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  Subjects -> SOCIAL SERVICES AND WELFARE (Total: 224 journals)
Showing 1 - 135 of 135 Journals sorted by number of followers
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 277)
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 139)
Journal of Public Health     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 127)
Social Policy and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 110)
Violence and Victims     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 94)
Journal of Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 78)
International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 70)
New Zealand Journal of Occupational Therapy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 68)
British Journal of Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 68)
International Journal of Social Research Methodology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 66)
Safer Communities     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 64)
Health and Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 61)
Journal of Applied Social Psychology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 53)
Personality and Social Psychology Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 48)
Health & Social Care In the Community     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 47)
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 44)
Quality in Ageing and Older Adults     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 44)
Critical Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 44)
Journal of Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 41)
European Journal of Social Psychology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
Basic and Applied Social Psychology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 38)
European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 36)
Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 36)
Mental Health and Social Inclusion     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 36)
Global Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 35)
Journal of European Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 35)
Qualitative Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 33)
European Journal of Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 32)
Australian Journal of Emergency Management     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 30)
Social Policy & Administration     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 29)
Advances in Social Work     Open Access   (Followers: 29)
Research on Social Work Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 29)
Journal of Social Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 27)
Journal of Occupational Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 27)
Clinical Social Work Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
Journal of Evidence-Based Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Social Philosophy and Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 25)
Mental Health and Substance Use: dual diagnosis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Social Work Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Science and Public Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Community, Work & Family     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Human Service Organizations Management, Leadership and Governance     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Philosophy & Social Criticism     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
International Social Science Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Social Justice Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Community Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Death Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Ethics and Social Welfare     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Housing Policy Debate     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Social Cognition     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 19)
Journal of Family Issues     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
The Milbank Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Qualitative Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Social Work & Social Sciences Review     Open Access   (Followers: 19)
Research on Language and Social Interaction     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Counseling Psychology and Psychotherapy     Open Access   (Followers: 19)
International Journal of Social Welfare     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Journal of Integrated Care     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Self and Identity     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
International Journal of Social Work     Open Access   (Followers: 18)
Social and Personality Psychology Compass     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Critical and Radical Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
International Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Social Work Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
Journal of Social Issues     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Asian Journal of Social Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Journal of Comparative Social Welfare     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Adoption & Fostering     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Practice: Social Work in Action     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Journal of Language and Social Psychology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Developing Practice : The Child, Youth and Family Work Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 15)
Journal of Social Work in Disability & Rehabilitation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Society and Mental Health     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
European Review of Social Psychology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Journal of Public Mental Health     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Critical Policy Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Policy Sciences     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology     Partially Free   (Followers: 13)
Social Work Education: The International Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Research in Social Stratification and Mobility     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Grief Matters : The Australian Journal of Grief and Bereavement     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Journal of Accessibility and Design for All     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
Social Behavior and Personality : An International Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Journal of Investigative Psychology and Offender Profiling     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Counseling Outcome Research and Evaluation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Journal of Social Work Education     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Contemporary Rural Social Work     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
Journal of Social Work Practice in the Addictions     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Canadian Social Work Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
Learning in Health and Social Care     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Journal of Community Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Social Science Japan Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Journal of Social Service Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Social Choice and Welfare     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Race and Social Problems     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Psychoanalytic Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Sexual Abuse in Australia and New Zealand     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Journal of Religion & Spirituality in Social Work: Social Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Families in Society : The Journal of Contemporary Social Services     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Australian Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Research on Economic Inequality     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Mortality: Promoting the interdisciplinary study of death and dying     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Journal of Forensic Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Partner Abuse     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Health and Social Care Chaplaincy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Service social     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Journal of Prevention & Intervention Community     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
International Social Security Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Asian Social Work and Policy Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Aboriginal and Islander Health Worker Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Journal of Social Development in Africa     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Journal of Care Services Management     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Journal of HIV/AIDS & Social Services     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Social Semiotics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
European Journal of Social Security     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Nordic Social Work Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Social Work With Groups     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Social Influence     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Australasian Policing     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Global Social Welfare     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Just Policy: A Journal of Australian Social Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Journal of Policy Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
African Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Australian Journal of Social Issues     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Australian Ageing Agenda     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Northwestern Journal of Law & Social Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Nouvelles pratiques sociales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Social Compass     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Care Management Journals     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Measurement and Evaluation in Counseling and Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Communities, Children and Families Australia     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
ACOSS Papers     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Evidence-Informed Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
African Safety Promotion     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Social Distress and the Homeless     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Counsellor (The)     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Journal of Comparative Social Work     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Review of Social Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Public Policy and Aging Report     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Advances in Neurodevelopmental Disorders     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Third Sector Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Hong Kong Journal of Social Work, The     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
National Emergency Response     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Youth Studies Australia     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Journal of Healthcare Engineering     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Sociedade e Estado     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of East Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Parity     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Disability Management Research     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Social Action : The Journal for Social Action in Counseling and Psychology     Free   (Followers: 2)
African Journal of Social Work     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Social Work and Society     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Australasian Journal of Human Security     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Journal of Human Rights and Social Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Merrill-Palmer Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Mundos do Trabalho     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Australian Journal on Volunteering     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Journal for Specialists in Group Work     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Groupwork     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Islamic Counseling : Jurnal Bimbingan Konseling Islam     Open Access  
Tidsskriftet Norges Barnevern     Full-text available via subscription  
Tidsskrift for velferdsforskning     Open Access  
Tidsskrift for omsorgsforskning     Open Access  
Nordisk välfärdsforskning | Nordic Welfare Research     Open Access  
Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika     Open Access  
Revista Serviço Social em Perspectiva     Open Access  
ConCienciaSocial     Open Access  
Bakti Budaya     Open Access  
Voces desde el Trabajo Social     Open Access  
HOLISTICA ? Journal of Business and Public Administration     Open Access  
Janus Sosiaalipolitiikan ja sosiaalityön tutkimuksen aikakauslehti     Open Access  
Finnish Journal of eHealth and eWelfare : Finjehew     Open Access  
Leidfaden : Fachmagazin für Krisen, Leid, Trauer     Hybrid Journal  
Kontext : Zeitschrift für Systemische Therapie und Familientherapie     Hybrid Journal  
Prospectiva : Revista de Trabajo Social e Intervención Social     Open Access  
International Journal of Care and Caring     Hybrid Journal  
Volunteer Management Report     Full-text available via subscription  
Social Work / Maatskaplike Werk     Open Access  
Argumentum     Open Access  
Indonesian Journal of Guidance and Counseling     Open Access  
Trabajo Social Global - Global Social Work     Open Access  
Journal of Danubian Studies and Research     Open Access  
Maltrattamento e abuso all’infanzia     Full-text available via subscription  
unsere jugend     Full-text available via subscription  
Pedagogia i Treball Social : Revista de Cičncies Socials Aplicades     Open Access  
Cuadernos de Trabajo Social     Open Access  
Developmental Child Welfare     Hybrid Journal  
Nusantara of Research: Jurnal Hasil-hasil Penelitian Universitas Nusantara PGRI Kediri     Open Access  
Revista Internacional De Seguridad Social     Hybrid Journal  
L'Orientation scolaire et professionnelle     Open Access  
Soziale Passagen     Hybrid Journal  
Tempo Social     Open Access  

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Similar Journals
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Philosophy & Social Criticism
Journal Prestige (SJR): 0.277
Number of Followers: 22  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0191-4537 - ISSN (Online) 1461-734X
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1174 journals]
  • Lefort and Rancière on democracy and sovereignty

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Annabel Herzog
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This paper focuses on Lefort’s and Rancière’s conceptions of democracy as a set of conflictual processes through which the composition of the public sphere is reassessed. Reading their works together and sometimes in opposition to each other, the paper extracts elements of a theory of inessential sovereignty that avoids the pitfalls of populist antagonism and of neoliberal diffuse domination. It analyses Lefort’s and Rancière’s understandings of democracy as rule of the people, which are based on ontological and aesthetical distinctions between ‘politics’ and ‘the political’. It argues that in the structural situation of dissensus described by both Lefort and Rancière, popular sovereignty could be conceptualized as lying in an ability to shape and transform the public sphere.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-21T07:34:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221101322
       
  • World out of difference: Relations and consequences

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      Authors: Antonio A. R. Ioris
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The article deals with the ontological configuration and political appropriation of difference in modern, capitalist societies. Against fragmented accounts of difference, it is examined the evolution from situations of wide socio-spatial diversity to the gradual instrumentalisation and selective hierarchisation of those elements of difference that can be inserted in market-based relations, whilst the majority of differences are ignored and disregarded. The instrumentalisation of difference under capitalism – the reduction of extended socio-spatial difference to the interests and priorities of the stronger segments of society who emphasise their distinctive features in the attempt to exert power and control over those considered inferior and subordinate – has more than just an impact on social or interpersonal relations but constitutes an active worldmaking force that operates, primarily, via the promotion of indifference. The analysis is informed by the Hegelian framework of consciousness and reason that is based on what the German philosopher calls the laws of experience accumulated through social interaction. Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit can, therefore, move social theory forward to a critical interrogation of lived and contested differences. The instrumentalised metabolism of difference, following Hegelian metaphysics, is basically the result of self-estrangement and externalisation of the self, not because of self-serving interests but exactly because of its incompleteness and the need to be actualised in the other, who is also incomplete. Likewise, all particulars are moments actualised in the universal, which is also a changeable moment of itself. Thought the negation of otherness, followed by a negation of the negation, difference can be then embraced in its entirety, as it remains a central explanatory concept for social criticism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-19T06:23:09Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221101316
       
