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Universitas Philosophica
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  This is an Open Access Journal Open Access journal
ISSN (Print) 0120-5323 - ISSN (Online) 2346-2426
Published by SciELO Homepage  [672 journals]
  • PRESENTACIÓN

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  • LYING POLITICIANS AND DEMOCRATIC CHEATERS: IS POLITICAL LYING DIFFERENT
           FROM OTHER KINDS OF LYING'

    • Abstract: RESUMEN En este artículo defiendo la idea de que existen diferencias relevantes entre la mentira común y la mentira política. Mi propósito es mostrar que las dificultades con la mentira política no tienen que ver solamente con cuestiones metafísicas o conceptuales acerca de la delimitación del ámbito de la política o del concepto de lo político, ni con la solidez de las excusas y justificaciones que se ofrecen en favor de los políticos mentirosos. Sostengo que la mentira política es una forma especial de mentira debido, primero, a la peculiaridad del uso del lenguaje en política y, segundo, a la función de las mentiras políticas, a saber, socavar diversas clases de condiciones epistémicas necesarias para la discusión imparcial de los desacuerdos sociales. En este trabajo dejo sin responder la pregunta de cuál sea la mejor forma de articular aquellas condiciones epistémicas en la discusión política democrática.ABSTRACT In this article, I defend the idea that there are important differences between lying in politics and lying in general. My aim is to show that the issues with political lies do not have to do only with metaphysical or conceptual questions regarding what politics is or what the concept of the political means, or only with the validity of the excuses and justifications commonly offered in favor of political liars. I hold that the political lie is a special form of lie due, first, to the peculiarity of the use of language in politics, and second, to the function that political lies play in political discussions: they undermine several epistemic conditions needed to impartially discuss social disagreements. In this work, however, I leave unanswered the question of what might be the best way to account for the epistemic conditions of democratic political discussions.
       
  • THE TEMPTATIONS OF LYING

    • Abstract: RESUMEN La mentira no es nada nuevo en la existencia humana, ni en la filosofía ni en la ciencia política, pero solo el análisis fenomenológico de Arendt revela con particular énfasis la tensión permanente entre verdad y mentira en el espacio político, y la debilidad estructural de la verdad frente a la mentira. Esta perspectiva arendtiana ayuda a comprender la tentación del nuevo fenómeno de la llamada posverdad, que se manifiesta en las fake news (noticias falsas), las teorías conspirativas y la propaganda populista. El presente artículo trata de explicar las condiciones políticas y sociales del nacimiento de esta posverdad, las diferencias respecto a la mentira política, que Arendt enfrentó en Estados Unidos en los años sesenta del siglo XX, y ofrece una reflexión sobre el concepto arendtiano de una plu ralidad cualitativa como medida contra la a-mundialidad de la posverdad.ABSTRACT Lying is by no means a new phenomenon in human existence, nor in philosophy or political science. Only Arendt's phenomenological analysis, however, clearly reveals the constant tension between truth and lie inherent in the political space, and the structural weakness of the former compared to the latter. Adopting this perspective helps to understand the temptation of the so-called “post-truth” that manifests today in the form of “fake news”, conspiracy theories, and populist propaganda. This article sheds light on the political and social conditions underlying the emergence of post-truth and on what distinguishes it from the political lie Arendt encountered in the nineteen-sixties in the United States. The Arendtian concept of qualitative plurality is proposed as an antidote to the unworldliness of post-truth.
       
