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Authors:Alice Fubini, Alessandra Lo Piccolo Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Civil society organizations increasingly rely on digital technologies to intervene in the whistleblowing process and advance their anti-corruption goals. However, scholars have yet to investigate how civil society organizations’ use of digital technologies impacts their role as whistleblowing actors and what consequences this might entail. Moving from this gap, the article explores how civil society organizations exploit digital technologies to intervene in the whistleblowing process and how their use of digital technologies affects patterns of interactions with institutional actors in the whistleblowing process. The article combines situational and thematic analysis to investigate three whistleblowing initiatives deployed by Italian civil society organizations: Linea Libera, the Advocacy and Legal Advice Centre for Whistleblowers, and Whistleblowing PA. The results show that grassroots whistleblowing initiatives are more than just services or tools but represent whistleblowing infrastructures, running on more or less sophisticated technologies, which grant their developers a role as low- or high-tech intermediaries in the whistleblowing process, in turn affecting the relational dynamics between grassroots and institutional actors and civil society organizations’ influence over the whistleblowing process. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-22T04:08:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268590
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Authors:Dale Mineshima-Lowe Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This paper discusses the methodological challenges in the design of anti-corruption initiatives utilizing digital technologies. In particular, the focus is on the measurement problem. Using anti-corruption initiatives as case studies, two central issues are raised: firstly, examining and unpacking the rationale for how digital technologies are understood (and assumed) as useful for combating corruption. Secondly, identifying motives and drivers within these anti-corruption initiatives. As digital technology is further employed in anti-corruption initiatives, it seems a good point at present, to stop and reflect on how and why such initiatives are designed with digital technologies. The paper concludes that there is a need to include greater discussion about the underlying methodological challenges around measurements. It requires more openness in terms of the principles and the system of methods used for the selection of digital technologies, connecting choice to the identified objective, and the role of measurement to the objective. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-19T02:09:13Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268544
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Authors:Javier Corrales Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Populism is hard to contain in across democracies because it is the sugar, salt, and fat of contemporary politics. I borrow from research on ultraprocessed foods to develop this metaphor. The modern food industry creates ultraprocessed foods by oversupplying naturally occurring macronutrients (sugar, salt, and fat) and recombining them to create new foods that are distortions of the real thing. These new pretend foods are both addictive and toxic. Likewise, I argue that authoritarian-populist leaders take natural tenets of democracy—for example, policies to help the voiceless (sugar), competition against opponents (salt), and reform agenda saturation (fat)—and supply them in combinations and quantities that end up distorting democracy. The result is a new regime that veers easily into authoritarianism (toxicity) while in the process generating hard-core followership (addictiveness). I also discuss the way authoritarian populists from both the left and the right have emulated each other since the 1980s, while introducing their own tweaks to their steals. In the end, despite important differences, both left and right-wing populism are far more similar to each other than they each care to recognize. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-19T02:07:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268275
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Authors:Joe Curnow, Lucy Delgado Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article examines how fossil fuel divestment organizers at the University of Toronto (UofT) attempted to be in right relation with Indigenous organizations and students on campus by integrating Indigenous knowledges around relationality and countering/contesting Eurowestern relational practices. By examining the dialog of a workshop where Fossil-Free UofT discussed their hopes, concerns, and strategies for practicing right relationality, we argue that while participants did important work to build relations rooted in decolonial approaches, they were limited by the perception that they constantly needed to attend to (and often capitulate to) whiteness. We argue that this tension limits the impact of moves to decolonize non-Indigenous spaces. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-13T04:48:26Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268548
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Authors:Veena Meetoo, Rachel Rosen Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article explores how “race”, nation, and generation intersect to make and mark the category of “unaccompanied minor” in Britain, thereby shaping conditions of care for unaccompanied child migrants. Drawing on interviews with unaccompanied children and adult professionals, we trace how discourses of the unchildlike and unknowing child render unaccompanied children undeserving of support. We demonstrate how these discourses embedded in neo-colonial and generational logics breed inaction from adult professionals, often resulting in substandard or absent care. Our article contributes to conceptualizations of childhood in contexts of rising ethnonationalism, attending to how “race”, nation, and generation roost in the routine. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-13T04:45:05Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268541
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Authors:Benjamin Garcia Holgado, Raúl Sánchez Urribarri Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Why do some elected leaders use legalistic strategies to undermine democracy from within' And under what conditions do they succeed in the use of these strategies' In this article, we argue that the abuse of law is at the center of the toolkit of emerging autocrats. Executives use an ample menu of legal tools and mechanisms (laws, constitutional amendments, executive decrees, administrative resolutions, and regulations by federal agencies) to gradually dismantle each of the components of liberal democracy. We show how the co-optation of the judiciary by the executive helps create an appearance of institutional normalcy that enhances regime legitimacy. In an era of democratic backsliding, executives capture or coerce judiciaries to neutralize opposition threats, carry out their policy agenda, secure and distribute benefits among allies, and dismantle various components that make up liberal democracies. To understand how executives have different levels of success in using multiple legal tools and mechanisms to undermine democracy, we compare three Latin American countries with disparate regime trajectories: Argentina, Ecuador, and Venezuela. Our paper situates judicial actors at the center of the legal toolkit of emerging autocrats by studying how (and in what ways) courts become illiberal tools for legal reform and implementation to dismantle liberal democracy gradually. We show how, in these cases, “legal narratives” are used to legitimize the slow undermining of democratic rule. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-13T04:39:26Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268332
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Authors:Heba M. Khalil Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article investigates the role of legalism and legal processes in entrenching autocratic rule in post-revolution Egypt. In the aftermath of the spectacular street protests that swept Egypt, the movement for change was channeled into legal challenges handled by the legal system and judicial experts. This judicialization of politics ensured that an emerging autocrat could not only use the judiciary and the legal system to control the process of democratic transition but also reverse it. In examining the rise of autocratic rule in post-revolutionary Egypt, this article illustrates how the legal system, constitutionalism, law-making, and electoral politics became integral pawns in the consolidation of an illiberal agenda. Legalistic strategies, such as rewriting electoral laws, reforming judicial regulations, strengthening presidentialism, rewriting and amending the constitution, and other legislative reforms, enable the rise of autocratic legalism in the country. As the case of Egypt illustrates, autocratic legalism is a dangerous mode of entrenching autocratic rule that uses the legal system to reach power and then abuses the same legal processes to ensure no one can challenge the power capture. Although elections, parliaments, and judiciaries remain in place to maintain a façade of legality, they are increasingly captured by the executive within a context of growing policing, and restrictions on freedoms and rights. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-13T04:34:53Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241267936
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Authors:Pamela Neumann Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Although anti-feminist discourses and practices are often associated with “right-wing” governments, self-proclaimed “leftist” regimes can also be organized around patriarchal ideas. In this article, I analyze how the Ortega-Murillo regime in Nicaragua has employed gendered ideologies to consolidate and legitimate its political power. While the Ortega-Murillo regime initially used elite pact-making to gain control of Nicaragua’s legal institutions, their latter strategies, which included alliances with religious conservatives, threats and intimidation, and legal mechanisms, were mainly focused on restructuring and pacifying civil society. Within this process, targeting feminist ideas and feminist organizations has been a central component of their autocratic toolkit. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-12T04:42:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241267911
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Authors:Suzan Alteri, Sunah Chung, Rhoda Zuk Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Indian Residential Schools in Canada and Boarding Schools in the United States are continuous tragedies. The discovery of over 1,300 unmarked graves at the sites of five Catholic-run former schools in Canada in 2021 ignited our investigation of children’s picturebooks using an anti-colonialist lens. This paper discusses public reader responses on Goodreads to 28 picturebooks about residential/boarding schools published from 1993 through 2022. Using inductively developed codes, the authors report adult readers’ responses with implications about readers’ appreciation of the picturebook format as an educational resource and personal reflections and awareness of underrepresented information about the history of Indigenous populations. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-10T04:02:07Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268580
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Authors:Alice Mattoni, Roxana Bratu Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This introduction examines the evolving landscape of digital technologies in the fight against corruption, exploring their potential as powerful levers for anti-corruption efforts and their far-reaching implications for the anti-corruption sector. The introduction argues that three key areas merit further exploration in the context of digital technologies and anti-corruption. First, the role of digital technologies, particularly social media and instant messaging platforms, in shaping public discourse on corruption. These technologies enable the rapid dissemination of information and facilitate collective action while also helping to shape narratives about corruption beyond their practical applications. Second, how the use of digital technologies in the fight against corruption changes the relational dynamics between grassroots actors and institutional bodies. These interactions range from collaborative partnerships to conflictual relationships, often with an element of contention. Third, the potential of digital technologies to profoundly change the measurement, identification, and exposure of corruption, particularly in those grassroots initiatives that may offer novel approaches to data collection on corrupt behavior. The introduction explains that by focusing on these three aspects, the special issue contributes to the growing literature on digital media and anti-corruption and offers new perspectives on the complex interplay between technological innovation and anti-corruption efforts. The introduction concludes with a presentation of the five articles included in the special issue, explaining how they delve deeper into the three areas of investigation outlined above, providing empirical findings and theoretical reflections on the transformative potential of digital technologies in the fight against corruption. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-10T03:59:47Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268531
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Authors:Nella Van Dyke, Kyle Dodson, Paul Almeida, Jaqueline Novoa Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. At times, radicalized rightwing movements may influence political institutions to the point of weakening core democratic practices and promoting the tools of autocrats. We advance a theory of social movement partyism, arguing that formal political parties and social movements may forge an alliance through a relational opportunity-mobilization exchange, whereby the party provides political opportunities to the movement and the movement offers a highly energized base of support. In this environment, elected officials will be moved to take action in the electoral arena consistent with movement goals. We use a quantitative dataset at the House District level to examine the impact of the hate movement on members of Congress voting to object to certifying the presidential election results on January 6, 2021, net of a host of individual and social contextual variables. We find Congress members from districts with high levels of hate movement organizations, especially those formed in the Trump era, were more likely to object to the election results. We provide a reliability check using a model looking at additional measures of anti-democratic activity and autocratic tools. Our results provide strong support for our contention that social movement partyism involving an extremist movement influenced recent anti-democratic and authoritarian actions on the part of elected officials in the United States. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-10T03:57:49Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241267933
