Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Robin Benz, Merike Darmody, Emer Smyth Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article uses two longitudinal cohort studies (Growing Up in Ireland and the National Educational Panel Study) to examine how shadow education relates to academic performance in Ireland and Germany. Patterns of take-up of, and outcomes from, shadow education are found to reflect the particular country context—aimed at maintaining performance to avoid grade retention in Germany and preparing for a high-stakes upper secondary exam in Ireland. Participation enhances academic performance but only for students with lower levels of prior achievement. However, the relationship is not much stronger than with engagement in structured out-of-school activities. Thus, shadow education appears to be one of a number of strategies used by more privileged families to secure educational advantage. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-07-30T07:14:52Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241266791
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:John Högström, Gustav Lidén Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This study examines the potential link between descriptive and substantive representation. More precisely, we examine whether a higher level of political descriptive representation of women improves their substantive representation in terms of policy spending in areas that are known to be prioritized by women. We use data from a pooled sample of all of the 290 Swedish municipalities covering the years from 1994 to 2021. We make at least four contributions to the research field: we use multiple measures of (1) women’s political representation and (2) policy spending, and we also (3) test assumptions at the subnational level, where policy spending matters most, and (4) assess them over a longer period of time, stretching across almost three decades. In contrast to our expectations, the findings show that the descriptive representation of women has no influence on policy spending; instead, economic and demographical aspects dominate. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-07-30T07:13:32Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241263493
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ally Victoria Shepherd Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. The beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 saw an increase in people seeking asylum in the UK via small boats across the English Channel. The small boat arrivals reported in the news were analyzed using critical discourse analysis to investigate how different outlets framed people seeking sanctuary both visually and linguistically, as well as how postcolonial theory assists an understanding of such discourses. This research conceptualizes common findings in the literature of forced migrants as dehumanized and “othered,” arguing that humanitarian securitization is not an oxymoron but an extension of colonial logic in post-Brexit Britain. The article ends with recommendations for critical reporting of forced migration and for representing people seeking sanctuary in more humanizing ways. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-07-28T12:20:55Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241260722
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Lipon Mondal Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Through quantitative and qualitative evidence collected in 2017–2018 in Dhaka, Bangladesh, this article investigates the detrimental impact of coercive evictions on urban nomads. It conceptualizes urban nomads as an ever-growing army of dispossessed who are forced to frequently move from one place to another within a city for shelter and work. They have few belongings and little social support and are culturally and politically marginalized. Forced evictions dispossess them in co-constitutive economic, social, cultural, and political ways, which relate to Pierre Bourdieu’s four types of capital. The article argues that coercive evictions produce and reproduce a nomadic urban community that experiences various kinds of dispossession after losing control over different forms of capital. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-07-26T12:14:55Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241261973
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Nina Bandelj, Christopher W Gibson Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. How has identification and differentiation based on ethnicity shaped the economic experience in postsocialist Europe' We propose that creation of neoliberal capitalism in the context of ethnic conflict led to a sense of economic marginalization of East European ethnic minorities. Findings from Life in Transition Survey analysis show greater economic discontent by ethnic minorities in 2006 than in 1989 and persistent discontent in 2016, controlling for social class standing and other relevant demographics. Economic marginalization may also lead ethnic minorities to support more involvement of state in guaranteeing employment and low prices and to dislike markets as a way to organize the economy, both supported in our data. We conclude by suggesting how our findings about marginalization of ethnic minorities help put into perspective contemporary receptivity of East Europeans (and others) to nationalist and populist leaders. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-06-03T05:25:27Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241255891
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Elvis Bisong Tambe, Johanna Jormfeldt Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Women’s low political participation remains a problem in many parts of the globe. Previous research within the African context has examined the gender gap, focusing on individual-level factors. Still, the gender gap persists after controlling for the usual barriers (resource, attitudinal, social, and cultural). We complement prior studies by exploring the impact of an overlooked factor—institutions. We theorize that the gender gap in political participation in Africa depends on the specific institutional context and nature of the institutions themselves. Focusing on electoral systems, gender quotas, and their inclusive outcomes (increase in women’s numbers in national assemblies), we hypothesize that in countries with proportional (PR) electoral systems, gender quotas should encourage higher participation among women and yield small to no gender gap. Using five waves of Afrobarometer data covering 32 African countries, the multilevel regression results reveal nuanced effects of institutions on the gender gap in both electoral and non-electoral participation. First, compared with majoritarian systems, we find that PR electoral systems help erase the gender gap only for electoral participation (voting). In contrast, for non-electoral participation, PR electoral systems show no significant impact on reducing the gender gap. Second, we find no evidence to support the hypothesis that gender quotas reduce the gender gap in electoral and non-electoral participation. Third, where women’s representation in legislatures exceeds 20 percent, there is a reversal of the gender gap for voting. However, for non-electoral activity, improving women’s presence in national legislatures proves more effective in reversing the gender gap only for those belonging to a political party. For other activities, such as joining others to raise issues, protest actions, and attend community meetings, the gender gap persists but diminishes, with women holding 20–45 percent of seats. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-05-27T12:47:43Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241253206