  • LYING IN POLITICS: BETWEEN THE MANIPULATION OF FACTS AND THE QUESTION OF
           WHO SPEAKS

    • Abstract: RESUMEN En este trabajo partiremos de los planteamientos que Hannah Arendt desarrolla en “Verdad y política” sobre el empleo de la mentira en el espacio público-político. Sirviéndonos de la revisión crítica de Jacques Derrida en su conferencia Historia de la mentira: Prolegómenos sobre lo planteado por la filósofa, nos acercaremos a otras preguntas de mayor tenor, a saber, qué permite afirmar que en política una mentira es eficaz y en qué consiste esa eficacia. Desde allí, veremos que en este ámbito de lo social la mentira no se limita, como afirma Arendt y la tradición en la que ella se inscribe, a la intencionalidad del mensaje proferido o al autoengaño (idea psicológica de la mentira), sino más bien implica que lo allí dicho, en tanto enunciado realizativo, produce “efectos de verdad”. Sin embargo, así como no todo enunciado realizativo es mendaz, veremos en qué sentido la eficacia de la mentira política se relaciona profundamente con quién agencia ese decir.ABSTRACT This paper addresses Hannah Arendt's approach in “Truth and Politics” to the use of lies in the public and political spheres. Considering Derrida's review in his lecture History of the Lie: Prolegomena, we will attempt to resolve questions of greater importance: How can a lie be politically effective' What does that efficiency imply' We will see that in politics lies do not consist, as Arendt and her tradition have argued, in the intentionality of the message or in self-deception (psychological idea of lie); but rather that lying produces “effects of truth”, generating, producing and sustaining new truths and realities by virtue of the speech acts themselves. However, just as not every performative utterance is mendacious, we will also see in what sense the effectiveness of the political lie is deeply related to who is the agent of that saying.
       
  • THE CONCEPTUALIZATION OF LYING IN THE TIMES OF POST-TRUTH

    • Abstract: RESUMEN Este artículo se propone sistematizar distintas opciones de conceptualización de la mentira para así clarificar el sentido de la posverdad contemporánea. Ante las limitaciones de la reconstrucción histórica de las acepciones de la mentira legadas por la tradición filosófica y debido a que el análisis conceptual corre el riesgo de fetichizar la afirmación mentirosa, apostamos por enriquecer la conceptualización de la mentira a través de la descripción lexicográfica del sentido prototípico y de las variantes del vocabulario idiomático de la mentira. Al distinguir las condiciones formales del decir una mentira y los matices situacionales de la realización del mentir, se puede reconocer en la posverdad contemporánea un nuevo régimen de la mentira.ABSTRACT This article aims to systematize different alternatives for the conceptualization of lying, in order to clarify the meaning of contemporary post-truth. Given the limitations of a historical reconstruction of the meanings of lying devised by the philosophical tradition, and because conceptual analysis risks of fetishizing the lying assertion, we aim to enrich the conceptualization of lying through the lexicographical description of the prototypical sense and the variants of our idiomatic vocabulary for lying. By distinguishing the formal conditions of telling a lie and the situational nuances of the realization of lying, one can recognize a new regime of lies in contemporary post-truth.
       
  • THE TRUTH IN POLITICS: ON LYING AND POLITICS IN SOME PLATONIC DIALOGUES

    • Abstract: RESUMEN En este artículo propongo la tesis de que la verdad en política se constituye intersubjetivamente, en relaciones irreductibles a la oposición entre verdad y falsedad o veracidad y mentira. En primer lugar, examino el vínculo entre verdad factual y política, y planteo que esta verdad, transversal a toda experiencia, tiende a sedimentarse como saber de trasfondo. A continuación, esbozo una lectura de la Apología según la cual la verdad en política depende de un horizonte normativo y epistemológico intersubjetivo, que se comunica indirectamente de manera gestual. Seguidamente, en referencia a la República y el Gorgias, indago sobre los vínculos semánticos que unen ficción y mentira, y explico que la expresión de la verdad en política exige un esfuerzo poético que hace borrosos los límites que separan veracidad y mentira. Finalmente, desde la aproximación al Hipias menor pro puesta por Agamben, concluyo que la institución de la verdad en política involucra diversas capacidades expresivas e interpretativas.ABSTRACT The thesis of this paper is that truth in politics is intersubjectively constituted within a set of relationships irreducible to the oppositions of truth and falsehood or veracity and lying. First, I examine the link between factual truth and politics, and argue that this sort of truth pervades our experience and tends to become background knowledge. Second, I propose a reading of Plato's Apology according to which the truth in politics is grounded on an intersubjective normative and epistemological horizon, which is vicariously communicated as gesture. Third, in relation to Plato's Republic and Gorgias, I inquire about the semantic connections between fiction and lie and assert that the expression of the truth in politics requires a poetic endeavor, which blurs the lines separating veracity and lying. Finally, based on Agamben's interpretation of Plato's Hippias Minor, I conclude that the institution of the truth in politics requires diverse expressive and interpretive capacities.
       