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Authors:Anwesha Chakraborty, Ina Kubbe Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In recent years, digital technologies have been recognized as essential for combating corruption in healthcare by academics and practitioners alike. Our study focuses on India, where healthcare policies increasingly emphasize digital public health services. We analyze multi-stakeholder perspectives emerging in the country post the 2020 launch of a national digital health plan. The study uses interviews, participant observation, and official video transcripts to critically appraise these perspectives. Although government actors view digital innovation as a panacea for issues like inclusion, transparency, and service delivery, other stakeholders raise concerns on wide-ranging issues. These include infrastructural and design challenges, unclear policies on data privacy, and the opaque role of private companies in providing digital solutions. Particularly, grassroots actors warn of new opportunities for corruption due to extensive digitization. This article explores the dichotomy between policy intentions and practical realities, highlighting the complex relationship between digital transformation in healthcare and corruption control. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-09T04:21:22Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268555
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Authors:Rita Marchetti, Anna Stanziano, Roberto Mincigrucci, Simone Del Sarto, Susanna Pagiotti Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Recent years have seen a growing interest in the role of the media in relation to corruption. This interest, however, has particularly concerned legacy media, leaving the role played by social media in relation to corruption largely unexplored. This study attempts to understand how social media contributes to the public representation of corruption through an analysis of the actors who discuss it and the topics they introduce into the debate. Despite social media’s ability to diversify both the actors able to intervene in the public debate and the sub-topics being discussed, some aspects of it, such as the affordances of the platforms that fuel polarization, favor political instrumentalization of corruptive phenomena. By investigating how social media deals with corruption based on a content analysis of the posts and an analysis of the actors who intervene in the discussions, this study fills a gap in the literature. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-09T04:18:40Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268530
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Authors:Tanu Biswas, Liola Nike Mattheis Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. What do the school strikes for climate teach (adults)' Beyond being apt responses to democratic exclusions, children’s and young people’s strikes also have educative potential (including for adults) through counterweighing formal education, as the authors previously argued. This paper continues to explore the educational import of children and young people’s climate contentions as part of a more explicit decolonial agenda. In a first step, the paper sketches the altered conditions under which children stage school strikes/occupations and highlights increasing global connections drawn also by strikes in the North. Next, departing from a reading of Socrates’s canonical defense of obedience to the law, it offers a reading of the political economy and developmentalism of neoliberal, Anthropocene schooling as part of a modern oikos that depends on children’s work in their roles as “pupils.” Finally, children’s and young people’s activism is approached as resistance to colonially shaped epistemic injustice. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-07T03:55:18Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268596
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Authors:Fernanda Odilla, Clarissa Veloso Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article explores the advantages and constraints affecting anti-corruption grassroots initiatives that employ the “naming and shaming” strategy. It questions why activists choose such a confrontational approach while examining the cases of two Brazilian anti-corruption bottom-up initiatives. Both fight corruption by deploying bots to assist in auditing congressional members’ expenses, and then use social media to expose their suspicious findings. Findings, based on a qualitative analysis, show that publicly exposing those who misuse public money was a tactic adopted only when the expected response from law enforcement and anti-corruption authorities fell short. This study suggests that having a participatory accountability system is insufficient and considered disappointing if no inquiries and sanctions follow civic action. As an unforeseen effect, the digital exposure of officeholders garnered media attention and expanded the initiatives’ support base. Nevertheless, activists acknowledge the risks associated with their belligerent activities and the challenges of financing, maintaining engagement, and expanding the scope of their actions, despite the high expectations that digital technologies would reduce costs and support collective action. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-07T03:52:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268572
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Authors:Catriona Ellis Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article considers how museums of childhood in Britain were imagined as racialized spaces, designed to simultaneously project both a notion of universal childhood and of racial hierarchies. The legacies of this work matter for efforts today to decolonize museums. The case study is the ethnographic doll collections of Edward Lovett (1852–1933), an amateur folklorist best known for his collection of home-made dolls. The ways in which these dolls were collected, described, cataloged, and displayed reveals the racialized assumptions of British imperialism in the early 20th century, including the infantilization of other cultures and the widely held belief in evolutionary biology. These doll collections are still displayed for children, and this article considers how contemporary museums negotiate the conflicting impetuses to decolonize museums, to teach today’s young people about the prejudices of their ancestors, and to engage with the widely accepted idea that all childhoods are defined by play. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-06T12:37:13Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268553
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Authors:Freeden Blume Oeur, Donna Varga Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Over the past two decades, pressing questions around childhood, age, difference, and power have traversed the multidisciplinary study of childhood, and have come to overlap increasingly with writings on colonialism. While children remain relatively under-analyzed across this scholarship, children and notions of childhood are always implicated in colonialism and its vestiges. Moreover, legacies of colonialism shape the images of children who dominate headlines today, from cruel policies which separate migrant children from their families at the United States—Mexico border, to Israel’s continued assault on Gaza and the deliberate targeting of Palestinian children, to young climate activists who have mobilized around the globe. Our special issue explores questions around colonialism and childhood, and specifically their processes of racialization; and argues for a general practice of decolonizing the study of childhood. The authors—representing several disciplines and regions—have contributed essays which cover two broad themes. The first three articles speak to histories of colonialism and their entwinement with childhood, and the challenges actors face in attempting to reckon with those histories. The next three articles take up discussions concerning childhood as a colonialist racialized concept, and pose questions about who is deserving of care and whose care should be recognized as good for children. Our queries recognize the important work already being done by childhood studies scholars, invite newer researchers to the field to consider childist concerns, and welcome all to imagine futures beyond our present crises. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-06T09:58:56Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268546
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Authors:Marco Garrido Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte often gets lumped together with the former U.S. president Donald Trump on the basis of their autocratic practices. However, there are crucial differences in their respective situations and the reception of their autocratic practices on the ground. Consequently, if we understand Duterte only through Trump or with reference to the category of “emerging autocrat” then we end up misunderstanding the situation in the Philippines. This article is about the limits and pitfalls of thin comparison and the necessity of thicker ones. It advocates understanding practices embedded in the social structures and processes that make them meaningful. I proceed as follows: I present the case of Rodrigo Duterte and review the grounds for lumping him along with Trump as an emerging autocrat. I then pursue a thicker comparison of Duterte and Trump, putting their support in economic, social, political, and historical context and highlighting substantial differences in their respective situations. Finally, I argue that thin comparisons are especially susceptible to interpretive biases in general and highlight three such biases—toward contemporaneity, continuity, and centrality—using the case of Duterte to illustrate. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-06T09:54:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241268329
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Authors:Kennedy Chi-Pan Wong Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Pundits, advocates, and scholars have increasingly focused on the strategies of transnational repression employed by autocratic states to deter opposition and control the voices of emigrants abroad. Typically, transnational repression is understood as various forms of state-directed tactics executed by institutional actors who are deployed, trained, and organized by the state. Yet, the tactic of inciting hatred and division among emigrants to undermine dissidents—part of a nationalist strategy that mobilizes non-state actors for repression—has not been thoroughly explored. This article reveals a unique form of diaspora actorhood: the repressive nationalist diasporas, which consist of culturally driven migrants who support their authoritarian homelands and exert significant influence in various aspects of transnational migrants’ civic life, including student groups, ethnic associations, and grassroots organizations. Through these networks, diaspora migrants provide autocrats with the means to extend their repressive reach internationally. This paper examines the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a case study, demonstrating how the state leverages nationalist sentiments to alienate dissidents and fuel enmity among its loyalists overseas. The consequences are extensive, involving surveillance, harassment, and assaults on dissidents such as Hong Kongers, Tibetans, Uyghurs, Taiwanese, and mainland Chinese—aiming to silence those who criticize the PRC regime. Ethnographic research, interviews, and publicly available data are used to reveal, describe, and analyze the role and global reach of the repressive nationalist diaspora in the transnational repression mechanism as part of modern autocratic statecraft. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-06T09:49:42Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241267931
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Authors:Yulia Prozorova Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Contemporary autocracies often maintain a connection with democracy. They do not entirely dismantle the democratic structures established within unfinished modernization projects. Instead, they emerge as “electoral autocracies” and manipulate the concept of democracy offering alternative interpretations and meanings to further their illiberal agenda. The paper delves into the revision of democracy and how the democratic imaginary is utilized in the context of emerging autocracy in post-Soviet Russia. While the post-Soviet Russian autocracy adjusted democratic institutions for its own objectives, it also intended to appropriate the concept of democracy at the semantic and symbolic levels. The rise of Putin’s autocracy is characterized by the radicalization of cultural-civilizational particularism endorsing anti-democratic illiberal arguments. Through this adaptable hermeneutic framework, the Russian authorities tend to relativize the concept of democracy, criticizing, and dismissing the relevance of liberal democracy. Simultaneously, they articulate a distinct “sovereign” version of democracy and claim that non-liberal regimes are legitimate forms of political modernity. The autocratic political discourse on democracy is intrinsically non-democratic, as the lack of intellectual autonomy, control, and closure of discourse constrain the scope of meaning. The resulting heteronomous conception of democracy presents a static and ahistorical society predestined to (re)produce a single pro-authoritarian cultural-political pattern. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-06T03:54:21Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241267937