  • Epistemology of Religion and phenomenology of revelation in
           post-revolutionary Iran: The case of Abdolkarim Soroush

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      Authors: Hossein Dabbagh
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Abdolkarim Soroush’s theory of ‘The Theoretical Contraction and Expansion of Religious Knowledge’ is arguably one of the most controversial theories of religion in post-revolutionary Iran. Soroush’s theory paves the way for recognising a pluralist interpretation of religion (Islam) by merging the epistemological and hermeneutical theory of religion. However, he later adds another approach to his reformist framework to explain the phenomenon of revelation. In this paper, after carefully laying out Soroush’s contraction and expansion theory, I will discuss his three approaches, that is, epistemological, hermeneutical and phenomenological approaches to religion, through presenting Kantian and Quinian interpretations of contraction and expansion of religious knowledge, addressing the epistemology of contraction and expansion and the phenomenology of revelation, and pointing out some issues about error recognition within contraction and expansion of religious knowledge. I argue that the role of error recognition is crucial in understanding Soroush’s reformist project since it links his epistemology and hermeneutics of religious knowledge to the way he theorises about revelation phenomenologically.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-19T04:44:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221101318
       
  • Populism and the political system: A critical systems theory approach to
           the study of populism

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      Authors: Kolja Möller
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article outlines a critical systems theory approach to the study of populism by arguing that populism is an avenue of contestation which assumes a distinct role and function in the existing constitution of the political system. Most notably, it is characterised by the re-entry of a popular sovereignty dimension within regular political procedures. By taking up a critical systems theory perspective, it becomes possible to more precisely distinguish populism from other forms of politics, such as oppositional politics, social movement politics or procedural constitutional politics. Further, populism’s oscillation between democratic and authoritarian dynamics can be elucidated as an inversion which operates from within its political form. Finally, it is argued that the critical systems theory approach provides a more nuanced understanding of populism’s inherent problems and, consequently, moves beyond a blunt defence or rejection of populism as such.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-10T02:42:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221084003
       
  • Setting struggle in motion: From ‘non-violence’ to
           revolutionary anti-violence

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      Authors: Drucilla Cornell, Stephen D Seely
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In light of the rising anti-racist and decolonial struggles breaking out in the world, this essay seeks to displace the theoretical dichotomy between ‘violence’ and ‘non-violence’. We begin by revisiting Arendt and Fanon to argue that within the conditions of colonial-racial capitalism, ‘non-violence’ is merely a theoretical abstraction. Building on Fanon, who understands decolonial struggle as setting the ‘atmospheric violence’ of colonization into motion toward a new humanity, we develop our own vocabulary of revolutionary anti-violence that replaces a static dichotomy with a spectrum of spontaneous insurrectional activity, non-retaliatory anti-violence, self-defense, and offensive armed struggle. From these, we reinterpret various struggles and distinguish them from terrorism. By centralizing anti-violence as an ethical ideal and political struggle, we aim to overcome the unproductive pitting of ‘good’ (non-violent) movements from ‘bad’ (violent or terrorist) ones and offer a political theory of violence more appropriate to our times.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-09T11:44:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221093725
       
  • A New Skin for the Wounds of History: Fanon’s Affective Sociogeny and
           Ricœur’s Carnal Hermeneutics

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      Authors: J. Reese Faust
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article argues that, despite their distance across the colonial divide, a creolizing reading of Frantz Fanon and Paul Ricœur can yield valuable insights into decoloniality. Tracing their shared philosophical concerns with embodied phenomenology, social ontology and recognition, I argue that their respective accounts of sociogeny and hermeneutics can be productively read together as describing a shared end of mutual recognition untainted by racism or coloniality – a ‘new skin’ for humanity, as Fanon describes it. More specifically, Fanon contributes to Ricœur an understanding of how divergences in social location can be overcome through liberatory action that posits a new logic of sociality; likewise, Ricœur provides Fanon with an account of how liberatory horizons are produced through this praxis, based on the imaginative connection between ideology and utopia. This article concludes by arguing that these congruent methodological and normative concerns can be read together to concretize – and potentially actualize – the utopic end of liberatory struggle in mutual recognition through fashioning this new skin.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-08T10:54:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221090617
       
  • The Genius of Feminism: Cavellian Moral Perfectionism and Feminist
           Political Theory

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      Authors: Sarah Drews Lucas
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Work on Stanley Cavell in contemporary political theory tends to foreground Cavell’s reading of Emersonian moral perfectionism, but this aspect of Cavell’s thought is often left out of feminist readings of his work. In this paper, I give an overview of Cavell’s importance to political theory, and I also trace two Cavellian-inspired feminisms: Sandra Laugier’s ordinary language inflected ethics of care and Toril Moi’s understanding of feminist theory as the close and careful reading of examples. I argue that Cavellian-Emersonian moral perfectionism enhances these feminist readings of Cavell because it helps us explain certain practices in feminist activism, such as resisting conformity, acknowledging the limits of our understanding and being receptive to other members of our feminist community.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-06T10:27:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221093718
       
  • The just price and the gains from exchange

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      Authors: Pietro Maffettone
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The paper explores a general framework for thinking about the idea of the just price. The approach is grounded in a basic aspect of the nature of exchange, namely, that the latter usually occurs when both parties believe they will be better off as a result. Put differently, an exchange is normally performed because both parties stand to gain something from it. The distributive question that arises from this observation is how one ought to divide such gains. The connection with the idea of the just price is not necessarily an obvious one, yet it is relatively straightforward. Assuming that an exchange involves money (or any unit of account), the price at which two agents transact will correspond to a specific division of the gains from the transaction. Conversely, any specification of a fair division of the gains from exchange individuates a specific price as the just or fair price. The paper analyzes the main features of this approach to the determination of the just price, explains one of its main virtues, defends it against an alleged weakness and criticizes as inadequate two of its traditional interpretations. The upshot of the discussion is that while the idea that the just price of a transaction depends on how the latter divides the gains from exchange does not suffer from general flaws and is in fact characterized by an important good making feature, the two principal ways in which it has been deployed are implausible.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-06T03:47:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221093731
       
  • When Political Ignorance is really harmful for Democracy: Moral Intuitions
           and Biased Attitudes in Voting Behaviour

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      Authors: Jacopo Marchetti
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Ignorance about political related issues has long been considered a threat to democracy. This paper revolves around the concept of political ignorance, focusing especially on Ilya Somin’s book Democracy and Political Ignorance and going beyond his standpoint in two ways. First of all, it moves away from the notion of factual knowledge by showing that political ignorance cannot be limited to a matter of information quality. On the contrary, it shows that ignorance concerns the formation of opinions about political facts, which are the bricks with which disagreement is built. Then, using the insights of the Moral Foundation Theory by Jonathan Haidt and his colleagues, the paper argues that moral intuitions represent an additional source of bias that current research on the problem of voters’ ignorance should address. While Somin argues that biased moral values are the outcome of ignorance, Moral Foundation Theory suggests that moral intuitions are a robust determinant of people’s political views as they make factual knowledge partially irrelevant and also make people with different moral minds unable to understand the basis of reciprocal factual argumentations.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-06T03:39:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221093742
       
  • A living critique of domination: Exemplars of radical democracy from Black
           Lives Matter to #MeToo

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      Authors: Martin Breaugh, Dean Caivano
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Building on recent developments in radical democratic theory, in this article we articulate and explore a fresh perspective for theorists and activists of radical democracy: a ‘living critique of domination’. Characterized by a two-fold analytical effort, a ‘living critique of domination’ calls for a radical critique of contemporary forms of power and control coupled with a reappraisal of emancipatory political experiences created by the political action of the Many. We demonstrate that this project responds to the theoretical and practical challenges faced by a politics of emancipation today. Our article offers a first articulation of this living critique through a discussion of three recent political experiences, namely, the 2016 French uprising, Nuit Debout, as well as the Black Lives Matter and #MeToo movements.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-05T01:23:59Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221093726
       
  • “A False Classless Society”: Adorno’s social theory
           revisited

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      Authors: Naveh Frumer
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Adorno’s social theory is enjoying renewed attention, as is the debate to what extent is it Marxist. A central issue remains Adorno’s concept of social totality: capitalism as a fully integrated society in which every difference is levelled. One problem this raises is why is he still committed to the Marxist concept of class. And second, how to understand his critique of the idea of proletarian class-consciousness, which seems to leave his critical theory without an addressee. The article suggests that, for Adorno, capitalist society exhibits what is termed here “differential integration.” It is predicated both on the labor/capital distinction and, at the same time, on sufficient homology between the two, such that the qualitative class divide is experienced as mere quantitative variance. This efficacious gap between social structure and social experience is at the center of his concept of ideology. Ideology-critique for Adorno is mainly the critique of symptomatic misconceptions of how ideology functions, due to lack of attention to how the class structure is in fact not experienced as such. Adorno’s alternative to proletarian class consciousness is “differential solidarity”: consciousness of social domination that is on the one hand found across class divides yet is experienced differentially between them.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-05-05T01:15:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221093720
       
  • Paternalism, respect and dialogue

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      Authors: Soo Jin Kim
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Supporters of paternalistic policies argue that interference with risky or dangerous choices for citizens’ own good is permissible, as long as those choices are caused by cognitive irrationality or ignorance. Yet, some liberal thinkers argue that despite human irrationality, paternalistic policies are still wrong because they fail to respect citizens as moral equals. I argue that actually both views are mistaken about what respect for citizens requires, because they conceptualize the citizens’ interests from the wrong standpoint. In order for citizens to be respected as equals, I argue that citizens’ interests must be defined from a joint (second-person) standpoint which is constructed through a dialogical process between policymakers and citizens oriented towards mutual understanding. Furthermore, I argue that engaging citizens in such a dialogue is a distinctive paternalistic intervention in its own right, which unlike other kinds of paternalistic intervention, is compatible with respect for citizens as equals.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-04-23T09:37:28Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221088342
       
