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Authors:Lei Yue, Qian Liu Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Corruption is seen as a political cancer that erodes the public’s trust in political system. While it is generally agreed that corruption and political trust are negatively correlated, few researchers have explored the impact of anti-corruption performance on political trust. In this article, we focus on whether combating corruption can enhance political trust and how this influencing mechanism is realized. Based on analyses of the Asian Barometer Survey and the Latino Barometer Survey, we found that political trust is affected by the evaluation of anti-corruption performance and social inequality. The evaluation of anti-corruption performance can enhance political trust directly, while social inequality undermines political trust directly. Social inequality can also moderate the positive effect of the evaluation of anti-corruption performance on political trust. This study not only fills the previous research gap in the relationship between anti-corruption and political trust but also has great practical significance. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-11-11T07:06:40Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231211483
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Authors:Laurence Piper, Fiona Anciano, Babongile Bidla Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article explores trust dynamics among a coalition of civil society organizations called Unite Behind that formed in Cape Town, South Africa, in late 2017. Unite Behind was established to demand more accountability from a state marred by corruption—and specifically for the resignation of then President Jacob Zuma. When Zuma resigned, the coalition attempted to transition to a social movement campaigning for social justice but declined as a coalition into an organization of sorts. Taking trust as a positive belief in the reliability, truth or ability of an actor or entity, this article argues that conceptions of political and social/generalized trust are of less importance in explaining the rise and fall of Unite Behind than a combination of personal trust in particular leaders, and a form of particularized trust, namely, trust in other organizations. This notion of organizational trust as a form of particularized trust is of potential wider importance to the analysis of civil society network co-ordination. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-30T09:07:20Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231204988
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Authors:Lee Mcloughlin Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-28T12:55:09Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231209122
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Authors:Ayse Perihan Kirkic Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-28T12:51:24Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231209120
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Authors:Samuel Clark Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-28T12:50:54Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231209118
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Authors:Ernesto Castañeda, Eva Maria Rey Pinto, Madelyn Hagins Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-28T12:50:24Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231209117
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Authors:Ireneusz Sadowski Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. One of the key sociological aspects of the transformation of Central and Eastern Europe after communism was a shift from collectivistic to individualistic orientations. This article observes trends in individualism, operationalized as self-orientation, in Poland and Germany, with the latter further dissected into western and eastern part of the country. While western Germany was originally contrasted with former communist countries in this respect, a growing and stable convergence was later generally assumed. This is verified in the form of a lagged comparison between two birth cohorts, one that reached adulthood in the late 1980s and another born at that time. Data from the German Socio-Economic Panel along with two complementary Polish surveys are used in the analysis. The results show no presumed linear convergence in individualism and instead a consistent “post-individualistic” turn led by western Germany. This trend is less pronounced in women as there seem to be counterbalancing processes at play. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-25T09:21:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231205599
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Authors:Niels G Mede Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Many countries worldwide have seen populist resentment against scientists, which can manifest as “science-related populist attitudes” among the population. These attitudes can be assumed to divide populations into multiple segments—each endorsing or rejecting different facets of science-related populism, with segment sizes and characteristics varying between countries and cultural contexts. This study tests this with a secondary analysis of four public opinion surveys from Austria, Germany, Switzerland, and Taiwan (total N = 4598), combining a Most Similar Systems Design (MSSD) and a Most Different Systems Design (MDSD). It uses fixed-effects latent class analysis to demonstrate that Austrian, German, Swiss, and Taiwanese publics can be grouped into three segments: Full-Fledged Populists, People-Centric Non-Populists, and Deferent Anti-Populists. A large majority in all countries can be classified as Non-Populist or Anti-Populists, whereas Populists, who support the entire spectrum of science-related populism, make up the smallest segment. Bayesian regression shows that Populists are older and more likely to support right-leaning political views. Cross-country and cross-cultural comparisons reveal differences in segment sizes and characteristics: For example, Populists are more prevalent in Austria, while Germany has a large proportion of Anti-Populists. These are less widespread in Taiwan, where Non-Populists form a particularly big segment. The findings can be explained with national political, cultural, and historical contexts to some degree. Eventually, they are discussed against the backdrop implications for science communication and future scholarship on public science skepticism. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-25T09:06:24Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231200188