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Authors:Mariana Achugar, Gabriela Fried Amilivia Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article explores the long duration of posttransitional authoritarian discourses of “national security” in Uruguay, in the five decades since the coup that led to a State terrorist regime. We posit that the current deployment of Cold war era discourses justifying state terrorism constitute foundational master tools that enable modern-day military and alt-right autocrats to conceal human rights violations and appropriate the liberal human rights discourse for illiberal political ends. Authoritarians of this new type use these resignified democratic discourses to perpetuate their power, gain influence, and legitimize their repressive illiberal practices. The article uses three public debates relating to the military’s illicit actions in the dictatorship and their involvement in contemporary politics via the new military political party, Cabildo Abierto, to show how these authoritarian tools are deployed in political discourse. We analyze a corpus of texts from recent judicial documents with military “confessions,” official withholding of secret archives, and law proposals presented in Congress. Our findings show that dictatorship-era discourses of “national security” are employed by contemporary military and right-wing political actors for the purpose of sustaining their power. We reveal continuities in dictatorship era discourse practices and strategies that contribute to the emergence of new autocratic social actors who enter the political sphere to capture state resources and protect their group interests. Our findings contribute to the exploration of discursive uses of the past in the present resulting in increased political polarization and autocratic tendencies in contemporary Uruguay. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-05T09:26:32Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241267897
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Authors:Tobias Müller, Pınar Dokumacı Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. A triple transformation is shaping societies around the world: the rise of strictly observant religion, the backlash against gender equality, and the growing influence of neoliberalism and authoritarianism in state affairs. While each of these phenomena has been intensively studied by social scientists, we know very little about their overlapping confluence. This introduction to the Special Issue “Strictly Observant Religion, Gender and the State in the 21st Century” outlines how we might make sense of the increasing traction of liberal sexual politics and the concurrent rise of neo-traditionalist movements. Rather than providing a unified theory, we propose the concept of “strictly observant religion,” a “social system which aims at structuring all aspects of life around strict adherence to religious doctrines”, as defined by Tobias Müller in his contribution to this special issue. As such, it serves as a heuristic tool to study these macro-transformations through thick descriptions of people’s striving, believing, and struggling. By locating the collection’s contributions in current debates and summarizing key insights, we outline possible pitfalls and pathways for future research in the sociology of religion, feminist theory, and political sociology. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-08-02T07:24:24Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241260386
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Authors:Nurit Stadler Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This postscript addresses the findings of researchers examining the complex relationship between strict religious observance, gender dynamics, feminism, and state transformations. It underscores the importance of gender analysis within religious groups to enhance our theoretical frameworks. Highlighting religious movements' insights into contemporary practices, it considers global gender and sexuality norm shifts, from same-sex marriage legalization in Europe to the #MeToo movement’s impact. Stadler critically analyzes the papers in this Special Issue, and illustrates how these groups navigate changing moral and religious landscapes. This analysis provides sociologists and anthropologists with a crucial perspective on fundamentalist groups’ responses to modern gender, sexual, and identity challenges. Key themes include religious-state entwinements, tradition’s reconfigurations, gender, and feminist views on religious extremism. Stadler introduces case studies across Christian, Muslim, and Jewish contexts globally, highlighting how comparative analysis reveals fundamentalism, gender, and state interactions. By synthesizing the Special Issue’s contributions, Stadler advances religious theory, illuminating the intricate ties between devout religion, gender dynamics, and the state. This postscript advocates for further research into these vital areas, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of religious beliefs and practices’ transformative effects on societal and individual levels. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-29T05:26:59Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261692
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Authors:Tal Samuel-Azran, Ilan Manor, Evyatar Yitzhak, Yair Galily Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Sporting events have been the target of terrorist groups for decades due to their high profile. Since 9/11, a bias against Muslims has been evident in both traditional and social media with Muslims being depicted as likely perpetrators of attacks against sporting events. The 2024 Paris Olympics represents the first major sporting events in the age of generative artificial intelligence (AI) platforms. This study is the first to examine to what extent AI chatbots replicate anti-Islam bias with respect to terrorism and sporting events. The study is based on a series of “conversations” with chatbots on the popular platform “character.ai.” The analysis reveals a persistent anti-Islam bias, with chatbots “explaining” that Islam is more prone to commit attacks because it is more violent in nature than other religions while also depicting Muslims as the most likely culprits of attacks against the Olympic Games. The study indicates that AI chatbots perpetuate the mediated anti-Islamist bias in an even more unanimous and authoritative tone than traditional and social media. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-25T05:48:50Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261265
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Authors:Sophia Hornbacher-Schönleber Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article investigates the experiences of young women involved in progressive Muslim youth activism in Java, Indonesia. Hailing from the Indonesian periphery, many of them encounter leftist ideas for the first time as they enter university. As male intellectual leaders emphasize a shift from personal to social morality in their theological exegesis as a foundation for leftist Islam, young women feel encouraged to engage in this mixed-gender movement. However, this turn away from the personal also conceals discourses that challenge the young women’s full involvement in the movement, namely the masculine connotations of youth activism, and hegemonic strictly observant, and colonial notions of “female nature” as docile, caring, and domestic. As a result, female activists experience ambivalence between being Muslim and leftist, and concerns about their future involvement in activism as adult women. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-25T05:44:14Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261045
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Authors:Bhavneet Walia, Arthur Owora, Brittany Kmush, Justin Ehrlich, Shane Sanders Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Sport epidemiological studies have estimated cumulative head impact and concussion rates by American football position group. Meanwhile, the sports economics literature has examined National football league (NFL) player-salary variation, and sports statisticians have studied NFL player productivity. Merging novel data and methodologies, we estimate whether players in position-groups with higher head impact or concussion risk are paid a compensating next-contract salary premium controlling for NFL experience, contract year, and productivity. For 2006 to 2017 NFL seasons, we consider all 1,162 fully observed player contracts and all 290 fully observed, non-rookie player contracts. Specifying two sets of contract-length frequency-weighted, contract-year (of signing) fixed effects linear regressions, we find robust evidence that players receive lagged, next-contract compensation for additional on-field productivity and experience. However, position groups with higher estimated cumulative head impact and, alternatively, higher estimated concussion rate are paid a significant and substantial next-contract dispremium. Results are consistent with an augmented compensating salary-differential theory, in which firm and employee share risk. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-25T05:42:02Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241260774
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Authors:Itamar Caspi, Yuval Mazar, Noam Michelson, Shay Tsur Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Does guilt affect performance' In our study, we exploit a new measure of justification for penalty decisions in football and find that unjustified penalty calls negatively impact penalty conversion rates. This effect escalates in relation to social norms of trust. To add a layer of complexity, we incorporate the variance originating from players who do not play in their countries of origin. This allows us to include the norms of both the league and the kickers’ countries of origin. From this, we divide the constraints on egoism into two categories: internal sanctions, such as guilt, and external sanctions, such as shame. Our findings reveal that both guilt and shame significantly influence the performance of penalty kickers. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-24T04:35:32Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261245
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Authors:Romina Istratii Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Despite its western Christian origin, the notion of religious fundamentalism has been employed by western and non-western scholars alike to describe a variety of religious groups perceived to manifest antagonism to aspects of modernity and secularism, especially western ideals of gender equality as enforced in many cases by state policies. Within religion and gender studies and Gender and Development scholarship, fundamentalism has been often invoked in reference to faith communities opposing feminist ideals, but without due recognition being given to the western metaphysics of feminist theories of gender, or the epistemological and ethical problems of “naming” such communities as “fundamentalist” within Western/Anglophone scholarship. This lack of reflexivity risks essentializing religious communities as being opposed to feminist gender ideals when their reactions might reflect more complex underlying reasons, and can also be counterproductive in effectively responding to gender inequalities and women’s abuse in religious societies. This paper proposes that a more intimate engagement with non-western religious traditions grounded in a study of theological teachings and the lived religious experience of specific communities can remedy such tendencies and achieve a better understanding of the nexus of gender, faith, and tradition/modernity in diverse cultural contexts. It illustrates this by drawing key insights from a study of conjugal abuse in an Orthodox Täwahәdo community in Ethiopia that demonstrated intricate associations between understandings of and attitudes toward conjugal abuse and the local religious tradition, the significance of a culture-as-religion discourse in the maintenance of rigid gender norms, and the potential of Orthodox theology to counter ideas about abusiveness that contributed to its implicit tolerance. The paper relates these findings to Ethiopian women activists’ efforts and the multi-religious societal fabric of Ethiopian society to explore the possibilities for integrated responses to intimate partner violence in the country. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-24T04:33:13Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261036
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Authors:Jonathan Grix, Paul Michael Brannagan Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Sports mega-events (SMEs), such as the Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup, have become a key part of state strategies to achieve a multitude of foreign policy goals. The literature attempting to explain this—often under the broad umbrella term of “sport diplomacy”—has recently been bolstered by the arrival of two very popular concepts in this area of research, “soft power” and “sportswashing,” leading to confusion and a general lack of consensus around the use of sport for non-sporting aims. This article makes two key contributions to the literature: first, it serves to clarify the conceptual relationship between sport diplomacy, soft power, and sportswashing. It does so by arguing that the latter two concepts are strategies at different stages of a similar process, that is, using sport to achieve specific foreign policy goals by states, state actors, and non-state actors. Our second contribution lies in the application of this conceptualization to two relevant, empirical cases of an advanced capitalist country (the United Kingdom) and an autocratic country (Qatar), both of which have hosted an SME. The results show that while a variety of states, state actors, politicians, and non-state actors use the same means (SMEs) to achieve different foreign policy goals, their geopolitics, different histories, regime types, economic systems, and levels of development influence their rationale for doing so and the strategies they choose. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-23T07:56:16Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241262042
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Authors:Kerry R. McGannon, Andrea Bundon, Ann Pegoraro, Shaantanu Kulkarni Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. With the 2024 Olympic Games touted as reaching gender parity (i.e., same number of female and male athletes participating), media conversations are continuing about elite athlete mothers. Researchers interrogating media stories of Olympic athlete mothers have shown that their sporting journeys are not straightforward due to tensions linked to gender (in)equity. In this paper we use narrative inquiry as a theoretical lens to explore “comeback themes” synthesized from published media studies of Olympic athlete mothers, along with recent examples of media stories of Olympic athlete mothers. We discuss four comeback themes that include: (in)compatible identities, super mums, veteran status/age, and exposing discrimination, and some implications for gender equity. The first three comebacks perpetuate gender ideologies of heteronormative femininity, good motherhood, ageism, and exceptionalism, which downplay equitable support and change. These themes, along with the exposing discrimination theme, also highlight shifting media representations of motherhood and sport whereby stories expose struggles, realities, and/or structural deficits. We reflect on these themes as a “tangled and bumpy road” to gender equity led by athlete mothers’ voices resulting in changes in maternity rights. These comeback themes show gains in gender equity for sportswomen and highlight areas where more work is needed. Future research recommendations include studying mainstream and social media spaces with an intersectional lens to expand understanding of media stories as pedagogical resources to learn more about motherhood, sport, and gender (in)equity. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-23T07:53:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261260
