:40:02Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221090102
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Thomas Quinn, Nicholas Allen, John Bartle Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. The UK parliament of 2017–2019 had to decide what form of Brexit, if any, it would accept in the government’s negotiations with the EU over a withdrawal agreement. Despite a large majority of MPs having supported Remain in the 2016 referendum, with most opposed to a ‘hard’ Brexit of looser ties between the UK and the EU, all attempts to pass a ‘soft’ Brexit failed. The final withdrawal agreement reflected a hard Brexit that was closer to the preferences of a 28-strong group of Eurosceptic Conservative MPs than to those of any other party or faction in a 650-seat parliament. This article identifies the two-party system for government as a crucial variable in explaining this unexpected outcome. Governments seek majorities from among their own MPs rather than relying on the uncertain support of the opposition. This not only makes party cohesion vital, but also creates leverage for organised factions to hold sway. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-03-05T09:11:31Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221076353
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Michael Vaughan, Ariadne Vromen, Pablo Porten-Cheé, Darren Halpin Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. Ideas about what makes a ‘good citizen’ continue to evolve alongside the digitalisation of political participation. We examine these interrelated trends through an in-depth analysis of the normative basis for contemporary online petitioning. This article uses original survey data in Australia and Germany to confirm the emergence of distinctive ‘contribution’ citizenship norms which emphasise the importance of sharing content through networked communications infrastructures. We then examine the relationship between these novel citizenship norms and online petitioning, differentiating online petitioning along two dimensions of mode (signing versus sharing) and frequency. First, we find ‘contribution’ norms are more associated with sharing online petitions than signing them. Second, ‘contribution’ norms are more associated with high-frequency sharing and signing, as opposed to more casual instances of participation. In combination, these findings show that contribution norms are distinctively associated with more intensive forms of online petitioning (e.g. frequent sharing), while more casual forms (such as casual signing) are supported by a more diverse range of normative orientations. We conclude that the way citizens engage with online petitions reflects, in part, their normative orientation to contributing information towards networked communication infrastructures. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-03-04T05:30:54Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221078681
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Alice Baderin Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. Parents employ a wide range of anticipatory strategies to prepare their children for, and protect them against, risks of racism. This article argues that, while black children need to be equipped with the skills and understanding to navigate racist societies, these practices are also the site of a significant injustice for minority families. Specifically, the imperative to take strategic steps to protect children against threats of racism creates unfair barriers to the enjoyment of some valuable relationship-based goods. In advancing this argument, the article brings recent philosophical work on the family into dialogue with a rapidly developing body of empirical research on racial and ethnic socialization. I show that Brighouse and Swift’s ‘familial relationship goods’ framework generates a valuable new perspective on some contested empirical terrain. But I also highlight, and seek to begin to redress, a problematic silence on race within contemporary philosophy of the family. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-03-03T04:46:19Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217221074894
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Marcus Österman, Darrel Robinson Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. Political science has long viewed education as an instrumental factor in developing support for democracy and beneficial for democratization. However, governments, both democratic and authoritarian, have substantial control over the curriculum and develop education institutions with the specific aim to instill in students the norms and values that underpin the regime. With this in mind, this study asks, does the effect of education vary by the political regime in which education was undertaken' We use a quasi-experimental approach exploiting European compulsory schooling reforms, implemented under both democratic and authoritarian regimes, to answer this question. We find that education has no effect on principle and functional support for democracy, but that education’s effect on satisfaction with democracy is conditional on regime type. For those educated under a democratic regime, education led to greater satisfaction with democracy, whereas those educated under an authoritarian regime became less satisfied with democracy. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-02-01T09:28:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217211067385
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Lucas Geese Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. The political representation of citizens of immigrant origin in Western Europe has received much attention in recent years’ political science research. While existing research has advanced our understanding of the drivers of citizens of immigrant origins’ descriptive representation, a lot less is known about its consequences for citizens of immigrant origins’ electoral participation. This article intends to address this gap in the literature by conducting the first cross-country comparative study of whether migrant-specific descriptive representation can attenuate turnout gaps between citizens of immigrant origin and native-origin citizens in 11 Western European democracies. Linking data on migrant-specific descriptive representation in national parliaments with survey data provided by the European Social Survey, results suggest that turnout gaps tend to be lower in countries where descriptive representation is high. However, this relationship is contingent upon citizens of immigrant origin who consider themselves to be in an ethnic minority position, in which they frequently experience discrimination. By contrast, there is no evidence that descriptive representation matters for turnout levels of non-marginalised citizens of immigrant origin. The study sheds light on the widely overlooked link between descriptive representation and the immigrant gap in turnout levels and opens up several avenues for future research. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-02-01T09:20:13Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217211067129
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Fredrik Larsson, Marcia Grimes Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. That civil society activism can strengthen accountability and limit government corruption is theoretically compelling and popular in policy circles. Whether civic engagement can limit grand corruption, and if so in what types of settings, remains an open question. This paper presents the first large-N study of societal accountability with respect to grand corruption. Using objective indicators of procurement corruption from 173 EU regions, the study finds that civil society strength is associated with lower levels of corruption but that the association is not monotonic. Civil society strength seems to constrain procurement corruption where accountability conditions are the least favorable. Where accountability conditions are well-functioning, we find no evidence that societal accountability constrains corruption. The findings help to adjudicate between competing expectations from research on horizontal and societal accountability. Moreover, they confirm that societal accountability can complement horizontal accountability where institutional conditions function sub-optimally, even limiting grand corruption. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-01-21T04:55:07Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217211067134
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ingeborg Misje Bergem Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print. In this article, I analyze whether the case of the Yellow Vest movement fits Paris Aslanidis’ definition of populist social movements, and find that within the discursive theoretical framework Aslanidis adheres to, it does. However, I use the case of the Yellow Vest movement to demonstrate how this discursive approach lacks explanatory potential. I therefore propose moving away from a discursive definition of populist social movements, and advocate for studying political content as a way of detecting common interests shaped by political and societal structures that are shared by participants in a populist social movement. A theory of populist social movements must look at political and economic structures as well as individual agency, framing, and collective identity as a way to explain mobilization. A discursive approach to populism, which only considers language, is therefore not sufficient to explain movements such as the Yellow Vest movement. Citation: Political Studies PubDate: 2022-01-07T11:32:18Z DOI: 10.1177/00323217211063727
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
[1174 journals]
