Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Abstract: Even prior to COVID-19, it was clear that political ideology was defining experiences and attitudes of Americans. Responses to the societal repercussions brought about by the pandemic quickly seemed to follow the same pattern of difference across the spectrum of political beliefs. This study explores the relationship of political ideology to personal responses to COVID. The present article reports on the results of an online survey in the USA conducted in June 2020 that explored the impact of personal political ideology on individual responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Hierarchical regression analyses revealed that political ideology was related to the likelihood of respondents following government guidance on personal protective practices. Ideological identification was not a significant predictor of the likelihood to specifically follow guidance from state officials, specifically, when satisfaction with state and federal leaders were controlled for. Differences in responses to COVID, including use of personal protection strategies and coping mechanisms are related to political ideology. Practice and policy should be responsive to these differences. PubDate: 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00060-7
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Abstract: This study considers how proponents of work requirements in Arkansas used villains, victims, and heroes to characterize undeserving Medicaid recipients and reinforce their employment. Approved by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services in 2018, Arkansas implemented the country’s first policy requiring Medicaid beneficiaries work to keep their health coverage. Within a year, 18,000 Arkansans had been dis-enrolled from Medicaid and the pilot was stopped by judges’ order. Applying the Narrative Policy Framework’s (NFP) conception of villain, victim, and hero characters, I discursively reviewed a set of public statements made by proponents of Medicaid work requirements in Arkansas. Responsible for perpetuating the poverty of Medicaid recipients, villains were characterized as government handouts that trap “able-bodied” Arkansans in social programs when they could be providing for themselves. When defending the policy, its proponents characterized villains as Medicaid defrauders, hiding their gainful employment to remain eligible. Victims were described in two main ways: “able-bodied” recipients in need of government’s encouragement to find jobs and escape poverty and employers in need of workers. The policy’s own heroism, complemented by the independent spirit of Arkansans, promised to rescue “able-bodied” recipients and deliver them to employers, paying the opportunity costs caused by social programs like Medicaid. More than reading Medicaid work requirements as punishment for undeserving beneficiaries, proponents used a range of characters, at times racially coded, to frame their policy as a benevolent intervention. Setbacks pushed proponents to defend the policy by racially coding villains, which may have broadened public support for this popular policy. Together, the use of characters helped justify a policy that disrupted Medicaid expansion and signaled class solidarity to understaffed employers. PubDate: 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-023-00076-7
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Abstract: In 2021, New York State passed the Marijuana Regulation and Taxation Act (MRTA). The Act legalized adult-use recreational cannabis and allowed for its production, distribution, and retail sale in licensed businesses. It also included social and economic equity provisions that provided for the expungement of cannabis-related criminal records and for access to cannabis business licenses to underserved minority applicants and communities disproportionally impacted by the war on drugs. This article asks if, under its current structure and implementation, MRTA is positioned to achieve its social and economic equity goals. The methods for the analysis are two-pronged. First, literature on recreational cannabis legalization is examined to understand the effects of this type of policy on underserved communities. This meta-analysis focuses on urban planning and land-use challenges associated with cannabis legalization. Second, demographic characteristics of communities that opt-in to MRTA are compared to those that opt-out in order to gain insights into how the geography of cannabis businesses relates to the law’s core social and economic equity goals. The meta-analysis finds that after legalization, marijuana remains stigmatized and racialized. This has resulted in the clustering of cannabis businesses in disenfranchised black and brown communities, exacerbating existing health disparities. The statistical analysis of opt-in and opt-out patterns indicates that similar patterns of clustering are emerging in New York. The findings from the analysis are used to generate recommendations to strengthen social and economic equity outcomes from the implementation of recreational cannabis policy in New York. PubDate: 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-023-00077-6
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Abstract: People with disabilities and their associations should have the opportunity to participate in decision-making processes by following the principle of “nothing about us without us,” according to the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities. This slogan was pursued as part of the reform process of the Federal Participation Act (Bundesteilhabegesetz) in Germany. Interest groups of people with disabilities (also referred to as “weak interests” in reference to association research) were intensively involved in various stages of the process. This article is based on results of a dissertation project that involved the process tracing method of the reform process of this new law. This paper takes a closer look at the methods of political influence used by interest groups of people with disabilities. Which activities were particularly effective in the context of the process considered here' What can other interest groups learn from the reform process of the Federal Participation Act about the direct use of power resources and lobbying' The power resource approach adapted to weak interests provides a basis, as do various lobbying activities, for demonstrating different ways in which weak interests influence the reform process. As the paper will show, the mix of different lobbying activities helped to assert some of their demands. PubDate: 2023-01-18 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00073-2