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Authors:Pınar Dokumacı Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This paper rethinks the different ways in which civil society activism might be able to transform radical political disagreements about feminism, secularism, and religiosity under authoritarian pro-conservative state policies. I pursue this task by bringing in my previous work on the interpersonal feminist relationship between secular/Kemalist feminists and pious/Islamic feminists in Turkey. In the intersection of ethnography and theory, I argue that locating alternative feminist vocabularies of disagreement in women’s own their own narratives can help us challenge the broader dichotomies dictated by the secular, sacred, and the state. From a relational theoretical framework that stresses the iterative importance of unexpected interpersonal everyday life interactions, this paper contributes to the broader debates on pious women’s agency and the limits of feminist friendship. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-23T07:51:47Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261043
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Authors:Camille Lardy Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article examines French Catholics’ recruitment, organization, and policing of Muslim participants in the 2012 to 2013 anti-same-sex-marriage protests La Manif Pour Tous. It argues that French Catholics are alert to forms of public participation which suggest religious “intransigence” (strict religious observance) and can be said to transgress the secular character of the public sphere. Instead, they craft a public presence that can be interpreted as secular, or “liberally” religious-and-secular, without passing the implicit threshold of intransigence. But French Catholics’ efforts to police Muslims’ and their own public visibility reveal the subjectivity and impermanence of the thresholds that are held as proof of religious intransigence. This article contributes ethnographic evidence to the historical and sociological investigation of “liberal” versus “intransigent” forms of French Catholicism and advances the anthropological study of the inequalities and privileges of Muslim and Catholic representation in secular French politics. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-23T07:49:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261037
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Authors:Torkel Brekke Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article is a qualitative study of a Christian Right Party in Norway and its origin and growth as a reaction against the liberalization of laws pertaining to same-sex marriage, the adoption of children by same-sex couples, and other family-related matters. In order to analyze the contribution of religion in this political party, and in the movement from which it developed, the article introduces the concept of theological opportunity structures, which is a specific type of discursive opportunity structure. The concept of theological opportunity structures foregrounds the role of religious beliefs, doctrines, and narratives in politics as opposed to the institutional dimensions of religion. It is offered as a theoretical construct to improve analysis of the role of religion in politics. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-23T07:47:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241260379
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Authors:Tobias Müller Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Many Pentecostal churches founded in the Global South are now rapidly growing in European cities. Although research is catching up with this development, we know little about how these processes affect gendered and racialized practices regarding sexualities, bodies, and masculinities in former colonial metropolises shaped by neoliberal capitalism. This article addresses this gap by interrogating the transnational movement of Pentecostal masculinities and their economic, sexual, and political dimensions in a church in North London. The contribution argues that the church promotes what I call entrepreneurial heroic masculinity, which consists of three main elements: a gendered conversion narrative, a pastoral masculinity of dominating behavior, and the cultivation of anti-affective, rational love. In this way, traditionalist masculinist tropes are mapped onto a world allegedly full of opportunities for material blessings where becoming a man of God means becoming a faithful self-entrepreneur, which requires strict autonomy from emotions, family, and the government. The article contributes to the critical debate on masculinity and transnational religious movements by demonstrating how the demands and promises of neoliberal capitalism are deeply entangled with the reconstitution of heroic patriarchal subjectivity. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-07-23T06:40:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241259789
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Authors:Jenny McMahon, Kerry R. McGannon Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Abuse has been acknowledged as an adverse event which leads to trauma and long-term health effects in sport. Given the high rates of abuse occurring in elite sport contexts, many Olympic athletes will not only be subjected to abuse while residing and competing at the Olympic Games but may also experience trauma and its effects. In this article, we build on the calls for a trauma-informed approach in elite sport to outline a rationale for the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to implement an organizational trauma-informed approach to Olympic sites. Such an approach is essential because trauma researchers outside, and inside sport contexts, have outlined that when organizations are not trauma aware, and practices are not trauma-informed, unintended “unsafe” responses may result. To contextualize our rationale for an organizational trauma-informed approach, we provide examples of Olympic athletes’ stories to demonstrate the abuse and trauma they experienced while competing at the Olympic Games. To build on the human right that all athletes participating in the Olympic Games have the right to do so safely and free from harm, we further outline what an organizational trauma-informed approach involves and why it is important to limit re-traumatization risk. We further reflect on how being trauma-informed extends a duty of care to better protect athletes, which should be a responsibility of the IOC. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-25T07:28:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261253
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Authors:Lea Taragin-Zeller Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. During the past 15 years, there has been a rapid increase in interfaith initiatives in the United Kingdom. Even though the “interfaith industry,” as some have cynically called it, has rapidly increased, the involvement of women in these groups has been relatively low. Based on ethnographic data, including 20 interviews and 3 years of fieldwork with female interfaith activists in the United Kingdom (2017–2020), this ethnography focuses on the emergence of Jewish and Muslim female interfaith initiatives, analyzing the creative ways religious women negotiate their challenges and struggles as women of faith, together. I examine the ways Jewish and Muslim women form nuanced representations of female piety that disrupt “strictly observant” gendered representations, thus diversifying the binary categories of what being Jewish, or Muslim, entails. Further, whereas former studies have focused on interfaith settings as crucial for the construction of religious identities, I show that interfaith activism also serves as a site for religious minorities to learn how to become British citizens. In a highly politicized Britain, where allegations of racism, antisemitism, and Islamophobia prevail, I argue that Jewish-Muslim encounters are sites for the construction and performances of British civic citizenship well beyond the prescriptions of the state. Drawing on these findings, I situate interfaith activism at the anthropological intersection of gender, religion, and citizenship, and as a site that reproduces and disrupts minority-state relationality. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-21T06:55:27Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241260775
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Authors:Tsahi (Zack) Hayat, Tal Samuel-Azran, Tal Laor, Yair Galily Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This study investigates sport fandom’s major dimensions: star attraction and team identification, analyzing transfers of soccer players Ronaldo and Messi. Data from teams’ official social media (Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter/X) using scripts inform our analysis. Results reveal star attraction’s significant prominence over team identification. Instagram, linked to celebrity culture and star fandom, displays the highest online growth, emphasizing star attraction’s centrality in sport fandom on social media. Implications for fans, teams, and marketers are discussed, emphasizing the need for nuanced understanding to enhance engagement and marketing. Overall, valuable insights into sport fandom’s complex dynamics in the social media age emerge. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-20T05:49:47Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261201
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Authors:Michal Kravel-Tovi Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Over the last decade, ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Jewish society in Israel has witnessed an unprecedented attempt to place sexual violence high on the agenda, calling for concerted communal action and assistance to individuals in need. Based on a long-term anthropological fieldwork, I explore in this article how this revolution from within the Haredi sector catalyzes and is further solidified by unorthodox alliances with various agencies of the Israeli state. By this, I mean a range of pedagogic, discursive, and institutional processes of collaboration and trust-building, established between Haredi community leaders and representatives of the secular Israeli state. These unorthodox alliances constitute a two-way street of communication and adjustment, advancing, on the one hand, the socialization of Haredi populations to state laws, logics, and discourses, and requiring, on the other hand, that the state tailor its services and procedures to exercise culturally sensitive considerations. I analyze the labor invested in these alliances through the framework of “the margins of the state.” I contend that these alliances establish, or at least experiment with, arrangements that may ultimately reconfigure and recalibrate the relationship between the two sides. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-18T06:32:09Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241260378
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Authors:Yair Galily, Ramón Spaaij, Kerry R. McGannon Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The Olympic Games stand as a pinnacle of human achievement, captivating global attention for over a century. Beyond the remarkable athletic displays, they serve as a rich tapestry for studying the intricate interplay of psychology, sociology, politics, and behavior. The forthcoming 2024 Paris Olympics offer a unique lens to probe deeper into these phenomena, serving as a catalyst for cutting-edge research across disciplines. This special issue of American Behavioral Scientist aims to illuminate the multifaceted dimensions of the Games, exploring their profound implications on human behavior, performance, identity, media, culture, and statecraft. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-18T05:07:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261262
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Authors:Ramón Spaaij, Aish Ravi, Jonathan Magee, Ruth Jeanes, Dawn Penney, Justen O’Connor Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In the wake of the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan and its ban on women’s sport, hundreds of Afghan athletes, including several Olympians, decided to flee the country rather than give up their sports and see their rights curtailed. This paper explores how Afghan women now living in Australia navigate agency and aspirations on and off the soccer field within the context of high levels of uncertainty, instability, and constraint. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 18 participants, the results demonstrate how soccer offers an insightful microcosm of settlement as a continuation of a fraught journey. The findings reveal both the multi-layered constraints the women experienced and how they navigated these constraints with creativity, resourcefulness, and aspiration for the future. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-18T05:02:41Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261242
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Authors:Shane D. Sanders Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In sport, various examples of intermediate match targets exist that advantage the target-achieving party’s match outcome. We examine said targets within paired, multi-stage Tullock contest games, one a nested contest with intermediate target and one without. In equilibrium, the aggregate match-effort maximizing League sets a substantial subsequent match advantage to the target-achieving party. The nested Tullock contest with intermediate target elicits higher aggregate match effort than any one-shot Tullock contest. The effect of intermediate targets is fully consistent with that of an aggregate effort eliciting mechanism employed by leagues. Extant empirical literature finds clear demand for such a mechanism. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-04T05:11:49Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241254730
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Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print.
Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-06-03T09:19:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261759
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Authors:Jeremy Kettering Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article introduces an explicit model for sporting fans’ preferences which captures their desire for balanced contests, or competitive balance. Key parameters of the model naturally correspond to the strength of fan’s preference for competitive balance. Efficient contests are then characterized based on the preference for competitive balance, contrasting the resulting solutions with a widely recognized measure of competitive balance. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-30T05:18:47Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242043
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Authors:Thomas Stodulka Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article localizes the traveling concept of permaculture in Timor-Leste as a pathway into studying the juventude permakultura (permaculture youth) movement, its pedagogies of hope, sensory learning, and emotional mobilization. Focusing on permaculture-based community gardening and water conservation projects in Timor-Leste in relation to projects implemented by the nation’s significant government-NGO nexus opens up anthropological inquiries into various social, political, and ecological phenomena. It contrasts divergent imaginaries of shaping young persons’ selves and futures and taps into issues of food security, environmental awareness, and alternative knowledge construction. Although ongoing research localizes the traveling concept of “permaculture” in Timor-Leste through tracing, exploring, and juxtaposing methodologies, this article focuses on the practice-oriented sensorial pedagogy of permaculture youth camps. It inquires how the eco-social youth movement contests the marginalization of vulnerable communities by acknowledging local knowledge and connecting it with translocal permaculture techniques. More precisely, the article focuses on the sensory and affective dimensions of learning in vulnerable communities and disaster-prone landscapes. It zeroes in on tasting the soil and mobilizing the future as pedagogies of hope and considers these powerful ways of securing (future) livelihood. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-26T05:20:56Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246691
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Authors:Michal Chmiel Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. It was hypothesized that training received during formal education fosters the mental mindset of the need to avoid cognitive closure and leads to more efficient information search characteristics. Despite time pressure, consumers collect more unique information, postpone freezing phase, and arrive at better decisions. The assumptions were mostly confirmed, which gives partial evidence to the idea that formal education teaches open-mindedness and increases the adaptation of consumers to the environment rich in the need to engage in complex decisions. The research holds implications for Public Relations and Corporate Social Responsibility strategists. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-25T05:41:18Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241237742
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Authors:Kirsten A. Eddy Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This study examines how elite political and media actors strategically leverage moral claims for partisan ends, transforming political identities, issues, and campaigns into zero-sum moral contests against their opposition. Here, I develop a framework for and approach to the study of morality as a strategic and identity-based tool in political communication, in the process developing a way of studying powerful and pervasive forms of political discourse often overlooked by scholarship. I show how partisan actors have identity-based motivations for employing particular forms of moral political communication, including religious, social, and civic morality. I then apply this framework to the case of the U.S. 2020 election, conducting context-sensitive computational and qualitative content analyses of elite political communication across political talk shows, op-eds, and campaign Twitter discourse. Results reveal the pervasive nature of moral political communication in these spaces. This work shows how, as U.S. political parties increasingly represent divergent and less cross-cutting groups of people, elite actors draw upon moral claims to attract and perform for particular ideological, religious, racial, and ethnic identity coalitions—often drawing from the same moral vocabulary to articulate opposing visions of democracy and civic life. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-24T12:40:56Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242033
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Authors:Sarah Marschlich, Ganga Dhanesh Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Organizations have been increasingly paying attention to their myriad economic, ethical, social, and environmental responsibilities, partly driven by consumer pressure. It is imperative for organizations to identify who these socially responsible consumers are so that they can respond appropriately to their demands. Adopting the theoretical lens of hypermodernity, this study sought to develop a measurement to identify socially responsible consumers by their personality traits and behavioral intentions along five dimensions of hypermodernity. The study combined a systematic review of journal articles within business ethics, consumer psychology, and communication studies to propose a measurement, which was subsequently tested and refined. This study first offers a set of theoretically grounded psychographic variables that give robust insights into socially responsible consumers with high corporate social responsibility expectations. Second, the article offers practitioners a toolkit to identify socially responsible consumers. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-24T06:40:13Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246682
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Authors:David Abadi, Tisa Bertlich, Jan Willem Duyvendak, Agneta Fischer Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Previous research on predictors of populism and nativism has predominantly focused on socio-economic (e.g., education, employment, social status), and socio-cultural explanations (e.g., social identity and social status). In recent years, however, the role of negative emotions has become increasingly important in the study of populism and related concepts. In the current study, we examined two distinct negative emotions: anxiety and anger. We collected survey data from participants in 15 European countries (N = 7,726) and tested three sets of measures reflecting different explanations, economic (e.g., education), socio-cultural (e.g., social identity), and emotional in predicting populist attitudes (compromising items on anti-elitism and people-centrism) and nativism. We tested these different predictors using structural equation modeling (SEM). The results of our basic SEM models show that negative emotions (anxiety and anger) predict both populist attitudes (people-centrism and anti-elitism) and nativism. In particular, anxiety predicts anger, which in turn predicts both populist attitudes and nativism. In our advanced SEM models, people-centrism was predicted by anger and social identity, whereas nativism was predicted by anger, anxiety, social identity, and education. Our study shows that negative emotions (anger, anxiety) are much better predictors of populist attitudes and nativism than mere socio-economic and socio-cultural factors. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-23T07:42:08Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240336
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Authors:Noorman Abdullah Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Teaching and learning effectively, inclusively, and critically about the power and politics of race and difference remains a protracted yet important struggle. Race is an emotionally laden and provocative issue facing many societies, and the concomitant privilege and ideology that upholds it are oftentimes surpassed through processes and mechanisms of “invisibling.” In this article, I add to the plethora of debates and discussions concerning race as an organizing principle by showing how through the sensory, seemingly one of the most mundane, banal, and quotidian aspects of social life, can be a potent epistemological tool with which to teach how “race” can be reconstructed, negotiated, and maneuvered by social actors in the context of multicultural Singapore. Social formations of “race” undergo new ways of categorization, perpetuation, and judgment with the sensory as an emotive medium of recognition and placement. I foreground some of the pedagogical strategies I have employed that draw on emotions and the senses to instigate meaningful and critical class discussions, and the variegated classroom responses to the teaching of race and multiculturalism in everyday life. More specifically, I show how students as well as their respondents deploy emotions and the sensory in practices of inclusion and exclusion upon racial selves and others. A more creative and inclusive classroom and learning environment is therefore imperative to stimulate discussion, particularly alternative, critical, and meaningful ways of thinking about race. This, I contend, will necessitate a reflexive reconfiguration and maneuvering of power dynamics within the classroom setting, and our experience in teaching undergraduate students through particular kinds of strategies I have used during discussion groups have reaped interesting outcomes, both on the parts of the instructor as a reflexive participant and the students in the classroom. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-22T09:19:45Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246690
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Authors:Birgitt Röttger-Rössler Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. It is not a new finding that much human learning takes place implicitly outside of educational institutions in informal, everyday contexts, yet these learning processes receive comparatively little systematic attention within the current anthropology of learning, education and schools. Based on long-term social anthropological research in a peasant community in rural Indonesia (Sulawesi), the article will address the complex multisensory forms of learning through which children acquire a large part of their competencies and their extensive environmental and agricultural knowledge. I will focus on the mixed-age “communities of practices” in which this knowledge is transmitted and acquired and show that affective bonds to peers and adults influence to a large extent which out-of-school areas of competence a child acquires. Building on the “embodied capital theory.” I argue that children in rural areas obtain a complex form of “ecological literacy” that encompasses not only a rich knowledge about the local ecosystems and agri- as well as horticultural processes but also a particular formation of the senses and the physical body in general (muscle size and memory, physical strength, coordination, balance, and motor skills). I shall conclude with some critical reflections on the general devaluation of the extra-curricular, non-formal, and environmental forms of learning, which can be observed not only in Indonesia but also worldwide and seems to be closely related to the global spread of Western psychological theory models about the healthy socio-emotional and cognitive development of children, supported by global institutions like UNICEF, World Bank, and Save the Children. For years, a constant increase of early childhood development programs can be observed, which aim at improving children’s school readiness, particularly in low-income countries, in order to enhance the future prospect of children. These programs, however, go hand in hand with the devaluation and oppression of indigenous knowledge systems and thus often worsen the future prospects of younger people. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-22T09:17:47Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246676
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Authors:Susanne Veit, Magdalena Hirsch, Heiko Giebler, Johann Gründl, Benjamin Schürmann Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The success of right-wing populist parties (RPPs) is often attributed to their deployment of the rhetoric of fear that capitalizes on societal crisis and corresponding anxieties. However, empirical evidence on the relationship between anxiety and support for RPP (RPP support) remains inconclusive. We argue that right-wing authoritarian (RWA) and populist attitudes imply contradicting views on authority. Anti-elitism, a subdimension of populist attitudes, implies rebellion against established authorities; however, RWA submission relates to the inclination to obey authorities. These contradictory attitudes may account for the mixed results. In relation to anxiety, both rebellion and submission are conceived as defensive responses, but their relation to RPP support is different because the reactions to authority they induce are antithetical. Moreover, we differentiate between two forms of anxiety as sources of RPP support, which are often conflated in empirical studies: situational anxiety arising in response to specific threats and diffuse anxiety or a general sense of anxiety. We draw on mass survey data, including a survey experiment, that examines how anxiety drives support for the German right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, AfD) via attitudes toward authority. The path analyses support our hypotheses and reveal that anti-elitism mediates the positive relationship between anxiety and voter support for the AfD. At the same time, authoritarian submission increases with anxiety, but—unlike anti-elitism—it is negatively associated with AfD support. Furthermore, the two paths are confirmed for situational and diffuse anxiety, with the relative importance of authoritarian submission and anti-elitism varying according to the form of anxiety. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-18T11:31:55Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240717
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Authors:Éva Rozália Hölzle Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In War–Khasi villages situated at the border between Bangladesh and Northeast India, the local doctors are called nong sumar, or “the one who does the care.” Nong sumar is an inherited profession. Older male relatives who practice medicine pass on their medical knowledge to their younger relatives who demonstrate talent. Talent is a key requirement in transferring the art of healing. Older nong sumars closely observe their kin from childhood for this aptitude. Medical knowledge involving plant-based medicines and different physiotherapeutic techniques is passed on to members of the younger generation who show interest, responsibility, and empathy. However, such a predisposition does not guarantee that novice practitioners will become skilled doctors. To excel as a healer, a nong sumar must cultivate their talent through lifelong learning, which involves experimenting with various plant-based remedies and continuously honing their tactile and auditory senses deemed necessary for successful healing. This study focuses on the lifelong cultivation of medical talent through the accounts of three doctors living in a Bangladeshi War–Khasi village near the Tripura border. It investigates what medical talent means in this context and seeks to understand the type of knowledge that the three nong sumar mobilize during healing. The study argues that healing is not reducible to an encounter between the healer and the patient because such an encounter is merely one aspect of many in a healer’s vocation. During healing, a healer interacts not only with humans but also with non-humans, such as plants. To maintain these relationships, the healer activates and continuously hones various senses. Analyzing these processes provides insights into the constitution of medical knowledge through multiple senses and species. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-17T05:44:00Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246697