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Piotr Zagórski, Laura Díaz Chorne, Javier Lorenzo Rodríguez Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Are citizens less likely to support populist radical right parties (PRRPs) in countries with more inclusive migrant integration policies' Studies show that integration policies foster positive attitudes toward migrants, which, in turn, are associated with a lower likelihood of supporting PRRPs. However, the impact of integration policies on PRRP voting has not been assessed yet on a cross-country level—neither direct nor dependent on (anti)immigration attitudes. Using data from the European Social Survey 2016 and the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) from 2011 and 2015 for 15 EU member states, we show that more inclusive integration policies are associated with a lower likelihood to support PRRPs. We also find a moderating effect of these policies on the impact of attitudes toward migrants on PRRP voting. However, the effect of migration policy change seems to be more context dependent. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-05-13T06:33:25Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241249964
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Nir Rotem, Elizabeth Heger Boyle Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Partial enactment of women’s rights is at the crux of this analysis, which identifies factors associated with the adoption of some global women’s rights scripts but not others. Women who partially enact global principles are an important group, and focusing on them provides clues into when, where, and how institutionalized scripts are in competition. To explore this issue, Demographic and Health Survey data from 25 low- and middle-income countries across two time periods are used, with a focus on two dimensions of women’s empowerment: a woman’s household decision-making power and her attitudes toward intimate partner violence. Multinomial regressions reveal that exposure to global culture is associated with dual enactment of the two dimensions. Among partial adopters, enactment privileging physical integrity is mediated through local community institutions, including religions, whereas partial-enactment privileging decision making is associated with women’s household bargaining power. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-05-08T11:11:13Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241244540
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Irene Weipert-Fenner, Federico M Rossi, Nadine Sika, Jonas Wolff Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Social movement studies clearly suggest that trust matters for processes of social mobilization: When engaging in costly, and potentially risky, contentious collective action on a common goal, activists and groups rely on the expectation that fellow protestors and allies will not fail them. To date, however, we lack research that explains which types of trust shape the emergence and evolution of social movements. Trust, we argue, is not simply an independent variable influencing mobilization, but is itself shaped—built, stabilized, weakened, or even destroyed—over the course of collective contentious action. To set the stage for a corresponding research agenda, this introduction to the special issue “Trust and Social Movements” bridges the gap between research on trust and social movement studies and clarifies the complex conceptual relationship between various types of trust and the dynamics of social mobilization. Furthermore, we identify overarching research questions, summarize the contributions to the special issue, and discuss key findings. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-04-28T05:58:54Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241246216
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Seungah S Lee, Christine Min Wotipka, Francisco O Ramirez, Jieun Song Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. The comparative literature on gender and higher education has increasingly focused on differences in access to the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM). We contribute to this literature through a cross-national analysis of STEM graduates by gender between 1998 and 2018 across 90 countries. Many earlier studies emphasize the positive influence of a global liberal culture on women. More recent scholarship contends that women may be steered away from attaining a STEM degree in more liberal and individualistic societies. Our study shows a lower percentage of women graduates in STEM in countries that are more liberal. However, we find that the opposite is the case for men. Our findings are consistent with the idea that individuals in more liberal cultural contexts are more likely to make degree decisions based on individual preferences that are influenced by gendered societal norms. Both women and men are more likely to “indulge in their gendered selves” in these cultural contexts. Our findings are inconsistent with the idea that liberal modernity influences men and women in STEM in a gender-neutral mode. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-04-27T05:14:26Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241243343
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-04-26T07:20:25Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241252062
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ian Greener Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article explores the relationship between inequality and social harm, revisiting the original “Spirit Level” data from Wilkinson and Pickett, updating it for a later time period, and considering what difference it makes to their results by addressing criticisms made of their original research by using an alternative measure of inequality and expanding the range of possible causal factors. To achieve this, it makes use of both the original method used by Wilkinson and Pickett and that of a different approach, Qualitative Comparative Analysis. It finds that a measure of the kind of democracy (lower “integrative democracy”), along with higher inequality, are the key factors at the root of solutions for explaining higher social harm in both periods, which both follow up the suggestions by Wilkinson and Pickett about the role of democracy in explaining social problems, as well as making the extent and means of that relationship clearer. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-04-23T10:18:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241245620