  • History of political thought at a standstill: Abensour, constellations and
           textual alterity

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      Authors: Christopher Holman
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article suggests that the philosophical contributions of the French democratic theorist Miguel Abensour offer a unique model for the practice of the history of political thought. Under the influence of the first generation of Frankfurt School critical theory, Abensour can be seen as applying a method of thinking in constellations to the study of historical texts, the critical rearrangement of conceptual elements drawn from the latter generating new dialectical images that reveal something previously obscured about the object of investigation. The history of political thought on this model is less about the recuperation of a definite textual intelligibility than the revelation of social and political alterity.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-04-23T08:19:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221088343
       
  • Realism in the ethics of immigration

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      Authors: James S. Pearson
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The ethics of immigration is currently marked by a division between realists and idealists. The idealists generally focus on formulating morally ideal immigration policies. The realists, however, tend to dismiss these ideals as far-fetched and infeasible. In contrast to the idealists, the realists seek to resolve pressing practical issues relating to immigration, principally by advancing what they consider to be actionable policy recommendations. In this article, I take issue with this conception of realism. I begin by surveying the way in which it exemplifies what certain political theorists have recently called ‘problem-solving’ realism – a species of realism which they reject as incoherent. These theorists demonstrate that what counts as a ‘feasible’ solution is far harder to establish than most problem-solving realists would have us believe. Applying this general critique to the specific domain of immigration ethics turns out to radically undermine the notion of realism that prevails in this sphere of applied ethics. I conclude that we should therefore revise our conception of what constitutes a genuinely realist approach to the problem of immigration.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-04-22T02:53:26Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221079676
       
  • Comedy as dissonant rhetoric

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      Authors: Simon Lambek
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article considers the normative and critical value of popular comedy. I begin by assembling and evaluating a range of political theory literature on comedy. I argue that popular comedy can be conducive to both critical and transformative democratic effects, but that these effects are contingent on the way comedic performances are received by audiences. I illustrate this by means of a case study of a comedic climate change ‘debate’ from the television show, Last Week Tonight. Drawing from recent scholarship on deliberation, judgment and rhetoric, I highlight both critical and transformative dimensions of the performance. I attribute these to the vignette’s likely reception, which I describe as ‘dissonant’ – unresolved, affectively turbulent and aesthetically attuned. I argue that comedy is uniquely positioned to spur such ‘dissonant’ modes of engagement and, in so doing, to promote acknowledgement and reflective judgment.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-04-22T02:45:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221079677
       
  • The gentle way in governing: Foucault and the question of neoliberalism

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      Authors: Joseph Tanke
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This essay challenges some of the recent scholarship which claims that Michel Foucault was more sympathetic to neoliberalism than is typically acknowledged. Accordingly, it considers the possible motivations for Foucault’s 1978-1979 lecture course, The Birth of Biopolitics; the relationship between liberalism and the various forms of power identified by Foucault; and, finally, claims that Foucault’s account of the ‘care of the self’ was itself informed by the neoliberal theory of human capital. It finds that Foucault regarded neoliberalism as coercive social arrangement on par with the other forms of power/knowledge targeted by his work. And it concludes with some reflections on how Foucault’s account of the ‘aesthetics of existence’ might facilitate resistance to neoliberalism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-04-14T08:11:33Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221079673
       
  • Critical citizenship and democratic legitimacy

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      Authors: Bernard Reber
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In political science, the theme of critical citizenship is often interpreted negatively and understood to express distrust. However, criticism can be motivated by positive aspirations towards democracy and how to improve it. In order to test this idea, we asked respondents to the Democracy and citizenship survey to rank how the features of different types of democratic legitimacy appealed to them. The module adopted an innovative methodology by bringing together philosophy (political theory) and political science. This approach led to a series of results that tempered and questioned the more prevalent pessimistic understandings of critical citizenship. Furthermore, this article looks closely at controversy surrounding the meaning ascribed to criticism and discusses the presuppositions made by many political sociology studies and their differing hypotheses on critical citizenship. It shows that the very definition of criticism remains unclear and proposes a ‘critical understanding of criticism’ adopting a meta-critical stance (as is often the case in philosophy) to better identify four possible types of criticism: reactive criticism (primary), evaluative, propositional (first or secondary order) and pluralist political criticism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-04-14T06:37:14Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221079679
       
  • The aporetic humanism of early Derrida

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      Authors: Michael Williams
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article focuses on the French philosopher Jacques Derrida’s thought in the 1960s. Though the discourse of the ‘death of man’ was regnant among French avant-garde intellectuals, this article argues that Derrida himself has to be described as a humanist at this stage in his career, even if a reluctant one. The case is made through close textual analysis of three of Derrida’s early and seminal works: ‘Cogito and the History of Madness’ (1963), ‘Violence and Metaphysics: An Essay on the Thought of Emmanuel Levinas’ (1964) and ‘The Ends of Man’ (1968). In these texts, Derrida grapples with issues of the subject and the other. They collectively reveal that the Derrida of the 1960s held fast to the view that philosophical thought could neither dispense with the subject nor escape the horizon of humanism. However, Derrida reconceived the human subject with reference to his core concepts of différance and arche-writing, making for an aporetic humanism that deconstructs the binary of humanism–antihumanism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-30T11:52:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221079678
       
  • Social criticism, dissonance, and progress: A socio-epistemic approach

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      Authors: Gianfranco Casuso
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The immanent approach adopted by most contemporary representatives of the Critical Theory tradition has generally the purpose of offering a foundation for social criticism that, without relying exclusively on explicit or factually accepted principles, avoids both the potential arbitrariness of subjective judgment and the appeal to transcendent criteria. However, this project has not yet paid much attention to the socio-epistemic elements related to the intersubjective praxis of criticism. Based on this concern, I intend to explore the possibility of immanent criticism by using the epistemic category of dissonance. I will begin by showing how Davidson’s notion of irrationality can overcome the problematic separation between healthy and pathological behavior found in Festinger’s classical theory of cognitive dissonance and serve as an indicator of epistemic contradictions that can lead to social change. Thereafter, I will explain the link between these approaches and both Brandom’s inferential semantics and Honneth’s normative reconstruction. At the end of the first part, I expect to show an articulated picture of how dissonance can serve as a key for the analysis of inconsistencies present both in the belief systems and in the institutions and practices that constitute forms of life. In the second part, I will reconstruct three possible objections to this comprehensive approach in relation to the role of the individual in processes of social criticism and to the notions of progress and rationality that the approach adopts. I will analyze here what kind of meta-criterion is necessary to overcome the discomfort generated by the experience of dissonance so that it leads to social change. Taking up the Hegelian-Pragmatist idea of accumulation of experiences, I will argue that such a meta-criterion refers to the possibility of gathering and using available and non-endogenous socio-epistemic resources that allow reconfiguring the foundations of the questioned form of life.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-23T10:07:25Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040571
       
  • Calling the news fake: The underlying claims about truth in the post-truth
           era

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      Authors: Thomas Hainscho
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article deals with the question about the conditions for someone to call something ‘fake news’. It examines cases in which something is called fake news and analyses these cases from an ordinary language point of view as speech acts. Doing so, the analysis explains fake news as the expression of a dissent. The analysis avoids problems of recent attempts to provide a definition of fake news and argues against the view that fake news belong to a so-called post-truth era. The conclusion of the article is that it is not possible to call something fake news without having unyielding convictions about the truth.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-18T08:30:07Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066854
       
  • A tripartite model of federalism

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      Authors: Raf Geenens, Helder De Schutter
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The classical account of federalism is bipartite. Federal systems are understood to have a dual nature: on the one hand, there is the central government, and on the other hand, there are the constituent units. We argue instead for a tripartite model of federalism. In this model, a third institutional pillar is added to federal systems. This third pillar deals exclusively with matters related to the institutional architecture of the system. We argue for tripartite federalism on three grounds: a tripartite structure would be better suited to accommodate political communities where citizens might currently feel misrecognized by the central government, it would provide a more efficient way to adjust the federal architecture and it would be able to do so in a more democratic manner. We conclude our article with a reflection on the distance between our ideal-typical tripartite model and actual reality.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-18T08:20:54Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066850
       
  • An unthinkable cinema: Deleuze’s mutant politics of film

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      Authors: Timothy Deane-Freeman
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In this paper, I defend a conception of Deleuze’s two volumes dedicated to film – Cinema I: The Movement-Image, and Cinema II: The Time-Image – as protracted expressions of his political philosophy. In this context, I will elaborate the difficult and entwined political claims Deleuze makes on behalf of cinema: that it is capable of engendering a tentative ‘belief in the world’, such as is the necessary correlate of political action; that it captures the contemporary political fact that ‘the people are missing’, as a unified or coherent political agent; and finally that it might reveal those ‘impossible’ or ‘intolerable’ situations which would provoke such a people into being. In advancing this conceptual triumvirate, I will argue that the claims made here on behalf of cinema overspill the art form itself, linking up with Deleuze’s broader political ontology of thought and constituting a generalised political philosophy proper to so-called ‘late-capitalism’.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-16T11:35:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211072879
       
  • ‘To conceal domination in production’: Horkheimer and Adorno’s
           critical functionalist theory of race