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Authors:Jing Song, Stevi Jackson Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. East Asia has witnessed an acceleration of geographical movements and varied patterns of social mobility across the region as economies matured and growth slowed. This special issue builds on the widely recognized gender dimensions of geographical mobility and investigates its relationship with social mobility from a gender perspective, while also recognizing that social mobility, with or without geographical mobility, is gendered. Focusing specifically on women and exploring the interrelationship between social and geographical mobility, we identify three key issues: (1) gendered employment opportunities and obstacles to moving up and around; (2) the interaction between women’s migration/mobility and marriage, motherhood, family roles, and domestic responsibilities; and (3) emerging trends in women’s migration and return migration in relation to social mobility. These issues cast light on the ways in which different forms of geographical and social mobility can either empower women or reinforce gender inequality in East Asian societies. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-17T05:42:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242948
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Authors:Kelvin E. Y. Low, Suriani Suratman Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article explores how clay artists in Singapore utilize both their scientific and sensory knowledge of clay-making in producing clay works. Based on a study of the biographies and sensory experiences of clay artists, clay artists rely simultaneously on their scientific knowledge and understanding of clay firing processes, temperatures, and glazing, together with their sensory judgment and experience of the same set of processes, to produce clay works of different design, effect, and form. Thermoreceptive understanding and knowledge of how clay reacts and behaves toward the different styles of firing are deployed by clay artists through both a scientific calibration of temperature, as well as one’s sensory evaluation—including visual and sonic judgments—of fire-control toward producing intended textures and forms. Through making sense of how scientific and sensory knowledges are concurrently enacted but not without contradictions, we make a case for how creative clay work-making straddles across different domains of learning, knowledge use, teaching, and evaluation emerging through kairotic moments. The article contributes to extant debates on art worlds, material culture, sensory knowledges, and embodied experiences through clay work as a medium of analysis. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-16T04:55:19Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246686
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Authors:Rui Sun Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The Dounan flower market can be a “hot and noisy” time and space, which is composed of the engine sound of motor tricycles, the grating of trailers rubbing against the concrete floor, the honks of reversing vehicles, and bargaining, chitchats, provocations, quarrels, and sometimes fighting. A booming market is a market clamoring with noise (auditory sense) and heat (an embodied feeling). In a couple of hours, floral traders deploy their embodied feelings of perception to make decisions on when to close a deal, what is a good price, and how to make bargains. My two ethnographic case studies—“you need to listen to the market” and “feelings of the market” delineate how the senses as a decision-making repertoire inform the everyday economic practices of floral traders in Dounan. At the interface of the sensory and the economic, I explore how rational, economic decisions are embedded into the “irrational,” sensory knowledge. Situated in sensory studies in Asia, this article elaborates the socio-cultural specificities inoculating the sensory knowledge of social agents without ignoring the nuances of how phenomenologically individuals engage in their everyday sensory practices. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-16T04:52:39Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246684
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Authors:Clark Demasi, Jennifer McCoy, Levente Littvay Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Interest in populist voters has risen with the election of Donald Trump in the United States, the rise of right-wing populist parties in Europe, and the longevity of populist leaders in countries like Italy, Hungary, Turkey, and Venezuela. Yet, little attention has been given to what mechanisms may affect populist attitudes, leaving us without recommendations for media or politicians on how to mitigate populism’s known negative effects. This study investigates one such mechanism—political rhetoric working through emotional states—to determine whether grievances centered on subjective perceptions of injustice and inequities in the system operate through negative emotions to increase populist attitudes, as is often assumed in the literature, and whether an antidote to those perceptions may be found in a sense of solidarity and mutual support. For our analysis, we conducted a nationally representative online survey experiment of 2,006 respondents in the United States in November 2018. Broadly, we find evidence that negative emotional states increase populist attitudes, but positive emotions do not have an impact. Likewise, political rhetoric reinforcing a sense of unfair advantage for some people further increases populist attitudes. Importantly, we find that reducing these negative emotions by emphasizing solidarity can reduce populist attitudes. These findings not only deepen our understanding of the triggers of populism, but also take the first step in building a tested toolbox of strategies to minimize its negative effects. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-16T04:51:03Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240359
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Authors:Ekaterina Lytkina, Tim Reeskens Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Recent studies have shown that the coronavirus pandemic not only temporarily increased support for incumbent politicians and trust in experts but also triggered an authoritarian response. Because the pandemic has significantly affected individuals’ goals, needs, and control over their lives, we expect that it has generated emotional reactions. In this article, we study how concerns about COVID-19 relate to institutional trust (trust in political institutions and experts) and a preference for populist right parties—directly and indirectly—via emotions. Our theoretical framework relies on the “rally around the flag” hypothesis, the cultural backlash theory, as well as appraisal theories of emotions. We analyze a novel data set collected as part of the Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences Panel Survey for the Netherlands at the beginning of the second wave of the pandemic (October 2020). Our findings reveal that concerns about COVID-19 are positively related to institutional trust but unrelated to preferences for right-wing populism. The relationship between concerns about the coronavirus crisis and trust in political institutions is mediated via fear and sadness; these emotions also explain opposition to right-wing populist parties. We interpret our findings in relation to research on the rally around the flag effect, right-wing populism, and emotions. We discuss the implications of our results in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and other “rally”-inducing events. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-10T09:13:22Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240418
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Authors:Julia Lerner, Svetlana Stephenson Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The article analyzes the public shaming campaigns that followed celebrity emigration from Russia at the beginning of the war against Ukraine. It shows that celebrity emigration represented a challenge to the construction of a nation morally and emotionally united around the war. The special status of celebrities in modern society as figures that provide the public with a focus of common identification and attention makes celebrity emigration during the war particularly challenging both for the state authorities and for the public. Through systematic analysis of commentary on social media, the article reveals the communicative process of public shaming of these public figures, which works through acts of revelation of their moral failure and othering, including by highlighting their ethnic and class differences. By expressing moral outrage, individual commenters on social media are not only conducting symbolic destruction of these celebrities’ moral character and social status, but also reconstituting the moral meaning of emigration as an act of betrayal of the Motherland. Using the affordances of social media, ordinary people not only express their outrage but also formulate how they see the proper moral commitments and appropriate feelings of patriotic citizens in wartime. Their moral rhetoric and affective expressions are anchored in the well-established Soviet tradition of public shaming and denunciation. They are also framed by the contemporary context of emotional and confrontational social media campaigns. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-10T09:06:42Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240350
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Authors:Jing Song, Weiwen Lai, Eric Fong Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Female domestic workers often take on multiple roles in different settings, such as that of mothers and migrants. This study focuses on women’s diverse trajectories in timing motherhood and migration from a temporal perspective. Despite the continuities between their paid work for their employers and unpaid care for their own families, both of which are highly feminized, migrant women often face tensions and conflicts between the two; it is difficult to be a good worker and a good mother at the same time. Drawing on the Survey of Foreign Domestic Workers in Hong Kong, this study provides a quantitative picture of how some women decide to move before becoming mothers and some afterward, as well as their different long-term mobility tendencies. The findings lend support to a selectivity process that highly educated women are more likely to be non-mother migrants; they are more likely to move at a younger age and when they are unmarried. However, over time, migrants who were mothers at the time of their first migration are more likely to conduct multiple moves. Such mixed findings suggest that women’s migration is interrelated with motherhood in complex ways, which may reflect the need of repeated migration by mothers on the one hand, and the gender beliefs that continue to regard migrant women as neglecting their families and deviating from feminine domesticity on the other. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-09T05:54:36Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242930
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Authors:Koen Abts, Julius Maximilian Rogenhofer Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Populist attitudes are frequently tied to a specific social position, namely the constituent’s status as a “loser of globalization.” Adding nuance to this explanatory framework, we investigate whether and how resentment mediates between social positions and populist attitudes. We distinguish three constitutive components of resentment—status insecurity, relative deprivation, and powerlessness—and analyze to what extent these sentiments explain the prevalence of two key populist attitudes: anti-elitism and demands for popular sovereignty. Using survey data from the Belgian National Election Study 2014, we show that although both populist attitudes are more likely among individuals of low socioeconomic status, this effect is mediated by a sense of group relative deprivation (anti-elitism and popular sovereignty) and feelings of powerlessness (anti-elitism). The effect of individual-level status insecurities on populist attitudes is, however, not significant. These results suggest that people do not simply adhere to antagonistic and people-centric views about politics because they experience economic precariousness; they embrace populist attitudes if their vulnerability is perceived in terms of a threatened sense of group position and understood as the outcome of an unjust society, wherein they feel powerless to alter their circumstances. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-06T08:41:20Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240362
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Authors:Sohoon Yi Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Marriages between South Korean men and women from less affluent Asian countries have been popular since the 1990s, and commercial international marriage brokers have played an important role in the trend. This article argues that the laws and regulations governing marriage brokers, such as Marriage Brokers Business Management Act (MBBMA) and consumer protection mechanisms, have reinforced the rights of citizen-husbands and legitimized claims from the men’s movement. As a result, the state’s regulation of commercial matchmaking endorses a form of commodified intimacy and protects the rights of male client-cum-“head of the family,” despite the consequences of commodifying the personhood of migrant women and legitimizing the violence of denying their personal autonomy. Data include public documents and policies from the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, Korea Institute for Healthy Family, Korea Consumer Agency, Fair Trade Commission, and MBBMA. Analysis of these public texts reveals the legal and policy language that sanitizes and disguises unequal gender roles and discrimination against foreigners. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-05T07:33:57Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242744
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Authors:Alessandro Nai, Jürgen Maier Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. We investigate the antecedents of affective polarization in the American public, and focus specifically on the driving role of exposure to darker forms of campaign communication (negativity, incivility, populist rhetoric) and the intervening role of individual populist attitudes. Experimental evidence was gathered among a sample of US respondents (MTurk, N = 1,081); respondents were randomly exposed to a campaign message from a fictive candidate framed either positively or negatively, and afterwards asked to express their attitudes towards Democrats and Republicans. Results show that exposure to harsher forms of campaign negativity (character attacks associated with political incivility and populist messages) drives affective polarization upwards when compared to exposure to positive messages. We also show both a direct and moderating effect of populist attitudes: populist individuals are more likely to “like” negative campaign messages (they find them more amusing and fairer) and report higher levels of affective polarization. Furthermore, exposure to negative messages is associated with greater affective polarization particularly among respondents high in populist attitudes. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-05T07:31:25Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242056
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Authors:Rosa Sanchez Salgado, Linda Bos Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Although it is well acknowledged that moral foundations have an emotional component, little is known about the relation between moral foundations and emotions in current political and public debates. The analysis of this relation is crucial to better understand causal pathways from affect and emotion to climate change action and behavior. Employing Emotion Discourse Analysis, this study analyzes appeals to moral foundations in European Parliament (EP) plenary debates on the topic of climate change, and their relation to emotions between 1994 and 2022. We show that the relation between moral foundations and emotions depends on the narratives put forward by policymakers from different political groups. After linking narratives, moral foundations and emotions, we hypothesize how the identified combinations affect political action. We show that narratives promoting action-oriented and effective appeals to emotions, which are key in advancing environmental protection, are not the most prominent in EP debates. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-05T07:23:49Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242036
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Authors:Arianne M. Gaetano Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In contemporary China, social mobility creates an ethical conundrum for single women, who wish to marry without compromising their modern ambitions and filial intentions. Both women and men in China’s largest cities have been postponing marriage in recent decades, increasing the percentage of the never-married population. Failure to marry at the proper time and in the right way violates cultural standards for moral personhood and thus is negatively sanctioned by society. Moreover, women bear greater pressure to marry, and in a timely fashion, than do men. Their marriage prospects decrease as their age and status increase; highly educated single women especially have been stigmatized as “leftover” or unmarriageable. Simultaneously, their educational and professional achievements correspond to refined aspirations for their future, along with resources to delay marriage until they meet a soulmate who fulfills their expectations. Interviews with highly educated single women in Shanghai demonstrate how they contended with the gender contradictions of social mobility. Remaining single by chance or by choice incited societal scrutiny, parental pressure, and personal anguish, but also prompted critical reflection on unequal marriage and gender norms, and sparked shifts in subjectivity. Paradoxically, social mobility reduced single women’s marital prospects yet accorded them the means to envision and forge alternative life paths that challenge patriarchal gender prescriptions. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-03T04:15:31Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242749