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Nadja Douglas Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Social trust is believed to be beneficial to societal mobilization and the participation in protests. At the same time, state performance, notably of state power structures during instances of social and political protest and change, has an impact on the public perception of and trust in these institutions as well as the assessment of their legitimacy. The police are the most visible manifestation of state authority, which has become particularly apparent during post-electoral protests in Belarus in 2020, when their performance directly influenced and determined further societal mobilization. Based on a mixed-methods design, drawing on interview and survey data, this contribution seeks to shed light on the role of trust in societal mobilization during instances of protest and change in Belarus between 2020 and 2021. One of the main findings is that repression by the regime and its police forces affected both institutional trust and the level of protest mobilization. Protest participation in turn correlates with an increase in social trust. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-04-23T05:44:16Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241246746
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Giorgio Piccitto, Maurizio Avola, Nazareno Panichella Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article presents a comprehensive investigation into the socioeconomic integration of migrants across 12 Western European countries, considering their likelihood of employment and socioeconomic status. Using the data from the European Social Survey, the study employs linear regression and probit models to achieve two aims: (a) to quantify the penalty for male and female migrants in terms of employment and socioeconomic status attainment; (b) to assess how the ethnic penalty for men and women changes based on their education and social background of origin. Results reveal that male and female migrants face a penalty in most countries under consideration, albeit with varying degrees of magnitude and characteristics. Migrants in Southern European countries exhibit a trade-off between employment and socioeconomic status attainment, while those in Central-Northern Europe experience a double penalty on both outcomes. Moreover, it emerges that the ethnic penalty in labor market attainment is more heterogeneous across migrants with different educational levels than with different social classes of origin: migrants’ social background of origin affects to a lesser extent their labor market outcomes, if compared with their human capital. Migrants with high education and social origin suffer the largest penalty, due to hurdles in leveraging their educational qualifications and social position. This pattern is particularly evident in Southern Europe, where the socioeconomic integration of migrant workers is characterized by a leveling-down process, pushing them into the lowest strata of the occupational hierarchy regardless of their education and social background. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-04-22T10:18:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241246166
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Krzysztof Czarnecki, Petra Sauer Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article contributes to the knowledge on organizational stratification in higher education by exploring its financial dimension in 21 European countries over the period 2013–2017. Cross-country differences in the inequality of revenues among higher education institutions are considerable. Decomposing inequality indices shows that they are related to the various degrees of institutional diversity in size, research activity, and subject specialization. Financial stratification is higher in countries where revenues are more unequally distributed among universities involved in research, especially those with a broad disciplinary focus. This inequality is in turn driven by the role of third-party funding in higher education financing. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-03-06T12:43:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241233476
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Piotr Cichocki, Piotr Jabkowski, Mariusz Baranowski Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. The article investigates normative preferences for environmental protection over economic growth registered in 74 countries—based on the European Values Study and the World Value Survey (2017–2022). We employ multi-level logistic regression to demonstrate that Gross Domestic Product per capita moderates the effects of political orientation and household income, both of which tend to be stronger in wealthier countries. Only in wealthy societies are left-leaning and affluent individuals far more likely to prefer environmental protection. Not accounting for moderation leads to underestimating the propensity for political polarization over environmental questions. Hence, our study suggests that large-scale implementation of growth-impeding or wealth-sacrificing environmental policies could face insurmountable public opposition in wealthy societies. Furthermore, failing to account for the moderation by GDP per capita in cross-national studies of environmental attitudes may constitute a confounding factor by aggregating wealthier countries, where the effects of political orientation and household income prove substantial, with the poorer ones, where they appear negligible. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-03-05T05:43:09Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241229395
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Alberto del Rey Poveda, Mikolaj Stanek, Jesús García-Gómez, Guillermo Orfao Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This study analyses the working conditions of highly educated mobile workers in five major European Union (EU) markets. The study uses the overeducation indicator, analyzing its transformation over the period 2005–2016. Using annual data from the European Union Labour Force Survey, the results reveal very different conditions between home country nationals and mobile workers from newer (enlargement)—EU-13—and older—EU-15—member states from the perspective of successful economic and social integration. The EU enlargement process has not completely removed the penalty for educated workers from EU-13 countries, but it has significantly reduced it, as has the premium received by mobile workers from other EU-15 member states, thus leading to their better integration and greater equality. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-02-14T08:34:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241229400
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Kristen Shorette, Nolan Edward Phillips Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Recent work in the neoinstitutional tradition has sought to clarify the mechanisms by which global norms diffuse across the world system. Prior work highlights the role of organizational linkages between world society and the nation-state—especially international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs)—in the process of spreading policies, practices, and ideas cross-nationally. Although prior empirical studies ask whether diffusion occurs, this study examines the conditions under which such effects are stronger versus weak (or absent). To do so, we use the strategic case of norm articulation in the World Health Organization (WHO) and its relationship to infectious disease prevalence across the global South. Our research design leverages variation in the extent to which issues garner attention within this intergovernmental organization. We begin by identifying four infectious diseases with variable degrees of prominence on the WHO agenda. In the descending order, they are HIV, tuberculosis, leprosy, and Guinea-worm disease. We then estimate the impact of organizational links to world society (operationalized as health INGOs) on disease prevalence and compare results across each of the four outcomes. Results support the neoinstitutional argument that diffusion is conditional on the extent to which norms are articulated in the prevailing global institution. We find that, for the most part, world society links are associated with lower rates of infectious disease. However, the size and significance of the relationship depends on a disease’s relative priority on the WHO agenda. In the absence of sufficient norm articulation, results show that integration into world society is unrelated to infectious disease prevalence. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-02-03T12:51:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241226449
