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Authors:Tom Chevalier Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. As an age-group, young people are most at risk of poverty. Yet significant cross-national variation persists, which seems puzzling: the countries displaying the highest levels of youth poverty are (uncharacteristically) Nordic. How can such diversity be accounted for' Is the welfare state part of the story' First, I argue, unlike most studies, that in order to measure youth poverty it is better to use material deprivation and subjective poverty indicators, rather than income poverty. Second, I hypothesize that the welfare state has two potential routes to the alleviation of youth poverty. On the one hand, via ‘individualization’ of claims (allowing young people to claim benefits as full adult citizens), access to income support leads to lower levels of youth poverty. On the other, youth poverty levels can also be reduced through investment in young people’s human capital, in line with the ‘social investment’ strategy. These claims are confirmed by multilevel logistic regressions on three waves and across 23 European countries of the Eurofound’s European Quality of Life Survey. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-05-31T02:06:17Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231176778
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Authors:Lukas Fervers, Lina Tobler, Veronika Knize, Bernhard Christoph, Marita Jacob Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. Around the globe, the coronavirus pandemic has triggered various reactions of governments designed to contain the pandemic. Among other things, the pandemic led to an unforeseen and unprecedented closure of schools and daycare facilities. In turn, these closures might have forced parents to stay at home to care for their children who could not attend schools or kindergartens. From a social policy perspective, this raises the question of the extent to which parents’ employment has been affected, as time spent on childcare might make parents reduce their working hours. To answer this question, we exploit within-country variations in school and childcare policies across the federal states of Germany to analyse their effect on parents’ working time. In specific, we compare the working time of parents who live in different federal states with different restrictions regarding childcare in a difference-in-differences and difference-in-difference-in-differences framework. Our results reveal a non-negligible positive effect of an earlier and more far-reaching reopening of schools and daycare facilities on parents’ employment. Our results indicate that prolonged closure goes along with negative employment effects for parents. Hence, containment and closure policies to prevent the spread of COVID-19 have substantial economic and social side effects. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-05-29T07:06:49Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231176775
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Authors:Cyril Benoît Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. The literature has often presented European healthcare systems as being less exposed to the growing dependencies on global finance observed in other areas of social policy. This article explores the sources and dynamics of a regulatory path to healthcare systems’ financialization that challenges this depiction. Building on analogies with the case of pension policy, we show that the integration of the private health insurance sector into the European Union financial regulation framework has resulted in perceptible processes of financialization. Notably this manifested in the growing role of financial firms, in non-profit health insurers’ adoption of ‘financialized’ business practices and eventually in a noticeable change of these actors' positioning in domestic healthcare reform. After having discussed the theoretical implications, the article provides an empirical illustration of this argument by documenting the implementation of the Solvency II insurance directive by health insurers in France, and describes its more general consequences and implications beyond this case study. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-05-29T04:33:13Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231176776
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Authors:Juan J Fernández, Gema García-Albacete, Antonio M Jaime-Castillo, Jonas Radl Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. A promising approach to pension policy preferences focuses on the influence of policy related information. We advance this research programme by examining the impact of information about future pension benefits, including whether information effects occur through priming, learning or both. Drawing on a novel, split-sample survey experiment in the US, Germany and Spain, we examine the impact of information on forecasted pension replacement rates for 2040 on pension policy attitudes. Findings indicate that the information treatment increases support for the two outcomes considered: (i) increases in the pensionable age and (ii) greater spending on pensions relative to other social programmes. Analyses of heterogeneous treatment effects accounting for prior beliefs of participants show that information effects occur both through priming and learning. The study concludes that hard, non-partisan information increases support for reforms that foster the financial sustainability of pension systems, although the scope of information effects depends on contextual conditions. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-04-19T12:38:59Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231164347
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Authors:Olivier Jacques Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. While the drivers of preferences about tax progressivity and redistribution are well identified, the study of willingness to pay taxes remains underdeveloped. This article uses the 2016 ISSP on the Role of Government and the 2018 OECD Risks that Matter surveys to identify which groups of voters are more likely to be willing to pay taxes. It shows that ideology mediates the correlations between education or income and willingness to pay. Among the left, income and education tend to have a positive association with willingness to pay taxes, whereas both variables are negatively associated with willingness to pay among the right. Thus, the core constituencies of left-wing parties composed of socio-cultural professionals and of production and service workers have different tax policy preferences. Socio-cultural professionals, with their higher education and income, are significantly more willing to pay taxes than production and service workers, who share lower education and income. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-04-13T10:23:06Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231164341