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Authors:Cliff Cheng Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article begins to provide social scientists new to studying anti-Asian Pacific Islander Desai American (APIDA)+ hate with some basic background. What to call, and the implications of the name of the group being studied are discussed. A definition of hate is discussed. A brief summary of COVID-19 anti-APIDA+ hate is provided. We will then discuss how the overemphasis on then U.S. President Donald Trump’s role, while central, has ignored the actual socio-historical facts. The importance of using journalism in studying current cases and trends of hate is discussed. The possible negative consequences for researchers of studying hate are discussed in the context of the current political divisiveness in the U.S. Resources for studying anti-APIDA+ hate and discrimination are provided. 20 key dates pertaining to anti-APIDA+ hate and discrimination are provided. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-03T04:13:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241237745
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Authors:Miliann Kang, Juyeon Park, C. N. Le, Sangha Kang-Le Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Integrating the concept of “glass ceiling” barriers with “iron rice bowl” job security, this study develops the framework of “glass bowls” to theorize tradeoffs between workplace advancement and protections, focusing on public sector employment in South Korea. While the glass ceiling refers to invisible, impenetrable barriers, especially but not exclusively regarding gender, the glass bowl concept also emphasizes the fragility of glass to highlight women’s tenuous gains in long-term employment and leadership positions. Further, it expands the “bowl” context beyond post-socialist transitions to market economies, particularly in China, to address hyper-capitalist countries such as South Korea, where public sector protections play a significant role in mitigating gender discrimination. Comparing South Korean women (N = 86) in public and private sector employment, this study shows how women are attracted to the public sector due to protections in hiring and long-term employment, but face ongoing barriers regarding promotions, pay, and leadership roles, especially if they are mothers. Thus, even if the public sector provides a supportive “bowl” for a select few, the persistence of “glass” barriers, both within this sector and throughout society, requires stronger government and workplace policies alongside cultural changes in order to create real security and advancement for women across workplace sectors. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-02T05:10:36Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242750
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Authors:Lulu Li, Jing Song Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Migration studies often assume a hierarchy of places that drives a periphery-to-core movement and regard reverse migration as being related to downward social mobility. This study draws on in-depth interviews with 16 highly educated women migrants who returned to small cities and counties in less developed areas after years spent studying and working in China’s metropolises and/or abroad. Contrary to the stereotypes of unambitious and family-oriented women returnees, the study finds that women’s return migration can be motivated by complex goals and expectations, ranging from perceived economic opportunities to noneconomic needs of returning to a familiar place and to be near their families. These women were empowered by their skills accumulated in a “brain circulation” process, but their consequent social mobility also depended on their positionalities in local power structures and access to family resources. Based on their goals and positionalities, these highly educated women returnees illustrated different forms of agency: (1) the adventuring women returned to embrace market opportunities in small cities despite the lack of local resources; (2) the settling women returned mainly for family reasons and fell into self-employment serendipitously, without readily available local resources; (3) the integrating women connected their entrepreneurial goals with their access to local resources; and (4) the compensated women returned mainly for family reasons, but their access to local resources allowed them to try out working for themselves as a compensation for giving up metropolitan life. The study challenges the core-to-periphery stereotypical narrative and finds that women’s return migration may lead to upward social mobility and/or self-realization, although still constrained by women’s goals and positionalities underlying their return migration. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-02T05:07:41Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242745
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Authors:Monika Verbalyte, Donatella Bonansinga, Tereza Capelos Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Although research on populism has gained traction as an established field of inquiry, its affective underpinnings remain a puzzle. A relatively underexplored area of study, now garnering attention, is the intricate relationship between populism and emotions. This Triple Special Issue focuses on the demand side of populist politics, delving into populist attitudes and the role emotions play in their activation. Articles in this collection address three overarching research questions, which we explore in this Introduction: What are the primary emotional drivers of populist attitudes' Which emotions are evoked in audiences by populist communication and framing' What is the significance of exploring complex emotions and moving beyond “thin ideology” in the study of emotions and populism' In this Introduction, we assess the current state of the art and highlight the contributions of our collection to ongoing theoretical and empirical debates. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-02T05:02:54Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240360
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Authors:Gabriella Szabó, Sergei A. Samoilenko Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This special issue seeks to address this gap by presenting a comprehensive collection of both theoretical and practical insights into moral language, argumentation, and evaluations within politicized environments. Our overarching objective encompasses three main facets. We investigate how studies in communication, media, and behavioral sciences can contribute to the understanding of morality. The special issue also evaluates the ways in which interdisciplinary approaches shed light on the evolving dynamics of moral politics, including the formation of in-group and out-group identities. Finally, the contributions scrutinize the extent to which contemporary understandings of public discourse and socio-political tensions enrich discourse on morality. Rather than merely presenting isolated instances of public moralization and its consequences, this special issue initiates a timely and much-needed scholarly dialog concerning the public discourse and sentiments surrounding moral issues. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-02T05:00:40Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240354
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Authors:Franz Reiter, Jörg Matthes Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Dirty campaigning, which is understood as actions between elite politicians that violate social norms and democratic principles, is becoming an increasingly relevant phenomenon across the globe. Despite this development, we know little about which forms constitute dirty campaigning, how citizens perceive dirty campaigning, and how perceived dirty campaigning is associated with affective responses and political trust. We argue that the techniques and actions that constitute dirty campaigning go beyond uncivil campaigning and deceitful campaign techniques, as dirty campaigning also involves disinformation campaigning. Using data from a two-wave panel study (N = 524) during the 2020 Viennese state election campaign, we examined the perceived structure of the dirty campaigning construct using exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. We show that perceived dirty campaigning forms a hierarchical construct with three latent variables. Furthermore, we tested the associations of perceived dirty campaigning with negative emotions toward campaigns as well as outcomes related to political trust. Using structural equation modeling with longitudinal measurement invariance and controlling for autoregressive associations, we found that perceived dirty campaigning increases anger, frustration, and disgust toward campaigns, as well as increases distrust in politicians over time. We also observed that frustration toward campaigns decreases trust in democracy and that disgust toward campaigns increases distrust in politicians over time. We contribute to previous research by developing a framework for investigating perceived dirty campaigning as a hierarchical construct and demonstrating how perceived dirty campaigning can impair democratic outcomes. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-04-02T04:59:00Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240335
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Authors:Tereza Capelos, Mikko Salmela, Gavin B. Sullivan, Stavroula Chrona Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In this article, we undertake a comprehensive examination of reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, collectively termed as the “anti-social triad of grievance politics.” Although these constructs are conceptually distinct, they are psycholoically intricately linked. Reactionism denotes a backward-facing political orientation, ressentiment signifies a chronic and embittered emotional mechanism, and collective narcissism reflects a precarious and wounded psychological state. Together, they constitute a potent blend of anti-social sentiments within grievance politics, yet their interconnectedness is overlooked when they are studied in isolation. Our study pioneers in establishing original connections between reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, providing empirical evidence of their coexistence and interactions. We introduce a novel scale to measure reactionism and explore its associations with existing measures of ressentiment and collective narcissism, as well as their associations with values, authoritarianism, and populism. By elucidating the tight interplay among these phenomena, we offer valuable insights into their implications for responses to social change and the essence of democracy. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-30T09:09:05Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240351
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Authors:Gabriella Szabó, Artur Lipiński Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article investigates emotionally based solidarity appeals in the Facebook posts from Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki (Poland) and Prime Minister Viktor Orbán (Hungary) published in the first weeks of Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine, between February 24 and April 9, 2022. Our approach involves a qualitative thematic analysis to uncover the political strategies used to either foster or diminish a collective sense of sympathy. The findings reveal a striking disparity between the two countries. Prime Minister Morawiecki’s rhetoric strongly emphasizes sympathetic solidarity, establishing a close and emotional bond with Ukraine. He extends his support to the attacked country, including the provision of weapons and diplomatic services, while openly expressing hostility toward Russia. In contrast, Prime Minister Orbán’s posts, despite mentioning humanitarian efforts coordinated by his government, notably lack appeals for sympathy. Based on the comparison of the two countries, our study emphasizes the significance of nuanced moral language for political agenda in times of crisis. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-29T11:20:40Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240357
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Authors:Maximilian Filsinger Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In recent years, populism has attracted a lot of scholarly attention. In this article, I investigate the relationship between structural and subjective dimensions of social isolation and populist attitudes. In particular, I account for individuals’ emotional responses to social isolation that link social isolation to populist attitudes. Analyses based on original survey data show that both forms of social isolation are positively related to populist attitudes in six European countries. More importantly, mediation analyses reveal that in line with the proposed mediation argument, anger correlated both with isolation and populist attitudes. By offering a comparative test of the relationship between social isolation and populist attitudes and the mediating role of anger, I advance the understanding of how social isolation in a globalized world relates to populist attitudes. In this vein, the study underpins that emotional reactions to social changes are particularly important in understanding how these social changes affect political attitudes. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-29T06:06:16Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241241133
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Authors:Sergei A. Samoilenko, John Cook Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Ad hominem attacks against climate scientists—including personal attacks questioning an individual’s character, competence, or motives—remain the most common type of contrarian strategy found in contemporary climate debates. Despite their pervasiveness, climate-related ad hominem argumentation remains understudied by scholars in both the humanities and social sciences. This study adapts Douglas Walton’s critical framework for identifying ad hominem attacks against the climate community and evaluating them for rhetorical errors by analyzing developing critical responses. This article offers guidance for future inoculation interventions, including media literacy campaigns that raise awareness and understanding of ad hominem attacks used by contrarian organizations in misinformation campaigns targeting climate science. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-29T06:03:36Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240352
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Authors:Julia Elad-Strenger, Thomas Kessler Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Recent research suggests that citizens’ sense of being socially marginalized, or “left behind” in society, plays an important role in triggering support for right-wing populist attitudes. Although perceived misrecognition by others is thought to be a core aspect of this sense of social marginalization, the effect of (mis)recognition on citizens’ support for the populist-right, and the psychological mechanism underlying this effect, has thus far not been directly examined. Inspired by the social identity tradition, we conceptualize the establishment of subjective superiority over the elites on the one hand, and over national minorities on the other, as an identity management strategy in the face of social identity threat, triggered by perceived misrecognition by the elites. Across three studies conducted in Germany, we provide cross-sectional and experimental support for a causal model in which misrecognition, which is directed at people as “nationals” rather than as individuals, triggers contempt toward the elites and rejection of national minorities, via the perception that one’s belongingness to the nation, as a valued member thereof, is threatened (“social identity threat”). Our findings suggest that support for attitudes associated with the populist right may help citizens re-establish their valued identity as full members of the nation, in the face of those who allegedly deny or disregard it. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-29T06:01:36Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240338