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Authors:Nadine Sika Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article analyzes the relation between interpersonal trust, repression, mobilization, and demobilization in authoritarian regimes. Does interpersonal trust impact mobilization in authoritarian regimes' Does an authoritarian regime’s strategies of repression and cooptation fuel distrust among movement actors and consequently lead to demobilization' Through relying on qualitative analysis in Egypt in the aftermath of the January 2011 uprising, I argue that interpersonal trust plays a significant role in the mobilization process of opposition movements. Yet, when movement members’ interpersonal trust levels and mobilizational capacities are high, authoritarian regimes utilize excessive repressive strategies to fragment and demobilize them. However, repression is not the only strategy utilized by regimes to demobilize the opposition. Other strategies, mainly cooptation and movement infiltration, are used by authoritarian regimes to fuel distrust among opposition movement actors and between movement actors and the citizens at large. These three strategies add to opposition movement’s fragmentation and demobilization. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-10-14T11:45:28Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231200415
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Authors:Zoltán Hermann, Dorottya Kisfalusi Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Using large-scale administrative data from Hungary, we examine the effects of attending a high-poverty school in Grade 8 on academic achievement and later educational attainment, using a matching approach. We find that attending a high-poverty school is negatively associated with reading scores and secondary education attainment, while there is no significant association with math scores. Estimates are negative in the case of higher education enrollment, but their statistical significance depends on model specification. We find suggestive evidence that attending a high-poverty school has a large direct negative effect on educational attainment, over and above the indirect effect through lower test scores. This suggests that the negative effect of high-poverty schools on students’ noncognitive skills and later educational choices can be as important as the effect on achievement. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-21T11:28:40Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231198434
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Authors:Lucas Lopez Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-09T10:49:54Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199297
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Authors:Shimaa Hatab Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Unlike left outsiders in contexts of steadfast traditional opposition in Latin America, Fernando Lugo refrained from intensifying the conflict with the political establishment and mobilizing subaltern groups to push through progressive policies after winning the 2008 elections. Ultimately, conservative interests pushed through impeachment proceedings and forced him out of office prematurely, and Lugo yielded to their will instead of using the interbranch stalemate to instigate popular resistance. For their part, the popular sectors did not mobilize to pressure the Lugo government, nor did they stand firmly against the president’s impeachment. The article aims to answer why Lugo flopped as a political broker and why Paraguayans did not mobilize to Lugo’s defense by developing a two-level argument that combines the institutional supply side that determines the actors’ mobilization capacity and the demand side of movement issue-framing that conditions actors’ willingness to mobilize. First, the organizational and representative pathologies of the left parties persisted into Lugo’s reign and curtailed the capacity of the mobilization brokers to forge ties between otherwise separate organizations in society and to serve as a veto gate in power centers. Second, community leaders and social actors did not engage in active issue-framing processes to construct new meanings to orient their collective action. The article draws on interview data, public opinion polls, and archival works to substantiate the argument and contributes to social movement literature by highlighting the role of political leadership’s strategic choices and its interactions with opponents and allies (inside and outside power centers) in realizing favorable political opportunity and remolding clientelistic ties to mobilize social constituencies. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-09T10:44:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231196320
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Authors:Federico M Rossi Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Combining agonistic pluralism and social movements literature with trust studies, I propose a conceptualization for how the organizational dilemma is tackled in social movements. Defined as a trust-building organizational learning process, I show the role-played by social trust—meaning, the construction of the relational boundaries of a shared goal without diluting the heterogeneity of self-identities and interests—as an organizational prerequisite for democratic organization of a political group. Empirically, I identify four alternative pathways to the (democratic) organizational dilemma: innovation through new organizational models; repetition of past experiences; reformulation of practices; and emulation of previous organizational models. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-08T06:35:55Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231196509
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Authors:Andrea Zhu Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-07T12:27:32Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199308
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Authors:Büşra Sağlam Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-07T12:26:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199307
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Authors:Lucy Jarosz Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-07T12:24:52Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199296
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Authors:Hemin Aziz Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print.
Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-09-07T12:23:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199295
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Authors:Steven A. Mejia Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Social scientists have long debated the impacts of foreign investment for developing countries. However, the relationship between foreign investment and child mortality is still heavily contested among comparative international social scientists despite decades of research. I bring new cross-national evidence to bear on this contested debate, where the competing arguments of neoclassical economic theory and foreign investment dependency theory are evaluated using fixed effects, dynamic, and two-stage least squares panel regression models. I find that inward foreign direct investment stock exerts a beneficial effect on child mortality in less-developed countries, net of relevant statistical controls. These results are also robust to a variety of regression diagnostics and alternative choices of econometric specification. These findings contribute to a growing body of literature finding that traditional sociological measures of foreign direct investment—in some cases—generate beneficial effects in less-developed countries. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-08-10T11:03:26Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231188405
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Authors:Anne-Marie Jeannet Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Mass immigration is transforming the politics of income redistribution in European welfare states. Some scholars argue that immigration erodes public support for redistribution, while others argue it could have the opposite effect. Until now, the literature has attempted to isolate a generic role of immigration without distinguishing between different immigration categories. This article analyzes the relationship between internal European migration and public support for income redistribution in 17 Western European countries using the European Social Survey’s seven rounds (2002–2014). It finds that some forms of internal migration, namely, migration from new Central and Eastern European countries, are positively related to Western European support for income redistribution. The study also sheds light on the crucial role of the welfare state, finding that the compensation effect is stronger in countries with higher social protection. The results support group-specific understandings of the relationship between immigration and income redistribution. In sum, the relationship varies by immigrant group and depends on the generosity of social protection. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-07-22T11:06:38Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231188406
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Authors:Pal Susanszky, Bernhard Kittel, Akos Kopper Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. During the COVID-19 pandemic, some governments took measures to restrict political liberties, claiming that these restrictions were necessary to contain the spread of the virus. In this study, we scrutinize differences in citizens’ willingness to accept three types of political restrictions: restricting the media, banning protests, and introducing extensive state surveillance. We focus on two European countries: Austria and Hungary. While we find that perceived health threats, political values, ideological orientation, and political trust are important predictors of accepting political restrictions, we also find that citizens differ in their willingness to support the three types of restrictions depending on whether the given measure affects them directly. We also find differences between Austria and Hungary concerning the way political trust and political values affect the acceptance of restrictions, which may be rooted in the larger polarization of Hungarian society. Furthermore, we observe that perceived health threats, political values, ideological orientation, and political trust are important predictors of accepting political restrictions. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-07-22T10:54:41Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231187196
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Authors:Olga Lavrinenko Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Women’s International Non-Governmental Organizations (WINGOs) are a major force in spreading world culture at the national level. At the same time, women’s political empowerment is one of the spaces in which world culture manifests itself. WINGOs, often in conjunction with emancipative values, may potentially have an impact on a country’s level of women’s political empowerment. However, scholars rarely integrate them into theory and empirical tests. Using the world culture approach as the larger frame, I build this framework and test it. Specifically, Hypothesis 1 tests whether there is a potential positive association between women’s political empowerment and the number of WINGO ties. Hypothesis 2 examines the potential interaction between emancipative values and WINGOs. Employing mixed-effects linear regression on the aggregated World Values Survey/European Values Survey (WVS/EVS) dataset and administrative data, I observe that WINGOs and emancipative values have separate effects on women’s political empowerment. However, there is no significant evidence that emancipative values interact with WINGOs. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-07-21T10:52:03Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231188316