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Authors:Olaf Simonse, Marike Knoef, Lotte F Van Dillen, Wilco W Van Dijk, Eric Van Dijk Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. We empirically test an integral model for healthcare and child support benefits take-up using a probability sample of the Dutch population (N = 905). To examine how different psychological factors, in conjunction, explain take-up, we apply model averaging with Akaike’s Information Criterion (AICC). For both types of benefits, people’s perceptions of eligibility best explain take-up. For healthcare benefits, take-up also relates to perceptions of need. Exploratory analyses suggest that for healthcare benefits but not for child support benefits, executive functions, self-efficacy, fear of reclaims, financial stress, and welfare stigma explain perceived eligibility. We find no support for knowledge, support, and administrative burden as explanatory factors in take-up. We discuss the results in relation to the Capability Opportunity Motivation Behaviour (COM-B) model for developing behavioural change interventions. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-04-07T06:36:18Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231164343
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Authors:Michael Christl, Silvia De Poli, Viginta Ivaškaitė-Tamošiūnė Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. We analyse the different fiscal treatment of married and cohabiting couples across all EU Member States using microsimulation methods. Our article highlights important differences across EU countries’ tax–benefit systems, where seven countries show substantial bonuses for married couples and four exhibit marriage penalties. On a micro level, we find that these marriage bonuses/penalties differ substantially across household types and income. From a policy point of view, our results suggest that the abolishment of marriage-related tax–benefit components in countries with marriage bonuses would leave some households financially worse off but would increase governments revenues that could be spent to targeted support of specific groups. From both an equity and efficiency point of view, this abolishment would be desirable. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-03-25T09:24:15Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231159492
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Authors:David Andreas Bell, Marko Valenta, Zan Strabac Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. Welfare chauvinism is largely understood as the view that the benefits of the welfare state should primarily be given to the native population, and not shared with the immigrant populations. Using a multilevel approach, we analyse welfare chauvinism in Europe and test to see how different contextual and macro-economic conditions may influence welfare chauvinistic attitudes in Europe, with a particular focus on different nuances of unemployment. We also test how individuals’ subjective perceptions of the economic development in their society may influence welfare chauvinism in Europe. The analysis finds that welfare chauvinistic attitudes have increased in strength in Central-Eastern European welfare states, whereas the most exclusionary form of welfare chauvinism is near non-existent in the Nordic welfare regimes. We further find that it is the subjective perceptions of the macro-economic conditions and the strength of far-right populism, rather than the actual objective reality of a society’s economic situation that drives welfare chauvinistic attitudes in Europe. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-03-10T11:43:04Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287231158019
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Authors:Cecilia Bruzelius, Nora Ratzmann, Lea Reiss Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. Most research on the social policy–migration control link focuses on indirect control, that is, denying access to welfare. This article instead draws attention to how welfare institutions are made directly involved in migration control through duties to report certain categories of migrants to migration authorities. We ask how these obligations are put into practice and how local governments shape this process. In so doing, we place special emphasis on local organisational fields – that is, the close horizontal connection between public and non-public actors involved in basic needs provision. The article builds on exploratory research across four German cities, drawing on 61 interviews conducted in 2019–2020 with welfare actors catering to basic needs (housing/shelter, healthcare, social assistance, social counselling) and document research. Based on this, we, first, explore patterns of reporting practices and provide a typology of different responses, ranging from elaborate circumvention strategies to over-compliance. Second, we analyse the domino effects of reporting obligations, namely how welfare actors that are exempted from reporting adopt their practices too, with consequences both for migrants' welfare access and for other authorities' ability to report. Finally, we discuss how local governments can shape reporting practices, demonstrating how some cities actively sanction circumvention strategies. The last part identifies venues for further research. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-01-31T10:23:15Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287221150182
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Authors:Konstantin A Kholodilin, Sebastian Kohl Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. The long-run U-shaped patterns of economic inequality are standardly explained by basic economic trends (Piketty’s r> g), taxation policies or ‘great levellers’ such as catastrophes. This article argues that housing policy, and particularly rent control, is a neglected explanatory factor in understanding macro inequality. We hypothesize that rent control could decrease overall housing wealth, lower incomes of generally richer landlords and increase disposable incomes of generally poorer tenants. Using original long-run data for up to 16 countries (1900–2016), we show that rent controls lowered wealth-to-income ratios, top income shares, Gini coefficients, rents and rental expenditure. Overall, rent controls need to be strict in order to have tangible effects, and only the stricter historical rent controls did significantly reduce inequalities. The study argues that housing policies should generally receive more attention in understanding economic inequalities. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-01-31T08:58:56Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287221150179
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Authors:Helen Kowalewska Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. An accepted framework for ‘gendering’ the analysis of welfare regimes compares countries by degrees of ‘defamilialization’ or how far their family policies support or undermine women’s employment participation. This article develops an alternative framework that explicitly spotlights women’s labour market outcomes rather than policies. Using hierarchical clustering on principal components, it groups 24 industrialized countries by their simultaneous performance across multiple gendered employment outcomes spanning segregation and inequalities in employment participation, intensity, and pay, with further differences by class. The three core ‘worlds’ of welfare (social-democratic, corporatist, liberal) each displays a distinctive pattern of gendered employment outcomes. Only France diverges from expectations, as large gender pay gaps across the educational divide – likely due to fragmented wage-bargaining – place it with Anglophone countries. Nevertheless, the outcome-based clustering fails to support the idea of a homogeneous Mediterranean grouping or a singular Eastern European cluster. Furthermore, results underscore the complexity and idiosyncrasy of gender inequality: while certain groups of countries are ‘better’ overall performers, all have their flaws. Even the Nordics fall behind on some measures of segregation, despite narrow participatory and pay gaps for lower- and high-skilled groups. Accordingly, separately monitoring multiple measures of gender inequality, rather than relying on ‘headline’ indicators or gender equality indices, matters. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2023-01-19T12:04:46Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287221148336