  • TRAJECTORIES OF MODERN RELATIVISM AND ITS POLITICAL ONTOLOGY: IN BETWEEN
           POST-TRUTH AND HYPER-TRUTH

    • Abstract: RESUMEN Este artículo problematiza el difundido diagnóstico sobre la relación en tre política y verdad, o política y mentira, que se moviliza con el vocablo posverdad. Primero, se cuestiona la presunta novedad histórica que este pretende identificar, recordando cómo la filosofía política en Occidente ha estado atravesada por una ansiedad frente a la fuerza amenazante de un discurso huérfano y errante que circula sin conciencia y sin referente. Segundo, se indican las limitaciones del reproche en relación con la retirada de la razón y la veracidad de la política, y su falla en atender a cómo, desplazándonos del campo de la política electoral al de la técnica gubernamental, opera hoy una producción de la verdad de lo social en un discurso tecnocientífico hegemónico. Tercero, se muestra que hay una coherencia estructural entre la técnica gubernamental de la hiperverdad y el inescrupoloso interés estratégico en la realpolitik de la política electoral, coherencia anclada en las premisas ontológicas y epistémicas de la concepción moderna de lo político. Finalmente, se destaca la potencia crítica que ante este panorama nos ofrece aún el legado del posestructuralismo.ABSTRACT This article problematizes the extended diagnosis regarding the relation between truth and politics, or politics and lies, mobilized by the term post-truth. First, it puts into question the presumed historical novelty that the term signals to, reminding us how Western political philosophy has always been marked by the anxiety towards the threathening force of an orphan and erratic discourse with no consciousness and no referent. Second, it indicates the limitations of the reproach against the presumed withdrawal of rationality and veracity from politics, insofar as it fails to take into account the extent to which there is operative nowadays, in a hegemonic tecno-scientific discourse, a production of a certain truth of the social. In order to attend to this other angle of the relation between truth and politics one needs to displace the view from the field of elec toral politics, to the field of techniques of government. Third, the article argues that there is a structural coherence between the hyper-truth in which these government techniques operate, and the inescrupulous stra tegic interest in the realpolitik of electoral politics, a coherence that is anchored in the ontological and epistemological premises of the modern conception of the political. Finally, the article underlines the critical potency that the theoretical legacy of post-structuralism offers to us, facing this landscape.
       
  • THE MOSCOW TRIALS: LIE AND PROPAGANDA. THE TROTSKY CASE FROM THE
           PERSPECTIVE OF THE DEWEY COMMISSION

    • Abstract: RESUMEN Este artículo examina un caso específico de mentira, a la vez judicial y mediática, propiciada desde las altas esferas del poder político: el caso León Trotsky, desde la perspectiva del trabajo que hizo la Comisión In ternacional de Investigación presidida por el filósofo norteamericano John Dewey. Después de una justificación y contextualización general del tema, y de un recuento histórico de los acontecimientos que rodearon los “Procesos de Moscú” y la constitución de la Comisión Dewey, se da cuenta de algunas de las razones por las cuales dicha comisión estableció que tales procesos habían sido montajes judiciales. Se concluye con una referencia al modo como Dewey denunció posteriormente la falsificación mediática de estos acontecimientos a través del libro (y la película) Misión en Moscú.ABSTRACT This article examines a specific case of lying, at the same time judicial and mediatic, promoted from the highest levels of political power, the Leon Trotsky case, from the perspective of the work done by the International Commission of Investigation chaired by the American philosopher John Dewey. After a general justification and contextualization of the subject, and a historical account of the events that surrounded the “Moscow Tri als” and the constitution of the Dewey Commission, some of the reasons why the commission concluded that such processes had been judicial as semblies are reported. It closes with a reference to the way Dewey later denounced the media falsification of these events through the book (and the film) Mission to Moscow.
       