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      Authors: Andrew J. Pierce
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article revisits the Frankfurt School’s reflections on race, anti-Semitism and fascism, focusing especially on the theory of race implicit in Dialectic of Enlightenment. It argues that this theory has the potential to be developed into a critical functionalist theory of race that avoids both class and race reductionism, offering a thoroughly intersectional competitor to currently dominant philosophies of race. The key to such a theory is the view that racialization plays a functional role in sustaining capitalist exploitation. While Horkheimer and Adorno focus on the scapegoat function of racialization, I argue that this function, while important, does not exhaust the possible functionalities of racialization and neglects an especially crucial function: the maintenance of a specifically racial form of exploitation.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-16T10:30:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066861
       
  • The neoliberal influence on South Africa’s early democracy and its
           shortfalls in addressing economic inequality

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      Authors: Danelle Fourie
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In this article, I will argue that early post-Apartheid South Africa adopted certain neoliberal principles which compromised the efforts to combat economic inequality. In particular, I will show that the economic policies that South Africa adopted during its early democracy reflect core neoliberal principles which promote a neoliberal political rationality. These economic policies indicate a pivotal approach from the African National Congress government in addressing economic inequality in South Africa. The dramatic shift from traditional Marxist policies to neoliberal policies reveals the significant influence of a neoliberal global market system during South Africa’s early democracy. However, the neoliberal policies failed to address the problem of economic inequality in South Africa. Instead, these policies seem to have deepened the existing economic inequality in contemporary South African society.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-14T04:30:25Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537221079674
       
  • Critical Republicanism and the Discursive Demands of Free Speech

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      Authors: Suzanne Whitten
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      A growing body of literature in feminist philosophy exposes the way in which occupying a particular group identity inhibits an affected agent’s ability to engage in communicative exchange effectively. These accounts reveal a fault in standard liberal defences of free speech, showing how, if free speech is a goal worth pursuing, then it must involve both a concern about the legitimate limits of state interference and of the effect of social norms on an agent’s communicative capacities. Building on the emergence of a ‘critical’ branch of neo-republicanism, this article argues that such speech-related injustices are best understood as a feature of structural domination that threatens the agency of those affected. Recalibrating our understanding of free speech along critical republican lines thus secures discursive agency in our communicative exchanges in a way that both ensures democratic legitimacy and realises equal status for all.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-04T06:01:59Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040565
       
  • On the very idea of normative foundations in critical social theory

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      Authors: Justin Evans
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      I argue that the problem of normative foundations is insoluble. I discuss how and why the apparent problem arose, particularly within the Frankfurt School. Then, I describe various theories of normative foundations and the criticisms that such theories have faced, such as ethno- and andro-centrism, imperialism, and the failure to fulfill their own aims. I make my main argument by way of an analogy: theories of knowledge have wrestled with the question of whether a “given”’ could act as a certain foundation for knowledge. The conclusion is often that no given can function in that way, because the given, which supposedly does not require justification, is therefore necessarily unable to justify knowledge. For similar reasons, I argue, nothing can function as a normative foundation for a critical social theory, because any such normative foundation would have to both stand in no need of normative justification but also justify normative social criticism. I conclude by suggesting that more recent critical theory that does not focus on normative foundations can be understood as justifying their critique by appeal to what people do actually want, rather than what they should rationally want.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-02T07:57:26Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211059512
       
  • The appropriating subject: Cultural appreciation, property and entitlement

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      Authors: Jana Cattien, Richard John Stopford
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      What is cultural ‘appropriation’' What is cultural ‘appreciation’' Whatever the complex answer to this question, cultural appropriation is commonly defined as ‘the taking of something produced by members of one culture by members of another’ (Young 2005: 136), whilst appreciation is typically understood as mere ‘exploration’: ‘Appreciation explores whatever is there’. (Gracyk 2007: 112). These provisional definitions suggest that there is an in-principle distinction between the two concepts that presupposes the following: what is appreciated is already available; what is appropriated was, prior to its being taken, not already there or available. Moreover, perhaps appreciation, when contrasted to appropriation, is unproblematic precisely due to this basic difference.In this paper, we argue that the exclusive disjunction – appropriation or appreciation – rests on a false distinction between the two. We also show that this distinction presupposes a false normative principle that to the extent that x is appreciation rather than appropriation, then x is not – relevant to this issue – a wrong. Against these presuppositions, we defend the view that appropriation is already built into appreciation. This does not mean that we cannot ask questions of appreciation, but that questions of appreciation do not preclude the problematics of appropriation.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-02T05:11:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211059515
       
  • Expropriation of the expropriators

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      Authors: Jacob Blumenfeld
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The ‘expropriation of the expropriators’ is a delicious turn of phrase, one that Marx even compares to Hegel’s infamous ‘negation of the negation’. But what does it mean, and is it still relevant today' Before I analyse the content of Marx’s expression, I briefly consider contemporary legal understandings of expropriation, as well as some examples of it. In the remainder of the essay, I spell out different kinds of expropriation in Marx and focus on an ambiguity at the core of the notion of ‘expropriating the expropriators’, namely, whether it describes an immanent and objective tendency within the development of the capitalist mode of production or else actively prescribes a form of revolutionary political praxis for the working class. My answer is that it does both, though not without tension. Finally, I develop some implications of these reflections by showing how the concept of expropriation can be put to use today, in struggles around housing, climate and work.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-01T07:11:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211059513
       
  • Anonymity, fidelity to law, and digital Civil disobedience

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      Authors: Wulf Loh
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Making use of the liberal concept of civil disobedience, this paper assesses, under which circumstances instances of illegal digital protest—called “hacktivism”—can be justified vis-à-vis the pro tanto political obligation to obey the law. For this, the paper draws on the three main criteria for liberal civil disobedience—publicity, nonviolence, and fidelity to law—and examines how these can be transferred to the realm of the digital. One of the main disanalogies between street and cyberspace protests is the tendency of hacktivists to remain anonymous, which in turn calls into question their fidelity to law (the third criterion). The paper argues that there are functionally equivalent alternatives to what can be called the “acceptance-of-legal-consequences-condition” (ALCC) associated with the fidelity to law. As a result, the ALCC is not a necessary condition for hacktivists to showcase their fidelity to law, thereby resolving the apparent disanalogy.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-01T03:12:34Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211072886
       
  • Derrida's Wheel – The Circularity of Political (R)Evolutions

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      Authors: Elia RG Pusterla, Francesca Pusterla
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates the relationship between political revolutions and the evolution of politics. It discusses the circularity within the concept of revolution through Jacques Derrida’s theory of sovereignty as particularly per Rogues – Two Essays on Reason and The Beast and the Sovereign. Derrida’s notions of wheel and ipseity display ontological prerogatives and evolutionary limits of political revolutions possibly coinciding with reversals hard to turn into linear evolutions, excluding rather than reaffirming circularity. Political revolutions show such incapacity to become evolutionary for politics when lacking ontological substance and resting upon formal contingencies such as new techniques. An ‘alturnative’ notion of sovereignty is proposed as a heuristic criterion to gauge political events’ ‘revolutionary’ quality. This undermines the (r)evolutionary nature of political turns, like those associated with the contemporary digitalisation of politics. The Italian Five Stars Movement’s parable is a case in point of digital political turns whose effect is non-evolutionary for politics.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-01T01:20:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211073625
       
  • Adorno, Marx, and abstract domination

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      Authors: Eli B. Lichtenstein
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article reconstructs and defends Theodor Adorno’s social theory by motivating the central role of abstract domination within it. Whereas critics such as Axel Honneth have charged Adorno with adhering to a reductive model of personal domination, I argue that the latter rather understands domination as a structural and de-individualized feature of capitalist society. If Adorno’s social theory is to be explanatory, however, it must account for the source of the abstractions that dominate modern individuals and, in particular, that of value. While such an account remains undeveloped in Adorno, Marx provides resources for its development, in positing the constitution of value neither in production nor exchange alone, but in the social totality. This article argues that Marx’s account is compatible with Adorno’s, and that it may be used to render Adorno’s theory of domination more credible on explanatory grounds.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-03-01T01:11:13Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211059508
       
  • It’s funny because it’s true' Reflections on laughter,
           deception, and critique

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      Authors: Patrick T Giamario
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This essay challenges the prevailing view among critical theorists that laughter’s emancipatory power stems from its ability to speak the truth. The disparate accounts of laughter offered by Plato, Hobbes, and Nietzsche exemplify an alternative strategy for theorizing laughter as a performance of deception, or an experience that mystifies rather than enlightens. While a view of laughter as deceptive may at first appear to reduce laughter’s critical leverage over ideology, I argue that this approach offers a stronger account of its emancipatory power. Speaking the truth does little more than reveal the falsity of ideology, and laughter’s capacity to actually transform society hinges on how it deceives differently – namely, in such a way that prompts the imagination and construction of more democratic institutions and modes of relating. The essay concludes by considering the implications of this argument for how we understand the role of truth in critical theory today.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-25T09:21:35Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211033019
       
  • Beyond technocracy and political theology: John Dewey and the authority of
           truth