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Authors:Anthony J Roberts, Emma Casey, Baylee Hodges Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Prior studies on emerging economies contend that increasing returns to human capital has contributed to the growth of wage inequality over the last few decades. However, this explanation fails to account for an important dynamic of contemporary wage inequality: the growth of top labor incomes. Research on advanced economies show the emergence of a wage premium in the financial sector increased top labor incomes, but studies have yet to investigate whether a financial wage premium is contributing to the growth of top labor incomes in emerging economies. The present study addresses this theoretical and empirical gap by conceptualizing and measuring the financial wage premium across the distributions of labor income in the most important subset of emerging economies: Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC). Drawing on harmonized labor force data from the Luxembourg Income Study, we utilize unconditional quantile regression modeling and treatment effect estimation to examine the financial wage premium across the distributions of labor income in the BRIC before and after the Great Recession. Consistent with studies on advanced economies, we find a substantial wage premium among top earners in the financial sectors of the BRIC, which has grew in the post-recession period. However, we find significant variation in size and growth of the financial wage premium because of the variegated nature of financialization across the BRIC. We conclude by suggesting that subsequent studies should explore the heterogeneous effects of subordinate and state financialization on wage dynamics in emerging economies. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-07-21T10:48:44Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231187047
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Authors:Takayuki Sakamoto Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Social investment (SI) policies have been implemented by governments of affluent countries in hopes of safeguarding against new social risks and mitigating social exclusion by encouraging employment and making it easier for parents to balance work and family. Governments hope that human capital investment (education and job training) will better prepare workers for jobs, promote their employment and social inclusion, and reduce poverty. This article investigates whether SI policies contribute to lower poverty and inequality by analyzing data from 18 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries between 1980 and 2013. The analysis finds, first, that SI policies (education and active labor market policy (ALMP)) alone may be less effective in generating lower poverty and inequality without redistribution, but when accompanied and supported by redistribution, SI policies are more effective in creating lower poverty and inequality. I propose the explanation that SI policies create lower-income poverty and inequality by creating individuals and households that can be salvaged and lifted out of poverty with redistribution, because SI policies help improve their skills and knowledge and employability, although they may be not quite able to escape poverty or low income without redistribution. As partial evidence, I present the result that education is associated with a lower poverty gap in market income. The analysis also finds that education and ALMP produce lower poverty and/or inequality in interaction with social market economies that redistribute more, and that augments the equalizing effects of education and ALMP. The results, thus, suggest the complementary roles of SI policies and redistribution. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-07-19T10:38:57Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231185282
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Authors:Miloslav Bahna, Paula Ivanková Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Perceptions of social structure typically only change gradually and their connection to economic development seems to be indirect at best. Times of rapid socioeconomic transformations such as the transition of state-socialist economies to market economy or the disintegration of a common state might witness more notable changes. Using data from four rounds of the ISSP Social Inequality module, we model how people see their position and the structure of their society on the example of the two ex-Czechoslovak countries. Both post-communist societies share the beginning of the transition to a free market economy in 1989 but are divided by starkly contrasting impacts of the transition on their labor market. We show that views on social structure in the ex-Czechoslovak countries diverge over time with Slovaks more frequently describing their society as highly unequal and seeing their position as lower in the social structure. We find support for the assumption that experiences with unemployment lower subjective social position and can be used to explain lower positioning of respondents in the Slovak sample. With regard to views on social structure, we find no clear connection to unemployment experiences. The chronically high unemployment levels in Slovakia therefore do not explain the higher tendency of Slovaks to see their society as highly polarized. Contrary to subjective social position, views on the overall social structure are most likely shaped by factors beyond immediate personal experience with economic insecurity. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-07-08T05:35:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231183615