  • PARANOIA: PUBLIC EMOTIONS AND UNIVERSITY

    • Abstract: RESUMEN En este artículo se abordan los retos recientes que enfrenta la universidad en las actividades de docencia, investigación y extensión. Se adopta un punto de vista hermenéutico para realizar un análisis político de las emociones con el objetivo de mostrar que en el contexto actual de la educación superior en Colombia se somete a las comunidades académicas a presiones sociales cuyo resultado es la emergencia de comportamientos patológicos. La discusión central se desarrolla en dos partes: en primer lugar, se caracteriza el concepto de paranoia; justificadas algunas definiciones, en segundo lugar, se consideran las condiciones institucionales en las que la paranoia se hace evidente bajo la forma de potenciales psicológicos. Las conclusiones se centran en el hecho de que en determinadas condiciones de competitividad y jerarquía, los seres humanos experimentamos emociones negativas y disminución en las posibilidades de desarrollo de capacidades.ABSTRACT This paper addresses the recent challenges faced by universities in teaching, research and outreach. A hermeneutical standpoint is proposed to perform a political analysis of emotions with the aim of revealing how pathological behaviors emerge in academic communities dealing with extreme social pressures. The discussion is developed in two parts: first, the concept of paranoia is characterized; second, appealing to the concept of psychological potentials, the institutional conditions in which paranoia emerges are discussed. The main conclusion of the article is that in condi tions of competition and hierarchy, human beings experience negative emotions and a diminished potential for capabilities development.
       
  • THE CONCEPT OF MODESTY IN KIERKEGAARD: AN ANALYSIS OF THE SEXUATE
           CONDITION IN THE CONCEPT OF ANXIETY

    • Abstract: RESUMEN A pesar de la extraordinaria variedad de estudios sobre la filosofía de Kierkegaard, su concepto de pudor no ha recibido suficiente atención. Mi trabajo tiene como objetivo presentar y analizar el concepto de pudor de Kierkegaard, tal como se desarrolla en El concepto de angustia (1844) del seudónimo Vigilius Haufniensis. Primero, intento brindar una compren sión de algunos de los temas principales del libro de Haufniensis (espíritu, tarea, angustia). Segundo, examino lo que manifiesta el fenómeno psicológico del pudor sobre la estructura de la subjetividad del ser humano.ABSTRACT Despite of the extraordinary variety of studies on Kierkegaard's philosophy, his concept of modesty has not received enough attention. My paper aims to present and analyze Kierkegaard's concept of modesty, as it is developed in The Concept of Anxiety (1844) by his pseudonym Vigilius Haufniensis. First, I will try to provide an understanding of some of the major themes of Haufniensis's book (spirit, task, anxiety). Second, I examine what the psychological phenomenon of modesty reveals about the subjective structure of the human being.
       