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      Authors: Michelle Chun
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article aims to shed light on the so-called post-truth moment and the responses of Walter Lippmann, Carl Schmitt, and John Dewey to the unstable basis and implications of truth—empirical or scientific, moral and axiological—in politics. At stake historically and today is an attempt to find political authority grounded in truth so as to preserve an autonomous sphere of freedom for the individual against the potentially irrational subjectivism backed by coercive force. Lippmann and Schmitt mirror the contemporary distrust (or insistence as inescapable fact) of subjectivism and the rejection of pluralism as offering truth as an ordering principle for politics. I argue that Dewey’s turn to inquiry and his conception of truth and politics provides a timely defense of participatory democracy and a democratic ethos necessary to commit to acting on verifiable truth claims. I conclude by applying Dewey’s insights to current scholarship on truth, inquiry, and polarization today.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-21T06:30:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211059510
       
  • Democratic freedom as an aesthetic achievement: Peirce, Schiller and
           Cavell on aesthetic experience, play and democratic freedom

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      Authors: Michael Räber
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In this essay, I reconsider the constitution of democratic freedom in aesthetic terms. My interest is in articulating a conception of aesthetic freedom that can be mapped onto a conception of democratic freedom. For this purpose, I bring together Charles Sanders Peirce’s ontology, which comprises fragments of an aesthetic theory, Friedrich Schiller’s concept of aesthetic play and Stanley Cavell’s democratic perfectionism. By providing a philosophical framework for constructing an aesthetics and politics that supports the recent aesthetic turn in political theory, which urges overcoming political theory’s excessive dependence on an epistemological theory of representation, and by proposing a modification to the turn’s heavy reliance on theories of affect, my reading of Peirce, Schiller and Cavell offers a new way to think about the political significance of the autonomy of aesthetic experience and affect for democratic freedom.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-16T03:14:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066864
       
  • Political authority and resistance to injustice: A Confucian perspective

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      Authors: Kevin K W Ip
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Those who bear the burdens of injustice and oppression are entitled to act in ways contrary to existing laws and institutions to secure their own entitlements and those of others. This article aims to articulate a Confucian perspective on resistance against injustice. There are reasons for thinking that the notion of resistance is fundamentally at odds with Confucian political thought. In this article, I move beyond this simple conflict/compatibility model and explore the complex relationships between resistance and Confucianism. On one hand, some of Confucianism’s core commitments can be better attained in contemporary societies by allowing resistance; on the other, a Confucian perspective can offer insights into current discussions on the ethics of resistance.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-15T06:45:03Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040572
       
  • The discontents of competition for recognition on social media:
           Perfectionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism

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      Authors: Kristupas Ceilutka
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Individuals frequently utilize social media platforms (SMPs) to express their positive features and receive recognition. Axel Honneth proposes that recognition plays an essential role in social life, explaining both social conflicts and guiding normative social development. While SMPs appear as a perfect tool for the pursuit of recognition, they often fail to achieve the intended results. This paper argues that the failure to achieve recognition through SMPs occurs because SMPs operate according to the neoliberal principle of competition. Competition arises because several structural affordances (quantification, homogeneity, and availability of information) allow for comparing different expressions of recognition. I argue that the competitive pursuit of recognition on SMPs results in several problematic developments, causing the manifestation of perfectionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism. I conclude that the normative potential of Honneth’s theory is compromised if recognition is pursued competitively.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-15T04:45:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211072883
       
  • Authoritarian leadership: Is democracy in peril'

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      Authors: Spencer Shaw
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Classical leadership models have insistently reinforced the notion of leader-centric rule. Business models focus on strong leadership, definitive decision-making and charismatic figures. Authoritarian leadership is the foundation upon which other models are based. However, the adoption of Charismatic Leadership and Great Man theory puts into relief the tendency within democratic rule towards fascist and populist ideology. Many leading philosophers and political scientists lend support to authoritarian rule. This tendency is not always apparent in democratic theory, indeed it is counter-intuitive, but from a critical perspective, we are forced to ask whether there is not something within democracy which invites authoritarianism and harbours the seed of fascism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-14T04:50:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211072882
       
  • Philosophy and the study of capitalism

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      Authors: Justin D Evans
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Sociologists, economists, historians, anthropologists, political theorists, and literary critics have all turned their attention to the study of capitalism. But philosophers remain much less engaged. Why is this' And what could philosophy bring to the study of capitalism' Could it help in the development of a general theory' My main argument here is that philosophy does have an important role to play in the study of capitalism, particularly if we want to develop a general theory. Philosophers must describe something that is peculiar to capitalism, in philosophical terms, which has not been explained by sociological, economic, or psychological means. This subject matter does exist: it is the nature of rationality within capitalism. I suggest that this can best be explained by using the theory of the space of reasons, which helps to show how rational human practices shape social and economic institutions, and how our form of rationality is in turn shaped by those practices and institutions.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-11T11:01:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211072889
       
  • Book Review

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      Authors: Todd May
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-09T02:56:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066851
       
  • Book Review: Beyond the Public Sphere

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      Authors: Stephanie Graf
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-07T12:13:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066857
       
  • In search of reasonableness: between legal and political philosophy

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      Authors: Michele Mangini
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Reasonableness is a complex notion recently developed by legal and political theorists. John Rawls’s famous proposal of ‘reasonableness as reciprocity’ requires careful testing in the light of several criteria arising from legal doctrine and adjudication. I enquire into this variety of concepts in search of a common thread that makes sense of the use of the same concept in diverse contexts. I assume the normative thrust of reasonableness as an institutional and an individual virtue the basic core of which derives from Aristotelian phronesis. However, this double aspect of reasonableness betrays its major complexity that I try to shape through the help of two categories: subjective agency and objective context. The upshot of my enquiry will be that of showing that we can use another model, alternative to Rawls’s and better able to make sense of the variety of legal and ethical uses: Von Wright’s reasonableness as ‘the right way of living’.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-02-07T01:40:54Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066853
       
  • The Flesh of Negation: Adorno and Merleau-Ponty contra Heidegger

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      Authors: Daniel Neofetou
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Theodor Adorno’s 1960–1961 lecture course Ontology and Dialectics, recently translated into English, provides the most systematic articulation of his critique of Martin Heidegger. When Adorno delivered three of the lectures at the Collège de France, Maurice Merleau-Ponty was reportedly scandalised as he was at that time developing his own ontology, informed by Heidegger. However, this article problematises the assumption that Adorno’s negative dialectic and Merleau-Ponty’s late ontology are incompatible. First, Adorno’s criticism of Heidegger’s ontology is delineated, with particular focus on how Adorno argues that Heidegger’s subordination of the human being to being is homologous with the logic of capitalism. Then, we turn to Merleau-Ponty’s own engagement with Heidegger, with particular focus on how Merleau-Ponty cannot be accused of denigrating ontic beings. Finally, it is argued that Merleau-Ponty’s indirect ontology has the same implications as those which allow Adorno to position his dialectical method as politically opposed to Heidegger’s ontology.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-01-29T10:04:55Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066852
       
  • The inverted world and fetishism in Benjamin’s dialectics

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      Authors: Vasilis Grollios
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The article aspires to cast light on aspects of the radical character of Walter Benjamin’s work, that, sadly, have not, to date, provoked much discussion in the literature on him. The main issue it elaborates is his dialectic between fetishized, reified social form, and content-essence, which forms the core of the concept of critique in his philosophy. In Benjamin’s case, the concept of illusion, or, as the notion is described in his texts, of phantasmagoria, or of the image, holds a special gravity that comes to the fore if it is connected not only to commodity fetishism but also to the fetishism of social forms as a process, and the concept of cracks in capitalism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-01-25T03:58:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211059514
       
  • From shipwreck to commodity exchange: Robinson Crusoe, Hegel and Marx

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      Authors: Michael Lazarus
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Robinson Crusoe is a mythic character who lives not only in the popular imaginary but through the history of political and social thought. Defoe’s protagonist lives marooned on his island, isolated and apart from society. The narrative is a perfect naturalisation of the ‘bourgeois’ world, dependent on an ontology of the self-sufficient individual. This article analyses this lineage in the social contract theory of Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau. Later, Hegel used the novel to illustrate his dialectic of mastery/servitude. Challenging the atomism of the state of nature, Hegel’s theory of recognition gives an account of positive freedom, where the individual is formed in and through social interdependence. This sociality is continued by Marx, who satirises Defoe's novel in his value-form critique of political economy. The value-form provides insight into Robinson's island labour and Marx's difference with Locke's labour theory of value. For Marx, the myth of ‘natural man’ hides the domination of capitalist development and Robinson Crusoe reflects the internalisation of the abstract rationality of commodity society. However, Marx's immanent critique of the novel points to a radical idea of social life and freedom.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-01-25T01:15:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066863
       
  • ‘Painted scenes’ or ‘empty pageants’' Superficiality and depth
           in (realist) political thought

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      Authors: Demetris Tillyris, Derek Edyvane
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The realist injunction to attend to the ‘realities of politics’ when we do political philosophy, though obviously appropriate, is highly platitudinous. By drawing on the underappreciated realist insights of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire and Hannah Arendt, we elaborate a neglected distinction between two antagonistic conceptions of political reality – the realism of surface and the realism of depth – and consider its implications for the recent realist turn. We illustrate how that distinction reveals some neglected tensions and incoherencies within contemporary realism and go some way towards untangling and addressing these. Specifically, we enrich the realist charge and highlight two directions which realist scholarship can pursue in its endeavour to offer a meaningful alternative to moralism: an emphasis on i) Vichian fantasia – a kind of knowledge which entails historical awareness but also sensitivity to philology; and ii) suffering and injustice as a basis for critique and for developing a suitable political sphere.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-01-20T05:42:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066849
       