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Authors:Dorottya Szikra, Kerem Gabriel Öktem Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. Mainstream western-centric welfare state research has mostly confined itself to studying social policy in consolidated democracies and tends to assume a synergy between democracy and the welfare state. This article shifts the focus to welfare states in countries with declining democratic institutions and rising right-wing populist rule to explore a complex relationship between (de)democratization and welfare state reforms. We conduct a comparative case study of two extreme cases of democratic decline, Turkey and Hungary. We employ a sequential mixed method approach. First, we assess welfare efforts in the two countries to understand which policy areas were prioritized and whether autocratizing governments retrenched or expanded their welfare states. In the second stage, we explore the trajectory of welfare reforms in Hungary and Turkey, focusing on three analytically distinguishable dimensions of social policy change: policy content, policy procedures (including timing, parliamentary procedures, veto players); and the discourses accompanying reforms. We find that democratic decline facilitates rapid welfare state change but it does not necessarily mean retrenchment. Instead we observe ambivalent processes of welfare state restructuring. Common themes emerging in both countries are the rise of flagship programmes that ensure electoral support, a transition towards top-down decision-making and the salient role of discourse in welfare governance. Overall, similarities are stronger in procedures and discourse than in the direction of reforms. Differences in spending levels and policy content do not suggest that the two cases constitute a coherent illiberal welfare state regime. Instead, we see the emergence of authoritarian features that modify their original welfare models. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2022-12-21T02:03:29Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287221141365
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Authors:Teresa Backhaus, Kai-Uwe Müller Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. Minimum wages are increasingly discussed as an instrument against (in-work) poverty and income inequality in Europe. Just recently the German government opted for a substantial ad-hoc increase of the minimum-wage level to €12 per hour mentioning poverty prevention as an explicit goal. We use the introduction of the federal minimum wage in Germany in 2015 to study its redistributive impact on disposable household incomes. Based on the German Socio-Economic Panel we analyse changes in poverty and income inequality investigating different mechanisms of the transmission from individual gross wage-rates to disposable household incomes. We find that the minimum wage is an inadequate tool for income redistribution because it does not target poor households. Individuals affected by the minimum wage are not primarily in households at the bottom of the income distribution but are spread across it. Consequently, welfare dependence decreases only marginally. The withdrawal of transfers or employment effects cannot explain the limited effect on poverty. Complementary simulations show that neither full compliance nor a markedly higher level of €12 per hour can render the minimum wage more effective in reducing poverty. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2022-12-20T03:11:10Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287221144233
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Authors:Iris Moolla, Paul Lambert Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. Citizens’ attitudes towards their national healthcare are important indicators of satisfaction and of political perspectives. In this article we summarise individual and national level patterns in healthcare evaluations across Europe. An innovative feature of our analysis is that we demonstrate that assessing healthcare evaluations in relative terms (relative to citizens’ views about the performance of national institutions in other domains), offers new insights about individual and national level variations in attitudes. Thus, we introduce an indicator of relative attitudes towards healthcare and contrast it to an absolute measure in a cross-national analysis. We use a larger dataset than previous studies of healthcare evaluations including countries from all regions of Europe and spanning eight rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2017, N = 342,000). We find that Europeans’ healthcare evaluations are multidimensional, with different patterns sometimes operating at an absolute and a relative level. When comparing countries, for instance, several nations in Southern and Eastern Europe compare poorly to other nations in their absolute ratings of healthcare but compare favourably if assessed in relative terms. Likewise, using a relative measure, most Scandinavian countries compare less favourably to other countries, but score positively when evaluations are measured in absolute terms. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2022-12-13T05:56:01Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287221141366
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Authors:Dorian Kessler, Debra Hevenstone, Leen Vandecasteele, Samin Sepahniya Abstract: Journal of European Social Policy, Ahead of Print. This study examines whether unemployment insurance benefit generosity impacts divorce, drawing on full population administrative data and a Swiss reform that reduced unemployment insurance maximum benefit duration. We assess the effect of the reform by comparing the pre- to the post-reform change in divorce rates among unemployed individuals who were affected by the reform with the change in divorce rates among a statistically balanced group of unemployed individuals who was not affected by the reform. Difference-in-differences estimates suggest that the reform caused a 2.8 percentage point increase in divorce (a 25% increase). Effects were concentrated among low-income couples (+58%) and couples with an unemployed husband (+32%) though gender differences are attributable to men’s breadwinner status. Female main breadwinners were more strongly affected (+78%) than male main breadwinners (+40%). Results confirm the ‘family stress model’ which posits that job search and financial stress cause marital conflict. Policymakers should consider a broad array of impacts, including divorce, when considering reductions in unemployment insurance generosity. Citation: Journal of European Social Policy PubDate: 2022-12-12T01:20:46Z DOI: 10.1177/09589287221141363
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