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Laura B Perry, Ee-Seul Yoon, Michael Sciffer, Christopher Lubienski Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. While marketization has been promoted as a mechanism for improving educational equity and effectiveness, substantial evidence suggests that it may have the opposite effect. We contribute to this debate by examining educational equity and effectiveness in two similar countries that have embraced educational marketization to different degrees. Drawing on data from the Program for International Student Assessment and a causal-comparative design, we show that Australian schooling has more choice and competition, is more socially segregated, has larger school stratification of human and material resources, and has greater inequalities of educational outcomes and overall lower effectiveness than Canadian schooling. Our findings suggest that educational marketization reduces educational equity and effectiveness by increasing school social segregation and stratification of resources. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-01-31T05:22:10Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241227810
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Ekaterina Bataeva Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article focuses on the similarities and differences between visual value content on German and Ukrainian Instagram, employing the methodology of traditional, modernist, and postmodernist values. In particular, we investigate the gender aspect of visualized values on Instagram in a cross-cultural comparative perspective. The results of content analysis of 2095 photos on German Instagram and 2657 photos on Ukrainian Instagram reveal that most often, in the social practices of Ukrainian and German Instagram users, modernist and postmodernist values are visualized. Our findings support the argument that Instagram is a specific field of social practices that contributes to the unification of the visual practices of users and the homogenization of the visualized values as a result of cultural convergence. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-01-29T07:28:07Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152241227462
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Juan J Fernández, Silvia Clavería, Margarita Torre Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Since the 1970s, many countries have passed policy and institutional reforms to promote gender equality and the wellbeing of women. The global diffusion of gender and women’s ministries constitutes a manifestation of this process. However, our understanding of the diffusion of this organizational form is very limited. To fill this gap, we examine the adoption of cabinet-level, women’s ministries worldwide, between 1975 and 2015. Our argument builds on the fact that, within a given country, gender (in)equality is heterogeneous across the economic, political and social domains, and that shifts in women’s descriptive political representation and feminization of the labor force hasten the adoption of these ministries. As women expand their formal political power, they are better able to foster the perception of a linked fate and promote the creation of women’s machineries. Moreover, rapid feminization of the labor force increases the opportunity costs of all forms of gender discrimination and improves women’s collective socio-political economic resources to act against all forms of discrimination. Commensurate with our argument, penalized maximum likelihood fixed-effects (PML-FE) models indicate that countries which observe faster increases in women’s presence in the political elite and feminization of the labor force are more likely to adopt a women’s ministry. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-01-18T05:55:08Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231222919
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Marc Verboord Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article examines the role of institutional trust in current European societies. Based on a secondary data analysis of Eurobarometer data (response rate 39.6%), it maps institutional trust repertoires and analyzes their consequences for a crisis that disturbed public life immensely in 2020 and 2021—the COVID-19 pandemic and the measures to fight this. Methodologically, it applies a multilevel latent class analysis of 18 institutions. Taking inspiration from “cultural backlash” theory, the explanatory analyses incorporate socio-political values and geographical identifications. The results show that there are seven different trust repertoires in the European Union (EU) countries, ranging from 24 percent mostly trustful to 11 percent mostly distrustful. EU Countries can be clustered into four classes, each with specific repertoire distributions. Particularly satisfaction with one’s own life and world developments is associated with higher trust. Compliance with COVID-19 policies is most likely when citizens trust both national political institutions and media institutions; other institutions matter less. Country health expenditure has a limited effect on the reception of COVID-19 policies but does influence membership of trust repertoires. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-01-17T09:17:28Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231223730
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
Authors:Nicole Doerr, Janus Porsild Hansen Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article investigates how climate activists engage in building trust in public debates and local political conflicts over green transition. The article applies the empirically grounded concept of “climate translators” to study the challenges of intermediary trust-building by both independent climate activists and institutionally embedded activists who aim to stimulate climate policy change at the local level. In Denmark, municipalities endorse activists as climate translators to promote civic participation and deliberation. In Germany, activists have developed more conflict-oriented translation models based on direct-democratic campaigns and advocacy work outside institutions. We discuss these varied strategies of trust-building as they emerged in different contexts. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2024-01-08T11:22:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231219489