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Authors:Marie-Sophie Callens, Bart Meuleman Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This article examines how nationalism, together with group conflict factors (namely, immigrant group size and economic conditions), affects ethnic threat perceptions over a period of almost 20 years across European and non-European countries. For this purpose, we analyze three rounds (1995, 2003, and 2013) of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity Module using societal growth curve models. Our findings contribute to the ongoing discussion on the contextual drivers and dynamics of threat perceptions in various ways. First, our models show that nationalism is a highly relevant factor in explaining cultural as well as economic threats. However, nationalist attitudes operate purely at the individual level, as no effect of the group-level aggregate of nationalism is found. Second, the growth curve models make it possible to disentangle longitudinal effects (describing how threat perceptions evolve within countries) from cross-sectional patterns (describing the stable differences between countries). The longitudinal effects of group conflict variables deviate from the cross-sectional effects and are mostly insignificant. Given that these longitudinal effects are the litmus test for a causal interpretation, we must conclude that we find little to no evidence for the dynamic claims of group conflict theory. Finally, we detect an interaction between nationalism and labor market conditions: The impact of unemployment rates on threat perceptions is found to be contingent on the nationalist attitudes of individuals. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-06-22T11:19:41Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231177622
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Authors:Shin Arita, Kikuko Nagayoshi, Hirofumi Taki, Hiroshi Kanbayashi, Hirohisa Takenoshita, Takashi Yoshida Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This study explores functions of labor market institutions in perpetuating earnings gap between different categories of workers with focusing on people’s views of earnings gap between regular and non-regular workers in Japan, South Korea, and the United States. An original cross-national factorial survey was conducted to measure the extent to which respondents admit earnings gap among workers with different characteristics. We found that Japanese and South Korean respondents tended to justify the earnings gap between regular and non-regular workers. In Japan, non-regular-worker respondents accepted the wide earnings gap against their economic interests, which was explained by assumed difference in responsibilities and on-the-job training opportunities. Specific institutional arrangements contribute to legitimating earnings gap between different categories of workers by attaching status value to the categories. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-06-13T09:45:25Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231176422
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Authors:Brittany E Hayes, Gillian M Pinchevsky Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. This study analyzes World Values Survey data (individual N = 63,307; country N = 53) to examine individual and national factors that shape attitudinal support toward men’s physical violence against their wives. We assess how the national context conditions direct individual-level effects. Greater national support toward this form of intimate partner violence exerts a positive effect on individuals’ supportive intimate partner violence attitudes. Cultural orientations affect supportive intimate partner violence attitudes, but the direction depends on whether they are measured at the individual (negative effect) or national level (positive effect). Cross-level interactions reveal that national context moderates individual-level effects between cultural orientation and egalitarian gender attitudes with intimate partner violence supportive attitudes. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-06-12T10:07:46Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231171159
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Authors:Leandros Kavadias, Bram Spruyt, Toon Kuppens Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. The thesis that schooling inevitably leads to secularization continues to be debated. Indeed, while education has become a central and authoritative institution across the world, religiosity seems to persist. An alternative hypothesis proposes that recognizing the cultural aspects of the growth of “schooled societies” may reveal unexpected compatibilities between education and religiosity. However, research that both empirically integrates these aspects and examines their relationship with religiosity from a global perspective remains scarce. Against this background, this article first constructs a macro-level indicator that taps into cross-national variation in the different dimensions of “schooled societies.” Subsequently, we examine its relationship with the subjective importance of religion in people’s lives and individual-level educational differences in religiosity. Results based on data from 94,011 respondents across 76 countries show that in societies that are more “schooled,” people generally tend to be less religious. Moreover, the development of a schooled society moderates the relationship between educational attainment and religiosity. In societies that show more characteristics of a schooled society, especially less educated people are likely to remain religious. Finally, we found that our new indicator for the schooled society explained more variance than other, less fine-grained indicators of this concept. This illustrates the added value of a more comprehensive indicator for the role of schooling as an institution. In the conclusion, we use our findings to outline a research agenda. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-06-09T06:52:21Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231177238