  • Political polarization: Radicalism and immune beliefs

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      Authors: Manuel Almagro
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      When public opinion gets polarized, the population’s beliefs can experience two different changes: they can become more extreme in their contents or they can be held with greater confidence. These two possibilities point to two different understandings of the rupture that characterizes political polarization: extremism and radicalism. In this article, I show that from the close examination of the best available evidence regarding how we get polarized, it follows that the pernicious type of political polarization has more to do with radicalism than with extremism. Reinforcing the confidence in the core beliefs of the group we identify with makes our beliefs immune to the reasons coming from the other political side. Finally, I also suggest that the rise of political polarization is not necessarily the result of an irrational process.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-01-19T10:49:19Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066859
       
  • The Lacan–Badiou constellation in L’immanence des vérités: A limit
           on the infinite'

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      Authors: Kirk Turner, Caitlyn Lesiuk
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In Alain Badiou’s most recent work, L’immanence des vérités (The Immanence of Truths), psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan once again figures peripherally but saliently. What is their specific relation in this text, however' We argue that Badiou responds here to the problem raised precisely by the Lacanian subject, situated as it is between the radical subjectivity of the symptom and the possibility of formalization. In L’immanence, he introduces the term ‘absoluteness’ to secure truths against both relativism and transcendental construction. We show that in drawing on Lacan to establish an understanding of the absolute, Badiou highlights the implicit tension between psychoanalysis and philosophy. We treat central cross-currents – truths, knowledge, the event and love – to help reveal the specific character of their confluence in this third book of Badiou’s trilogy. Although he stresses the unity of his and Lacan’s efforts, the impossible Real marking their divisions also invariably emerges the closer one investigates.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-01-13T06:01:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066858
       
  • The “populist” foundation of liberal democracy: Jan-Werner Müller,
           Chantal Mouffe, and post-foundationalism

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      Authors: Lasse Thomassen
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article examines the connection between populism and post-foundationalism in the context of contemporary debates about populism as a strategy for the Left. I argue that there is something “populist” about every constitutional order, including liberal democratic ones. I argue so drawing on Chantal Mouffe’s theories of hegemony, agonistic democracy, and left populism. Populism is the quintessential form of post-foundational politics because, rightly understood, populism constructs the object it claims to represent, namely the people. As such, it expresses the fact that, because there is no ultimate foundation, politics consists in the construction of contingent foundations. I develop this argument through readings of Jan-Werner Müller and Chantal Mouffe, showing the differences between their respective post-foundational approaches. I show that Müller cannot uphold the distinction between populism and democracy in the way he seeks to do, but I also argue that this does not mean that we must jettison all normativity, only that it requires that we rethink normativity in hegemonic terms.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2022-01-04T07:00:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211066860
       
  • The historical and the transhistorical in Marx’s dialectical method

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      Authors: Aidin Keikhaee
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This essay revisits the question of alterations in Marx’s view of method from the 1857 “Introduction” to Capital. In the wake of the belated upsurge of interest in Marx’s notebooks of 1857–8, posthumously published as the Grundrisse, a dominant interpretation has been developed in Marx scholarship which characterizes the method of the “Introduction” as an ascent from the (transhistorical) abstract to the (historical) concrete and, upon such characterization, stresses the mature Marx’s departure from it. Rereading the 1857 “Introduction” with an emphasis on the theoretical import of its examples, I argue, against this interpretation, that although this text does not provide a fully worked-out account of method, it nevertheless offers invaluable insights into some of the central methodological problems with which Marx was concerned and in response to which his dialectical method was developed. In particular, I highlight what could be called Marx’s critical historicist approach to the categories and argue that this approach, together with his specific understanding of the process of the reproduction of the concrete in thought, constitute the lasting pillars of Marx’s dialectical method, in the 1857 “Introduction” as well as in Capital. Finally, in a concluding section, I re-examine the methodological status of the commodity and argue that the post-1857 emergence of the commodity as Marx’s favourite starting point does not represent a fundamental change, or a reversal, in his view of method.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-09-29T12:16:19Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040567
       
  • Kurdish liberty

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      Authors: Jason Dockstader, Rojîn Mûkrîyan
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Most politically minded Kurds agree that their people need liberty. Moreover, they agree they need liberation from the domination they suffer from the four states that divide them: Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. What is less certain is the precise nature of this liberty. A key debate that characterizes Kurdish political discourse is over whether the liberty they seek requires the existence of an independent Kurdish nation-state. Abdullah Öcalan, the jailed intellectual leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has argued that Kurdish liberty can only be achieved through liberation from the nation-state model itself. Instead of founding an independent Kurdistan, Öcalan proposes regional autonomy for the Kurds through a strictly egalitarian and directly democratic confederalism reminiscent of Murray Bookchin’s anarchist-inspired libertarian municipalism. We argue, in response to Öcalan’s approach, that employing an anarchist rejection of the state is largely mistaken. We diagnose certain historical and conceptual problems with the anarchist understanding of the state and develop the admission made in passing by certain anarchists, including Öcalan, that anarchist liberty could only be achieved after a long period of statist existence. Mostly counter to the anarchist model of non-domination, we propose a republican model of liberty and liberation, also as non-domination, that necessitates the formation of an independent state, at least in this historical period, for Kurds and hence any dominated people to count as truly free. We conclude by attempting to combine certain elements of the anarchist and republican conceptions and offer a synthetic communitarian view that could serve as a better foundation for Kurdish aspirations for liberty.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-09-26T12:14:30Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040250
       
  • “Political disobedience and the climate emergency”

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      Authors: William E. Scheuerman
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Climate activists have recently engaged in widely publicized acts of politically motivated lawbreaking. This article identifies and critically analyzes two seemingly overlapping but in fact diverging approaches among present-day activists. Though their illegal acts (e.g., blockades, occupations, and selective property damage) sometimes appear equivalent, the rival approaches place them in contrasting lights; the resulting differences are normatively and politically consequential. The first and now predominant approach favors nonviolent civil disobedience, understood in conventional terms as civil, conscientious, nonviolent, public lawbreaking. Though this approach exhibits many strengths, its proponents sometimes rely on problematic usages of recent political science scholarship that cannot withstand critical scrutiny. The second approach views nonviolent civil disobedience as insufficiently militant and instead aims primarily to block and disrupt our fossil fuel-driven political economy. Its preferred mode of political illegality is sabotage. Less concerned than the first approach with altering public opinion, it generally writes off the prospect of meaningful political reform. Though both approaches rely on the idea of a “climate emergency” to justify their activities, the second approach provides a vivid warning of its possible dangers. Although the momentous threats posed by global warming are undeniable, the idea of a climate emergency risks opening the door to political avant-gardism and, potentially, authoritarianism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-09-26T12:04:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040566
       
  • A psychoanalytic conceptual framework for understanding populism

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      Authors: Stefan Bird-Pollan
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In this paper, I argue for two claims. The first is that all social and political thinking lies along a continuum and that the structure of each thought along the continuum is that of a basic desire for self-determination. Self-determination, I argued, occurs in a variety of ways including, importantly, at a variety of levels of intention. On the one hand, there are the relatively unreflective ways of understanding oneself as autonomous. I attributed this way of thinking of the Neo-Aristotelian conception of practical reason which is characteristic of conservatism. On the other side of the continuum, there is a rigoristic version of Kantian moral philosophy in which, to be autonomous, one must act exclusively from duty or from purely economic motivation. The second claims is that populism can be understood as a clash between different practical conceptions of autonomy which are brought into conflict as a result of the process of modern rationalization. This clash can, I argued, be clarified and also alleviated by appreciating that what the values which stand opposed in the “us vs. them” of populism and liberalism are based on a fundamentally similar conception of the value of autonomy but have come into conflict by sometime contingent historical processes which can be undone or steered in a different direction.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-09-25T04:22:19Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040570
       
  • The reasons of the unreasonable: Is political liberalism still an
           option'

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      Authors: Benedetta Giovanola, Roberta Sala
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In this study, we claim that political liberalism, despite harsh criticism, is still the best option available for providing a just and stable society. However, we maintain that political liberalism needs to be revised so as to be justifiable from the perspective of not only the “reasonable” in a Rawlsian sense (that we define as “fully” reasonable) but also the ones whom Rawls labels as “unreasonable.” To support our claim, going beyond Rawls’s original account, we unpack the concept of unreasonableness and identify three different subsets that we label as the “partially reasonable,” the “non-reasonable,” and the “unreasonable.” We argue that both the “fully” reasonable and the “partially reasonable” would be included into the constituency of public justification; more specifically, we claim that the latter would support liberal institutions out of their reasons: we define these reasons as mutually intelligible reasons and claim that they allow to acknowledge the importance of a convergence approach to public justification. As for the “non-reasonable” and “unreasonable,” we claim that they cannot be included in the constituency of public justification, but they nonetheless could be compliant with liberal institutions if political liberalism offers them some reasons to comply: here, we claim that political liberalism should include them through engagement and propose reasoning from conjecture as an effecting way of offering reasons for compliance. In particular, we claim that through reasoning from conjecture, the “non-reasonable” could find conciliatory reasons to comply with liberal institutions on a stable base. With regard to the “unreasonable” in the strict sense, we claim that through reasoning from conjecture, their unreasonableness could be contained and they could find reasons—even if just self-interested—for complying with liberal institutions rather than defying them. In our discussion, we consider the different subsets not as “frozen” but as dynamic and open to change, and we aim to propose a more complex and multilayered approach to inclusion that would be able to include a wider set of people. To strengthen our argument, we show that the need for a wider public justification and for broader inclusion in liberal societies is grounded in respect for persons both as equal persons and as particular individuals. In particular, we claim that individuals’ values, ends, commitments, and affiliations activate demands of respect and can strengthen the commitment to the liberal–democratic order. Through a reformulation of the role of respect in liberal societies, we also show a kind of social and communitarian dimension that, we claim, is fully compatible with political liberalism and opens it up to “civic friendship” and “social solidarity,” which are constitutive elements for the development of a sense of justice and for the realization of a just and stable society.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-09-18T01:50:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040568
       