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Abstract: This study has three tasks. First, it establishes the extent in which current social work students engage in protest activities. Second, it analyzes the ways that a student’s sexual identity may impact their tendency to protest. Lastly, the work explores the reasons why sexual identity may impact protest inclinations. Data for this study were drawn from a 2019–2020 national sample of social work students (n = 811) throughout the USA with over 76 schools of social work represented. Findings suggest that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer students protested more frequently than heterosexual students as did students who had LGBQ friends, took or attended classes/activities on LGBQ topics, joined advocacy groups, and had an activist identity. After running several regressions, the increased activist activity of LGBQ students was mostly attributed to the fact that they felt a stronger commitment to being a person who works towards social change. A core tenant of social work is to address social injustice; often, this happens through some form of protest. This article explored a sexuality gap in protest behavior of social work students, while also examining other possible factors that may contribute to a gap in protesting behavior by using political distinctiveness theories to guide the exploration. Implications for social work education are discussed. PubDate: 2022-12-17 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00070-5
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Abstract: The sample included 3503 Americans participating in political activities during the 2020 presidential election. This study rank ordered three political behaviors: political expression, political information seeking, and political influencing. The study used these items to construct a Political Participation Index (PPI) to measure the political participation levels of the American public. Using representative data from the 2020 American National Election Survey (ANES), this study examined the predictors of political engagement of the American people to fathom what aspects can galvanize political participation and identify factors that social workers and policymakers can influence through political interventions. Study results ranked political information-seeking activities high and rated political influencing activities at the bottom based on the political participation of the American public. Political interest and being canvassed emerged as the most influential predictors, followed by the political use of Facebook and Twitter. In addition to personal characteristics such as being white, age, and being married, political parties’ outreach was the least influential predictor. Results demonstrate the need for social workers and policymakers to promote political interest and canvass groups such as nonwhites, single, young voters, and the poor to advance political participation, a critical tool to address the imbalance. PubDate: 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00071-4
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Abstract: Women’s rights advocates in Iowa successfully got state laws adopted in the late 1980s and in 2009 requiring gender balance on state and local boards and commissions, the only such laws in the USA. Through interview and archival methods, this paper uses a critical juncture framework to unveil how this was accomplished in part through a strategy underexplored in academic and practitioner literature—deradicalizing an issue through a series of “piecemeal” efforts. Small less controversial changes can build up to alter the status quo, making room for changes previously thought unaccomplishable. This study brings normatizing—the process of incrementally institutionalizing new norms—forward as a socialization strategy for social movement actors to intentionally consider employing in situations they encounter where political will on an issue is substantially lacking. PubDate: 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00072-3
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Abstract: This quantitative study focuses on the political engagement of social work students by comparing the extent of voluntary political participation and the factors that influence this type of engagement among Austrian (n = 197), German (n = 2998), and Swiss students (n = 453). Findings indicate that Swiss students are most engaged in political activities, followed by Austrian and German participants. Consistent with the findings of previous scholarship, the results of this study show that social work students prefer to participate in passive activities rather than in active forms of political participation. The study identifies internal political efficacy, political ideology, political interest, membership, and the country of residence as main factors influencing voluntary political participation among social work students. Along with similarities among the countries, this article also identifies and discusses differences between the three countries. Finally, ideas for future research directions are discussed based on the findings of this study. PubDate: 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00057-2
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Abstract: There is an ongoing debate in German Social Work theory about whether Social Work is, can be, or should be a political profession. There are three opinions among scholars that answer either with a wholehearted “yes,” a skeptic “yes, but…,” and a resounding “no.” And even when the answer is yes, political activity of Social Workers is often described as “Einmischung,” which can be translated as “interference” or “meddling,” thus undermining the crucial role that Social Workers play in the welfare state. This debate affects not only academic discourse but also the education of Social Workers throughout Germany. There seem to be as many different approaches as there are schools of Social Work to teaching — or not teaching — civics and political skills to Social Work students — thus, political knowledge and interest, practical skills, preparation, and the ability to speak politically can differ dramatically among Social Workers — which, in turn, influences the ability and willingness for political action. This is also reflected in the low numbers of German Social Workers that are organized in unions. For my doctoral thesis, I have compared ten different Social Work curricula at as many Schools of Social Work in Germany. My goal was to find out whether and how future Social Workers are receiving — or are at least able to receive — training for political situations and political work, and whether the skills taught are those needed in practice. In the course of working on my dissertation, I let students of Social Work and Social Workers discuss my findings about “their” study program in focus groups and at the same time asked if the skills taught on paper are also the ones taught in reality — and whether they are the ones needed in practice. I wish to present my findings in this article. PubDate: 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00068-z