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Authors:Masoud Movahed Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Why do countries diverge significantly in the levels of income inequality across the Global North' Most scholars believe that the answer lies in the ways that economic resources are organized through institutions. Drawing on a country-level, longitudinal dataset from 1985 to 2016 matched with three other data sources, the author explains how and to what extent institutions matter for income inequality across the “varieties of capitalism.” To sort countries based on their institutional similarities, the author conducts cluster analysis and examines the extent to which institutions predict variation in the levels of income inequality, both cross-nationally and within each cluster of countries. In cross-national, panel data regressions, strong evidence is presented that labor market interventions such as vocational rehabilitation programs as well as characteristics of corporate governance are important determinants of income inequality. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-05-19T08:43:47Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231174158
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Authors:Harris Hyun-soo Kim Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. According to critics of globalization, it has ushered in a new era of economic inequality, with some of the biggest “losers” being the majority working classes in advanced capitalist democracies. Economically aggrieved, culturally threatened, and politically excluded, they have become the bedrock of right-wing political parties in much of Europe and the United States. Integral to this phenomenon is the heightened anti-immigrant prejudice espoused by both supporters and leaders of populist movements. The present study investigates a critical issue in this context, one that has been implicitly assumed but relatively understudied: the impact of globalization on xenophobic attitudes among natives. It also examines whether and to what extent globalization moderates the effect of ethnic nationalism on their preferences for restrictive immigration and immigrant assimilation. Findings from multilevel analysis indicate that globalization, as well as the nativist backlash, plays a significant role in directly and indirectly shaping how immigration and immigrants are perceived in host societies. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-05-17T05:46:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231173307
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Authors:Amany Selim Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Building on qualitative interviews with Syrians who participated in the anti-regime movement of 2011 and now live in Berlin and Oslo, the article unpacks the ways that these contexts affected participants’ decision to continue or disrupt their activism in exile. By analyzing their activist trajectories from revolution to exile and drawing on the concept of emotional resonance, I reveal how Berlin and Oslo provided participants with different environments when dealing with their past experiences of participation. I show that while the mobilizing structures of Berlin provided spaces for activism that resonated with the emotional needs of activists, enabling them to continue activism on behalf of Syria, the mobilizing structures of Oslo failed to produce spaces that could respond to activists’ needs, playing a part in their disengagement there. The article extends the concept of emotional resonance and adds to the study of Syrian diasporas and emotions in the Syrian uprising. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-04-22T10:20:54Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231165285
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Authors:Pablo Pérez Ahumada Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. In this article, I explain why pro-labor reforms succeed or fail. Focusing on the cases of Argentina and Chile, I show that labor reforms are more successful in extending trade union rights when unions successfully build associational power and employers are less able to do so. Consistent with this argument, a quantitative analysis of time-series cross-sectional data from 78 countries suggests that the level of class power disparity is negatively correlated with the extension of workers’ collective rights. At the end of the article, I discuss how these results have implications for the study of labor reforms and power resources. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-03-27T05:00:24Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231163846
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Authors:Jolene Tan Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. In past and contemporary societies, kin presence and support are widely cherished for helping couples contend with parenthood. Thus, it is hypothesized that intergenerational cooperation in raising children influences fertility decisions. Despite the potential benefits of having a supportive family environment, societies with dissimilar social, structural, and geographical conditions may exhibit cross-cultural differences that are characterized by variations in family processes and reproductive outcomes. To demonstrate the influence of context, this study draws on the 2006 and 2016 East Asian Social Survey and uses generalized Poisson regression to investigate cross-national differences in the effect of intergenerational support on fertility in East Asia. The results show distinct patterns in the effect of intergenerational financial support, instrumental support, and geographic proximity on fertility. Financial support and proximity to grandparents are particularly conducive to childbearing among urban families. Instrumental support appears to be more beneficial for societies going through the second phase of the gender revolution (South Korea and Taiwan) than for societies with stronger gender role constraints (Japan). The findings highlight how context underpins the effect of intergenerational support on fertility. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-03-27T04:59:25Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231161791