  • NIETZSCHE AND BOSCOVICH: FROM PHYSICAL ACTIONS TO SENSORIAL PRECONCEPTIONS

    • Abstract: RESUMO A tradução de Nietzsche, da teoria da física da matéria, que se depreende da física de Roger Joseph Boscovich para a linguagem de uma atomística sensorial, provoca o desvelamento de vários preconceitos morais. Para Boscovich os pontos materiais são sintomas de uma ação que não é pertencente ao ponto em si, mas se dá à distância, como resultado de um atuar de um ponto A sobre um ponto B e vice versa. Nietzsche, apropriando-se da física de Boscovich, equipara a sua dinamicidade temporal à teoria da sensação. Neste sentido, os pontos sensoriais são providos de ação e toda a ação é uma ação sensorial à distância, como resultado de um atuar de um sobre um outro. Não reconhecer esta diversidade sensorial seria falsear a constituição física dos organismos. Este desreconhecimento não estaria ligado à origem de nossos preconceitos morais'ABSTRACT Nietzsche's translation of phycisist Roger Joseph Boscovich's theory of matter to the language of a sensorial atomism evokes the emergence of several moral prejudices. For Boscovich, material points are the symptoms of an action that itself does not belong to those points, but is pro duced from a distance by other points, as the result of an operation from point A to point B and vice versa. By appropriating aspects of Boscovich's physics, Nietzsche equates this dynamism to a theory of sensation. In this sense, sensorial points receive actions from afar and every action is a sen sory action from a distance, as the result of the points acting one on another. To neglect this sensorial diversity would be to mistake the physical constitution of organisms. Is not this lack of recognition at the origin of our moral prejudices'
       
  • FROM TRANSGRESSION TO PURITY: KNOWLEDGE, POWER AND POLITICS IN FOUCAULT'S
           OEDIPUS

    • Abstract: RESUMO Foucault reconhece, em suas análises da década de 1970, que Édipo significa uma ruptura entre o saber específico e o poder político. Para ele, há tanto em Platão como em Sófocles resistência ao modelo social no qual o soberano detinha o poder da mântica, da justiça e da vida política. O que deve desaparecer, para ambos, é a imagem do rei sábio, que sustenta, governa, pilota, endireita a cidade e a livra da peste e da fome, e a sua versão rejuvenescida, o tirano, que salva a cidade, mas o faz desviando-se do oráculo dos deuses. A história edipiana é, portanto, a passagem do poder político ligado às transgressões e às lutas para o poder político entendido, desde então, como pureza, cegueira e ignorancia.ABSTRACT Foucault acknowledges, in his analyses of the 1970s, that Oedipus means a rupture between specific knowledge and political power. For him, there is, both in Plato and Sophocles, resistance to the social model in which the sovereign held the power of mantica, justice and political life. For both, what must disappear is the image of the wise king, who upholds, governs, pilots, and straightens out the city, releasing it from the plague and famine; and his rejuvenated version, the tyrant, who saves the city, but does so by turning away from the oracle of the gods. The Oedipal story is, therefore, the passage of political power linked to the transgressions and struggles for political power understood, since then, as purity, blindness and ignorance.
       
  • La genealogía de un desencuentro

    • Abstract: RESUMO Foucault reconhece, em suas análises da década de 1970, que Édipo significa uma ruptura entre o saber específico e o poder político. Para ele, há tanto em Platão como em Sófocles resistência ao modelo social no qual o soberano detinha o poder da mântica, da justiça e da vida política. O que deve desaparecer, para ambos, é a imagem do rei sábio, que sustenta, governa, pilota, endireita a cidade e a livra da peste e da fome, e a sua versão rejuvenescida, o tirano, que salva a cidade, mas o faz desviando-se do oráculo dos deuses. A história edipiana é, portanto, a passagem do poder político ligado às transgressões e às lutas para o poder político entendido, desde então, como pureza, cegueira e ignorancia.ABSTRACT Foucault acknowledges, in his analyses of the 1970s, that Oedipus means a rupture between specific knowledge and political power. For him, there is, both in Plato and Sophocles, resistance to the social model in which the sovereign held the power of mantica, justice and political life. For both, what must disappear is the image of the wise king, who upholds, governs, pilots, and straightens out the city, releasing it from the plague and famine; and his rejuvenated version, the tyrant, who saves the city, but does so by turning away from the oracle of the gods. The Oedipal story is, therefore, the passage of political power linked to the transgressions and struggles for political power understood, since then, as purity, blindness and ignorance.
       
 
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