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Abstract: The purpose of this study is to explore the influence of political interest on voting and the moderating effect of discrimination in this relationship. Using the National American Asian Survey, Post-Election 2016 (N = 3617), we used binary logistic regression to examine the influence of political interest on voting behavior among a majority persons-of-color sample. We examined the moderating effect of everyday and major discrimination on the primary relationship using the interaction term and simple slope test. We demonstrate that political interest can positively predict voting (OR = 1.699, p < .001). Those interested in politics who experienced everyday (OR = 1.094, p < .05) and major (OR = 1.094, p < .05) discrimination were associated with an increased likelihood to vote. This study demonstrates the importance of empowering marginalized communities to develop political interest, and how discrimination plays an important role in increasing voting motives. PubDate: 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00069-y
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Abstract: The ability to act politically is supposedly one of the core competencies of youth workers in Germany. Surprisingly, there is little knowledge about political activities of youth workers in Germany and elsewhere. In this article, I address this research gap by questioning how youth workers act politically. I present findings from the qualitative research project “civic education in youth work” and provide insights into the narrated practices of the interviewed youth workers in their contact with local politics and authorities. Based on a reconstructive interpretation using the documentary method (Bohnsack in Documentary Method. In U. Flick (Ed.), The sage handbook of qualitative analysis (pp. 217–233). Sage, 2014; Nohl in Narrative interview and documentary interpretation. In R. Bohnsack, N. Pfaff, & W. Weller (Eds.), Qualitative Analysis and Documentary Method in International Education Research (pp. 195–217). Barbara Budrich, 2010), I am able to identify three different types of political practices of youth workers and their underlying implicit orientations. There are youth workers who are reluctant to engage politically, who engage only in the face of an immediate threat, or who engage politically as part of their professional role as youth workers. PubDate: 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00067-0
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Abstract: This purpose of this study is to explore the gender dynamics in recruitment of social workers to run for public office. It was hypothesized that since most social workers—and social workers elected to public office—are women, that most social workers recruited to run for office would be women as well. Furthermore, it was hypothesized that recruitment would increase political ambition among men and women in social work, with a greater impact on women. Regarding research methods, the study utilized a sample (N = 2,316) consisting of randomly selected licensed social workers in 24 states and the District of Columbia. Data came from the National Study of the Political Participation of Licensed Social Workers (NSPPLSW). Chi-square tests were conducted, and logistic regressions were created using predictor variables measured with Likert scales. Cox–Snell pseudo-R2 was calculated as a goodness-of-fit measure. Results indicated that, despite being vastly outnumbered, men in social work are significantly more likely to experience political recruitment than women. This was true across all practice areas except community organizing. Additionally, contrary to hypotheses, recruitment was found to bolster political ambition equally in men and women in social work. Concluding remarks recommend increasing the effort among gatekeepers in political social work to recruit more women to run for office. PubDate: 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00066-1
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Abstract: Healthcare organizations’ continued restrictions on hospital visitation during the COVID-19 pandemic can be considered a violation of the rights of hospitalized patients to receive family visitors. Despite expert opinion related to the safety of visitation and low risk of visitor transmission with appropriate monitoring and precautions, hospital visitation restrictions have continued beyond the initial crisis phase of the pandemic, with little transparency or inclusion of key stakeholders in the decision-making process. Particularly on critical care units, blocking access to family visitors can contribute to additional harm and trauma for care-dependent hospitalized patients and their families. Utilizing an institutional betrayal framework, the aim of this commentary on hospital ICU visitation policy is to provide a discussion of how hospitals who serve a care-dependent population have placed critically ill patients, families, and healthcare workers at risk for complex trauma. Hospital social workers should incorporate an integrated social work approach to advocacy efforts which address not only individual hospitalized patient service needs, but also the uneven power differential that can contribute to inequity in visitation, medical mistrust, and long-term community trauma. On the interprofessional ICU team, social workers can function as trauma informed systems experts, coordinating and facilitating supports to help patients and families cope with hospitalization, while also advocating within their institution and with elected officials for policy change to protect patient and family–centered visitation rights. PubDate: 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00063-4
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Abstract: While ethical documents all around the globe call upon social workers to actively participate in policymaking processes, there is little evidence of their actual engagement in this type of practice. In particular, the fact that social workers also engage in party-politics by running for or holding elected office has been neglected in most of the existing research. Therefore, this article focuses on this very specific route of policy engagement by examining strategies for influencing policymaking processes used by Swiss social workers holding political office. To do so, 31 social workers holding elected office in the German-speaking part of Switzerland were invited to write a book chapter in an edited volume. The authors were explicitly asked to describe in detail their strategies and methods for influencing policymaking processes, and to place social work issues on the political agenda. Based on a qualitative content analysis of the book chapters, the following strategies were identified: (1) bringing social work’s professional expertise into policymaking processes, (2) doing good and talking about it, (3) presenting facts and figures, (4) organizing the profession, (5) networking, and (6) “normalizing” policy engagement in social work. The findings suggest that political content should be strengthened in social work education and further promoted by professional associations. This would empower more social workers to run for political office and enable them to contribute their specific skills, knowledge, and expertise to policymaking processes. PubDate: 2022-06-02 DOI: 10.1007/s42972-022-00058-1
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