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Authors:Daniel Gerbery, Tomáš Miklošovič Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. The article provides analyses of the mobility and resilience to mobility among low-wage earners in four Central European (CE) countries. It examines transitions into higher-paid jobs, unemployment/inactivity, and the stability of low-wage status. In addition to standard transition matrices and summary mobility indices, it employs multinomial logit models with the aim of identifying individual determinants of low-wage earners’ prospects. The findings show that the CE countries do not represent a homogeneous group in terms of presence of low wages when the period of 2010–2016 is considered. In regard to future prospects, low-wage employees in the countries with higher incidence of low pay are more likely to reproduce their status, as compared with countries with lower incidence. Upward mobility is more likely among younger, high-educated employees and among those who work in “better” occupations. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-03-08T05:34:28Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231156436
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Authors:Steffen Schindler, Eyal Bar-Haim, Carlo Barone, Jesper Fels Birkelund, Vikki Boliver, Queralt Capsada-Munsech, Jani Erola, Marta Facchini, Yariv Feniger, Laura Heiskala, Estelle Herbaut, Mathieu Ichou, Kristian Bernt Karlson, Corinna Kleinert, David Reimer, Claudia Traini, Moris Triventi, Louis-André Vallet Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. In this country-comparative study, we ask to what extent differentiation in secondary education accounts for the association between social origins and social destinations in adult age. We go beyond the widely applied formal definitions of educational tracking and particularly pay attention to country-specific approaches to educational differentiation. Our main expectation is that once we factor in these particularities, the degree to which educational differentiation accounts for social reproduction is quite similar across countries. Our analyses are based on national individual-level life-course data from six European countries that span from secondary education to occupational maturity. Our findings show that educational differentiation mediates the association between social origins and social destinations to a substantial degree in all countries. However, we still find some differences between countries in the extent to which educational differentiation accounts for social reproduction. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-02-10T08:58:16Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152231151390
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Authors:Corey R Payne Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. How did workers affect—and how were they affected by—the dramatic transformations of U.S. war-making that have occurred since the mid-twentieth century' Where do such transformations leave workers and war in the twenty-first century' Using newly compiled data on workers’ strikes in the U.S. armaments industries from World War II through the present, this paper examines the relationship between labor and military-industrial restructuring. The paper introduces the concept of regimes of war-making and makes three main arguments. First, workers’ power was a significant force shaping the shift from a regime of mass mobilization war-making to a regime of neoliberal war-making, as armaments firms aimed to overcome the constraints imposed by workers in the mid-twentieth century. Wartime mobilizations—for Korea and Vietnam—temporarily stymied these efforts by enhancing the disruptive power of workers, who leveraged that power into pauses or reversals of firms’ initial attempts at restructuring. Second, U.S. defeat in Vietnam was a watershed moment. Mass mobilization was abandoned, and the changing nature of war meant that subsequent military buildups offered workers little leverage with which to resist restructuring. Third, in the twenty-first century, the combination of greatly expanded wars and decades of restructuring has resulted in a bifurcation among armaments workers, between those producing supplies needed for pressing counterinsurgency operations and those producing other innovative, but unused, systems. Thus, while the regime of neoliberal war-making has reduced the size and strength of armaments workers in general, some still have significant disruptive potential at the present juncture. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-02-03T09:49:30Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152221148654
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Authors:Rujun Yang Abstract: International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Ahead of Print. Modernization accounts of cultural change hold that economic development drives liberalization of social values, including gender beliefs. Some comparative gender scholarship suggests that societal affluence is often accompanied by the growth of gender-essentialist beliefs, and that these beliefs coexist comfortably alongside gender-egalitarian values. The multidimensional conceptualization of gender ideology that is required to assess these competing claims has been applied so far mostly to Western societies. China is an obvious case for extending knowledge of these relationships, given its rapid economic growth and its recent history of state-imposed gender-egalitarian discourses. Applying latent class analysis to the Chinese General Social Survey (2010–2017), this study links different tenets of gender ideology in China to temporally and spatially specific histories and gendered interests. The results show that the relative importance of modernization and gender accounts depends on the generational, regional, and gendered identities being examined. Unlike in the West, moreover, egalitarian and essentialist beliefs do not always coincide in contemporary China. The friction between these beliefs reflects the resilience of male-primacy ideology. Citation: International Journal of Comparative Sociology PubDate: 2023-01-11T11:15:56Z DOI: 10.1177/00207152221147493
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