  • Étienne Balibar on the dialectic of universal citizenship

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      Authors: Christiaan Boonen
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In this article, I reconstruct Étienne Balibar’s work against the background of the debate on modern universal citizenship. I argue that universal citizenship is neither fundamentally emancipatory nor fundamentally oppressive but is rather both. In order to defend this position, I build on Balibar’s concept of the “citizen subject.” First, I parse this concept, showing how it allows us to think about the contradictions of modern universal citizenship. In the second section, I elucidate its temporal logic and show how it undermines the telos of modern universal citizenship. In sections three to five, I show how citizenship’s universalism clarifies both its oppressive and its emancipatory thrust. The dialectic of universal citizenship, I argue, unfolds as a conflict between and within political universals. In the conclusion, I will tie up these different strands and end with some reflections on the conditions of possibility of this dialectic.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-09-16T01:42:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211042611
       
  • Horizontal experimentalism: Rethinking democratic resistance

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      Authors: Rahel Süß
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Major debates on democratic renewal suggest two ways of eliciting social change: either by strengthening vertical practices of representation or by expanding horizontal forms of participation. The article develops an argument for why there is a need to rethink democratic resistance beyond the vertical–horizontal divide. If contemporary forms of resistance encompass a strategic interplay between vertical and horizontal practices, then an alternative framework is required to capture this logic. Filling this gap, the article introduces the concept of ‘horizontal experimentalism’. Such an idea comprehends an understanding of political means and ends as a continuum and as adjusting each other in an ongoing process of experimental inquiry.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-08-03T09:26:39Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211033016
       
  • Indigenous patrimonialization as an operation of the liberal state

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      Authors: Patricio Espinosa, Gonzalo Bustamante-Kuschel
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Indigenous conservation through patrimonialization is the product of political and legal decisions made by a non-indigenous agent: the liberal state, using the law to retain a form of bios. We propose that patrimonialization is the device by which liberal states have processed and integrated indigenous claims into a form of bios ultimately designed to safeguard state legal structures. We argue that, to uphold the rule of law in contexts of struggle and resistance that challenge the very understanding of the law, states respond by wielding the law in the form of the rule by law, that is, pushing the law to the limit to give normative content to the criteria by which the state conducts its affairs, without straying from the individual rights framework. We hold that the rule by law is an operation that defines the patrimonialization of indigenous peoples. It increases their visibility while imposing limits on political action to keep them from becoming sui juris subjects capable of breaching the distinction between zoe and bios. In this article, we try to understand the political–ideological intent of these decisions, the intentions beyond the letter of the law of patrimonialized peoples.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-07-30T09:32:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211033008
       
  • Biopolitics in the ‘Psychic Realm’: Han, Foucault and
           neoliberal psychopolitics

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      Authors: Caroline Alphin, François Debrix
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores German Korean philosopher Byung-Chul Han’s notion of psychopolitics and his concept of the neoliberal subject. For Han, mental processes are now the primary target of power. This means that, according to Han, biopower must give way to what he calls psychopower since perspectives that critically seek to understand neoliberalism through a biopolitical lens are no longer adequate to contemporary regimes of neoliberal achievement. This article examines and evaluates Han’s argument that Foucauldian biopolitics is obsolete in today’s neoliberal age because of biopolitics’ primary focus on the body over mental processes. We suggest that, instead of emphasizing the need to move beyond biopolitics, Han’s theorization of psychopolitics could benefit from paying closer attention to some of Foucault’s insights on biopower and from identifying key connections between biopolitics and psychopolitics. By highlighting some important continuities between Foucault’s biopolitics and Han’s psychopolitics (instead of emphasizing the discontinuities between both theorists’ perspectives, as Han tends to privilege), this article seeks to move towards improved theorizations of concepts like achievement, subjectivity, otherness or optimization, concepts that are key to Han’s understanding of contemporary neoliberal practices.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-07-22T09:50:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211033011
       
  • Emerson’s abolitionist perfectionism

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      Authors: Eric Ritter
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article aims to rewrite Emerson’s moral perfectionism – his anti-foundationalist pursuit of an always more perfect state of self and society – onto his moral and intellectual participation in the abolitionist movement. I argue that Cavell artificially separated Emerson’s moral perfectionism from his extensive, decades-long abolitionism. The source of Cavell’s oversight is his participation in the long-standing norm of dichotomizing Emerson’s work into the theoretical ‘essays’ and the ‘anti-slavery writings’ or the philosophical and the polemical. Recent scholars of Emerson have questioned and even dismissed this dichotomy, however, while recentring Emerson’s politics in his oeuvre as a whole. They find much to praise, and also plenty to criticize, in Emerson’s abolitionist writings. I follow and extend that scholarly trend here and introduce what I call Emerson’s abolitionist perfectionism as an expansion of Cavell’s influential work on moral perfectionism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-06-24T09:55:14Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211017575
       
  • Sartre’s imaginary and the problem of whiteness

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      Authors: Betty Jean Stoneman
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Jean-Paul Sartre’s failures in Black Orpheus have been widely and rightly explicated by a number of theorists, most notably Frantz Fanon and Aimé Césaire. Sartre has rightly been criticized for imposing a white gaze onto his reading of colonized African poetry. It would seem that his work offers us no tools for anti-racist work today. For this article, I read his failures in the text alongside his work in The Imaginary and Being and Nothingness to argue that we can learn from his failures and that his failures do offer us conceptual tools for anti-racist work today. I argue that Sartre’s main contribution ought to be understood as a provocation to white people. He is provoking white people to confront how whiteness works in their imaginary. The imaginary is nothing but what one puts into it, and what one puts into it is imbued with the historical, social and cultural. The image is imbued with the individual’s experiences within a historical, social and cultural situation. If this is the case, then the confrontation with and critique of the image is a political act. In confronting and critiquing the image, one is confronting and critiquing the situation in which the image emerges. The hope is that in doing so, white people could transcend the facticity of their whiteness in particular situations for the better, which in turn would have positive consequences for the larger sociopolitical situation.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-06-02T09:37:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211017582
       
  • Beyond the entrepreneur society: Foucault, neoliberalism and the critical
           attitude

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      Authors: Berend van Wijk
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Michel Foucault’s The Birth of Biopolitics is generally acknowledged as a pioneering study of neoliberalism, presenting it not merely as an economic theory but also as a mode of government. There is much debate, however, on Foucault’s intentions in analysing neoliberalism and the place of the genealogy in his broader critical project. The Birth of Biopolitics itself lacks both an explicit judgement of neoliberalism and an explicit ethical program. In this article, I maintain that Foucault’s genealogical work on neoliberalism is complementary to his notions of agency. From this perspective, Foucault’s genealogy is not a judgement of neoliberalism in terms of right or wrong but rather serves as a breeding ground for ethical conduct. The notion of the critical attitude in particular shows that Foucault’s genealogical work stands in the service of the subject’s autonomy. However, Foucault is reluctant to fill in his ethical program too much because it should gain substance only in local struggles and through the subject’s own considerations.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-06-01T09:35:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211017589
       
  • #MeToo and testimonial injustice: An investigation of moral and conceptual
           knowledge

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      Authors: Hilkje C Hänel
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Two decades ago, Tarana Burke started using the phrase ‘me too’ to release victims of sexual abuse and rape from their shame and to empower girls from minority communities. In 2017, actress Alyssa Milano made the hashtag #MeToo go viral. This article’s concern is with the role of testimonial practices in the context of sexual violence. While many feminists have claimed that the word of those who claim to being sexually violated by others (should) have political and/or epistemic priority, others have failed to recognize the harm and injury of instances of sexual violence that are not yet acknowledged as such and failed to listen to victims from marginalized social groups. In fact, some feminists have attacked #MeToo for mingling accounts of ‘proper’ sexual violence and accounts that are not ‘proper’ experiences of sexual violence. My aim in this article is to show why this critique is problematic and find a philosophically fruitful way to understand the #MeToo-movement as a movement that strives for moral and conceptual progress.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-05-31T08:59:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211017578
       
  • Thus spoke the student from Bologna: On behalf of the blush and confusion

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      Authors: Michael Hearn
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      To the extent that philosophy deals with the blush, it is almost always as the pink blush of shame. Such is philosophy’s seeming obsession with the latter, there remains the risk of something important being lost in translation when it comes to those examples in the literature that mention the blush. I intend to focus on one such example, a scene from Robert Antelme’s The Human Race, the story of the student from Bologna, in which Antelme describes the student’s blushing response to being randomly selected by an SS soldier from a bedraggled line of prisoners for a roadside execution. I will turn to Lisa Guenther and Giorgio Agamben for their reading of Antelme’s account, not, I should stress, to evaluate their respective analyses of shame, but that which may have been overlooked as a result, namely confusion. I will turn also to Jean-Paul Sartre, again, not in relation to shame, rather for his brief, but no less important, phenomenological account of blushing. I will refer to recent social psychology research suggesting that confusion is a knowledge emotion – something like embarrassment (as aporia). All this in support of the argument, that when Antelme writes of the student – ‘Il a l’air confus’ (‘He seems confused’), we are bound to take them both, the student and Antelme, the blusher and the beholder, at their word – to maintain our distance so that the scene might speak for itself and in so doing reveal signs of life.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-05-24T09:51:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211017594
       
  • Plastic eschatology: On the foundations of Marcuse’s philosophical
           anthropology

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      Authors: Robert Grimwade
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores the complexities of Marcuse’s philosophical anthropology in light of Foucault’s criticisms of Marcuse and the Frankfurt School. While Marcuse’s theory of human nature is grounded upon a dialectical conception of essential human potentialities striving for realization, it secretes a radically plastic conception of life that undermines all anthropological essentialism. This fundamental tension between essentialist and plastic conceptions of human nature has significant implications for rethinking Marcuse’s project and legacy.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-05-12T10:06:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0191453721999689
       
  • Black Lives Matter and the politics of redemption

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      Authors: Charles Olney
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores the role of practical political theory in the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. I argue that BLM represents a multifaceted engagement with the complicated politics of redemption that lies at the heart of American democracy. In one sense, BLM stands for the integration of black life into the framework of political value, and thus for a redemption of the promise of ‘justice for all’. In another, it is a challenge to the principles themselves, viewing justice as a threat to be managed, rather than as a principle to be redeemed. Exploring the praxis of this movement, organized both against and within the possibility of redemption, will enable us to more effectively characterize the limitations of a politics grounded in the theorization of justice and generate a richer understanding of the possibility for practical political theory to simultaneously employ and critique the politics of redemption.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-04-20T07:12:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211009573
       
  • Connecting racial and species justice: Towards an Afrocentric animal
           advocacy

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      Authors: Luis Cordeiro-Rodrigues
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Some philosophers and activists have been sceptical about the relevance of pursuing animal justice to progress racial justice. Routinely, these sceptics have argued that allying animal and racial justice struggles is politically unfeasible, counterproductive, distractive and disruptive for the achievement of racial justice. The conclusion of these sceptics is that animal justice is either a barrier or irrelevant to racial justice and, as such, activists should not ally both struggles. In this article, I wish to contest the arguments that forward the idea that these struggles should not be addressed together, especially in the case of addressing anti-Black racial injustices. I offer a negative argumentative strategy to forward my thesis; namely, I offer reasons to reject the arguments that are sceptical about the relevance of addressing animal justice to achieve progress in racial justice. I contend that racial injustice is partly fuelled by the capacity contract. The capacity contract, in turn, is intertwined with the way humans treat animals. Owing to the fact that speciesism fuels the contract that incites racism, then addressing speciesism is instrumentally relevant for overcoming racial injustices. Moreover, I demonstrate in this article that not only are there various ways that anti-racist and anti-speciesist struggles are interconnected, but also that the project of addressing them together is politically feasible and desirable.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-03-18T09:31:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0191453721999693
       
  • Freedom and domination through time: Jean-Paul Sartre’s theory of the
           plurality of temporalities

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      Authors: Matthias Lievens
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The plural, impure or discordant nature of time has become an important theme in recent critical social and political theory. Against Althusser’s dismissal of Sartre’s presumedly Hegelian understanding of time and history, this article establishes Jean-Paul Sartre as a key figure in this debate on the plurality of temporalities. Especially in the Critique of Dialectical Reason, Sartre understands history and the social in terms of a multiplicity of uneven and non-synchronous temporalisations, rejecting an notion of time as a universal container within which events take place. The originality of Sartre’s approach is that it establishes a link between the notion of the plurality of temporalities and the problem of freedom and domination. His mature social and political theory allows us to understand temporalisation as a strategy for domination, and objective social temporality (e.g. the time of the economy or of machine systems) as key to a form of anonymous or structural domination. A reconstruction of this highly complex and sophisticated approach to thinking domination through time can also shed an original light on the temporal dimension of democracy and totalitarianism.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-01-27T10:14:54Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0191453720987870
       
  • ‘Who’ or ‘what’ is the rule of law'

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      Authors: Steven L. Winter
      First page: 655
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      The standard account of the relation between democracy and the rule of law focuses on law’s liberty-enhancing role in constraining official action. This is a faint echo of the complex, constitutive relation between the two. The Greeks used one word – isonomia – to describe both. If democracy is the system in which people have an equal say in determining the rules that govern social life, then the rule of law is simultaneously before, after, concurrent and synonymous with democracy: It contributes to the formation of citizens with the capacity for self-governance, serves as the instrument through which democratic decisions are implemented, functions as one of the central social practices that constitute citizens as equals and addresses the question of how to ensure that government by the people operates for the people. The rule of law has many independently valuable qualities, including impartiality and predictability. But, to valorise the rule of law for its own sake is to fetishize authority. The fundamental values of the rule of law are as the instrument of democratic self-governance and the expression of the equal dignity of all persons. Democracy thus entails the rule of law, but both implicate the yet more comprehensive ideal of equality. Core rule-of-law values require political norms and conditions of equality, generality and comprehensiveness. In a modern, differentiated society, however, the constitutive relation between democracy and the rule of law is fractured and law becomes the agent of authority. Courts in the modern constitutional state have contributed to the decline of rule-of-law values, supporting role specialization through judge-made immunity doctrines that protect officials at all levels. The crisis of police violence against minorities is a symptom of this breakdown. Greater accountability can ameliorate the problem. But an effective solution requires the fair and equal distribution of political power.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-06-29T09:07:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211021148
       
  • At the bar of conscience: A Kantian argument for slavery reparations

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      Authors: Jason R Fisette
      First page: 674
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Arguments for slavery reparations have fallen out of favour even as reparations for other forms of racial injustice are taken more seriously. This retreat is unsurprising, as arguments for slavery reparations often rely on two normatively irregular claims: that reparations are owed to the dead (as opposed to, say, their living heirs) and that the present generation inherits an as yet unrequited guilt from past generations. Outside of some strands of Black thought and activism on slavery reparations, these claims are widely rejected. I develop an argument for slavery reparations around those foundational claims by adopting the normative framework of Immanuel Kant. On what I call the Basic Argument for slavery reparations, the application of Kant’s retributivist theory of punishment to slavery justifies reparations as a kind of proportional punishment for slavery. I also show that Kant’s philosophy offers reparations theorists resources to overcome several contemporary objections to slavery reparations.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-03-23T09:42:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211001916
       
  • Plural reconstruction: A method of critical theory for the analysis of
           emerging and contested political practices

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      Authors: Svenja Ahlhaus
      First page: 703
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      In this article, I argue that Habermas’s method of rational reconstruction faces limitations when it comes to analysing newly emerging and contested political practices. As rational reconstruction aims to criticize existing practices by determining their normative meaning as reflected in the participants’ idealizing presuppositions, it reaches its limits where emerging and contested practices make it impossible to identify a shared self-understanding and a single participants’ perspective. Using the example of membership politics, I argue that this is often the case where nationally constituted forms of politics become controversial or are fundamentally questioned. Building on the work of Benhabib and Fraser, I develop an alternative reconstructive method of plural reconstruction, which modifies the basic premises of rational reconstruction, adjusting it to emerging and contested political contexts.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-06-07T09:38:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211017570
       
  • Homo homini tigris: Thomas Hobbes and the global images of sovereignty

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      Authors: Sandro Chignola
      First page: 726
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      This article addresses the modern concept of sovereignty as a multivocal and conflictual semantic field, arguing for the necessity to trace its genealogy based on the structural tensions that haunt its logical framework – as well as its representations – rather than on a linear historiographic reconstruction. In particular, the scrutiny I propose aims to examine a series of exchanges that have been characterizing this concept since the beginning: the global and the European, the maritime and the territorial, the colony and the state, the imperial and the proprietary. The problematic balance between ‘imperium’ and ‘dominium’ is indeed assumed here as the turning point of the rise of a sovereign power that appears to be originally rooted in the very production and governance of the global space, thus giving up all possible Eurocentric narratives of modernity. To illustrate my argument, I focus on the frontispieces to three of Thomas Hobbes’s most important books, that is, his translation of Thucydides’ Peloponnesian Wars, De Cive and Leviathan. A thorough analysis of these images enables us to understand how these lines of force traverse the very heart of modern European political concepts, along with the mirroring effects that constantly bounce their normative construction of subjectivity back and forth from the periphery to the centre and, ultimately, from the market to the state.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-07-30T09:33:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211033021
       
  • Reflexive Biopolitics and the Structure of Experimental Knowledge

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      Authors: Justas Patkauskas
      First page: 755
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.
      Over the last 20 years, biopolitics has become an established research field within the humanities and the social sciences. However, scholars agree that the academic status of biopolitics remains problematic due to the latter’s conceptual fuzziness, unmanageable scope and weak foundations. To address these issues, biopolitics theorists have engaged in reflexive efforts to convert biopolitics into a respectable discipline with a clear definition, research agenda and canon. In this article, I examine the reflexive biopolitics scholarship that has emerged in the last decade and conclude that while biopolitics may not satisfy the criteria for achieving disciplinary respectability due to the chief aporia that both underpins and undermines the academic biopolitics project – namely, its seemingly infinite reach – the structure of biopolitics matches that of experimental knowledge, also known as counterscience, the university without condition and nomad science.
      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-09-24T03:06:18Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040251
       
  • Book Review: Public Art and the Fragility of Democracy: An Essay in
           Political Aesthetics

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      Authors: Greg M. Nielsen
      First page: 782
      Abstract: Philosophy & Social Criticism, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Philosophy & Social Criticism
      PubDate: 2021-05-24T09:53:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/01914537211017607
       
 
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