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Authors:Jennifer Keohane Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article argues that cancel culture rhetoric has become a key language for moral conflict in a polarized polity. A thematic rhetorical analysis of two prominent figures who claimed to be canceled, Missouri Senator Josh Hawley and Harry Potter author J. K. Rowling, shows similar rhetorical moves despite different contexts. Drawing conclusions from their rhetorical strategies, this article contends that claiming to be canceled is an effective image repair maneuver in the contemporary, polarized political system. As Hawley and Rowling’s rhetoric shows, claiming to be canceled allows a speaker to chart a middle course between empowerment and disempowerment while identifying a transcendent context to take a stand against a defined moral ill. Likewise, it crafts a moment of urgency wherein the speaker and their audience can relate, prompting a moralizing call to action. In short, claiming to be canceled facilitates storytelling where character work can occur in the service of image repair and image promotion. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-29T05:59:30Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240337
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Authors:Jennifer Y. Kim, Regina Kim, Caryn J. Block Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The racialization of COVID-19 as an Asian virus has been linked to growing reports of racial harassment and violence targeting Asian Americans. We examine one such manifestation of racial harassment against Asians in the form of workplace microaggressions, such as a coworker referring to the virus as the “Chinese virus” and the negative impact that these forms of racial microaggressions can have on those who witness them. We also examine the influence of a leader who intervenes versus a leader who stays silent when a microaggression occurs, highlighting the positive impact of leaders who condemn microaggressions while underscoring the negative impact of leaders who stay silent. We found that, among those who witness microaggressions, Asian Americans were more likely to ruminate and report negative perceptions of the aggressor than Whites. We also found that leader intervention improved perceptions of leader effectiveness and that leader trust mediated this process, especially among Asian Americans. Additionally, we found that leader intervention decreased turnover intentions. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-29T05:57:37Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241237753
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Authors:Cengiz Erisen Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Individual-level indicators of populist attitudes vary from basic demographic factors to complex psychological dimensions. However, only a handful of studies have examined how emotions shape populist attitudes. To address this gap, and using observational data from Turkey, a context driven by strong polarization and populist politics, this study first examines how emotions—specifically, anger and enthusiasm—motivate distinct routes to populist attachment. It then explores the conditional effects of emotions in connection with political ideology and a conspiracy mindset. The results demonstrate, first, that anger is closely related to populist attitudes in contrast to enthusiasm, which is associated with weaker populist attitudes. Second, in the context of Turkey, where a populist party has been in power, there is an ideological asymmetry in that those on the political right are more influenced by anger than enthusiasm. Third, these emotions are potentially more effective in altering the populist views of those with low levels of conspiratorial mindset. Contributing to the literature on the connection between emotions and populism, this study presents evidence on how anger and enthusiasm influence populist preferences in a polarized country. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-28T10:13:14Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240349
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Authors:Selim Erdem Aytaç, Ali Çarkoğlu, Ezgi Elçi Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Populist politicians frequently employ anti-establishment appeals in their discourse by targeting an imagined or real power elite. Do such appeals have a mobilizing effect among voters' What role do the emotional responses of voters play in this process' We address these questions using a vignette experiment embedded into a nationally representative survey fielded in Turkey, a country where a populist party has long been in power. Our research design enables us to assess whether voters respond more positively to a populist framing of a call for mobilization on an issue compared to a non-populist framing, and whether their emotional responses act as mediators. We find that populist rhetoric indeed does have a mobilizing effect, though only for a low-cost form of political participation (signing a petition) and only among the constituency of the populist party. Turning to the role of emotions, we find that the populist framing of the issue led voters to report more discontent, despair, and anxiety, and these emotions mediate the positive influence of the populist message on mobilization. Thus, our study contributes to research on populism by highlighting the role of emotions in the mobilizing effect of populist discourse. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-28T10:11:04Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240343
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Authors:James W. Boudreau, Jeremy Kettering, Shane D. Sanders Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In this note, we consider a form of competition in which two contestants face separate sequences of independent trials. The contestant with the longer sequence of successful trials wins. However, since the trials are independent, there may be a form of paradox whereby the loser is able to pass all of the trials in the winner’s sequence, whereas the winner could not have overcome two or more trials in the loser’s sequence. We refer to this as the spelling bee paradox and explore its likelihood in simple settings.JEL Classification Codes: C46, D74, Z29. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-28T10:03:06Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241237929
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Authors:Guillem Rico Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Following calls for a clear analytical distinction between populism and the specific ideological projects to which it is attached, the present article examines how populist and anti-immigrant attitudes relate to feelings of fear and anger about perceived threats facing the country. It posits that, although the association of these two discrete negative emotions with anti-immigration attitudes should be related to individuals’ ideological identification and the type of threat, populist attitudes, by virtue of their ubiquitous character, should be strongly associated with feelings of anger regardless of ideology or threat type. Drawing on data from an online survey in Spain, I find that anti-immigration attitudes are associated with anger among right-wing individuals and with fear among those on the center and the left, and more strongly associated with emotions linked to cultural threats. By contrast, results indicate that populist attitudes go hand in hand with feelings of anger across ideological groups and type of threat. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-26T04:36:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240344
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Authors:Annika Lindholm, Georg Lutz, Eva G. T. Green Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This study identifies life dissatisfaction and related political attitudes as predictors of right-wing populist voting in Europe. Using survey data from 14 countries (2012–2018, N = 54,263), we find that life dissatisfaction links to negative attitudes on immigration and, in many countries, also to political distrust, and relates through these attitudes to a right-wing populist vote. By proposing a well-being framework to explain right-wing populist demand, we broaden the focus of discontent taken in previous research on psychological antecedents of populism. We suggest that low subjective well-being among the electorate has political relevance and could become a threat to the future of liberal democracy. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-26T04:29:25Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240334
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Authors:Ioannis Rizomyliotis Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. With the global market for eco-friendly products expected to reach $2.4 trillion by 2025, the sustainable products industry is poised to play a significant role in the transition to a more sustainable future. Similarly, the industry of sustainable products that are sold online is growing rapidly as consumers become more aware of the environmental and social impacts of their purchases. As a result, e-commerce companies make an effort to investigate the factors that influence consumer intent to purchase sustainable products online. By doing so, they aim to optimize their operations and better meet the needs of their customers. In this article, we will critically evaluate literature on this topic and explore trust as one of the critical factors that have a significant impact on consumer online purchase intention in the context of sustainable products. This research seeks to understand the determinants of consumer trust in relation to sustainable products that are sold online. The research model is empirically tested through the data of 278 participants. The research findings indicate that perceived risk, perceived security, and perceived privacy predict trust on e-commerce which, in turn, predicts online purchase intention for sustainable products. Consumer trust of sustainable products is also found to moderate the latter relationship. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-22T05:08:33Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241236174
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Authors:Robert Lantis, Erik Nesson Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. We investigate the hot hand hypothesis using home run derby data for the 2016 to 2019 and 2021 to 2022 contests. In each contest, eight batters are seeded and go head to head for three rounds, progressing to the next round if they hit more home runs than their opponent. Unlike at bats taken during a game, the home run derby is a more controlled environment, and it provides swings on similar pitches without long breaks between swings. We find robust evidence that a “hot hand” exists in hitting home runs, where if a home run was hit on the previous swing the likelihood the player hits a home run on their current swing increases by approximately four percentage points, or a 10% increase. Furthermore, we find that longer streaks of home runs have even greater effects on the probability of hitting a home run on the current swing. Though even in streaks, hitting a home run on the previous pitch is necessary for a streak to improve the probability of a home run on the next pitch.JEL codes: Z20, Z29, D91. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-21T11:42:20Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235817
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Authors:Erin B. Hester Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article presents an empirical examination of attribution and appraisal theories, focusing on young individuals’ beliefs about causality and feelings toward two social issues impacting the welfare of others: food insecurity and opioid addiction. Using a deductive qualitative approach, this investigation deepens and expands our theoretical understanding of how causal beliefs shape moral evaluations and corresponding emotions. Through focus group discussions (N = 9), participants revealed distinct patterns of causal cognitions and specific negative, other-oriented moral emotions. Causes of individuals’ hardships were characterized along four themes (personal choices, inherited circumstances, systemic issues, unexpected events), linking beliefs with corresponding discrete emotional experiences resembling contempt, pity, resentment, and compassion. Findings provide a description of attributions that supports a nuanced understanding of the complex relationship between causality and emotion, thus contributing to the current theoretical perspective. Practical implications and opportunities for further investigation are discussed in view of the broader goal of developing strategies to amplify civic engagement. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-20T12:05:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240358
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Authors:Kristen L. Cole, Marie C. Haverfield, Spencer Daniel Choate Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This research case study employs a theoretical and methodological framework of moral conflict theory informed by actor-network theory to better understand the sociomaterial entanglements—networks of human and non-human actors—that constitute political moral conflict. We analyze a case of moral conflict surrounding the issue of gun control, found within an online debate forum that was initiated by the question: should guns be banned in America' Through this case analysis, we identify key convergences and divergences in communication that facilitate coordination and cause incommensurability in conflict. These results reveal a new possibility for transcending political polarization through dialogue that attempts to account for the moral demands of objects. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-20T12:01:37Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240333
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Authors:Michael Gove Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Since initial studies in the late 1990s, researchers have examined the relationship between wage dispersion and team performance in professional sports. While no definitive consensus has emerged across the sports studied, it is still useful to consider where this literature stands after 25 years of research given its clear importance not just for professional sports, but also for economic decision-making in general. This review of the relevant literature organizes discussion of: (1) the theoretical foundations underlying the wage dispersion–team performance empirical studies, (2) the favorable conditions found in professional sports that provide a unique “laboratory” for researching this topic, (3) conclusions from the empirical literature about the relationship in focus and the different factors in those studies which likely contribute to the varied conclusions, and (4) promising avenues for furthering this line of research in the near future. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-15T11:31:55Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241236547
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Authors:Ioannis Rizomyliotis, Kleopatra Konstantoulaki, Apostolos Giovanis Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Social media influencer marketing has emerged as a new marketing tool. Generation Z consumers are especially influenced by social media influencers when purchasing cosmetic products. The purpose of this research is to examine the effect of the credibility of social media influencers on consumers’ brand consideration and purchase intention, while at the same time authors test the moderating effect of green consumption values on the aforementioned relationships. An online questionnaire survey was conducted, targeting Gen-Z consumers who follow beauty influencers on social media. According to the results from 201 participants, social media influencers’ credibility positively effects brand consideration and purchase intention. These effects are both found to be moderated by users’ green consumption values. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-15T05:00:15Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241236172
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Authors:Joel Potter, William Wethington Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This paper explores how a sports superstar’s popularity aged by utilizing 28 years of Nielsen television viewer data for the Professional Golf Association’s major events (i.e., the Masters, U.S. Open, PGA Championship, and the British Open; 1995–2022). Tiger Woods’ major career has spanned this precise time frame, as his first major event was the 1995 Masters and his last major in which he made the cut was the 2022 Masters (at the time of this writing). Thus, we are able to specifically examine how this singular superstar has aged in terms of popularity over an extended time frame. Given that golf is an individual sport in which there are no externality effects from teammates that might confound the analysis, our current setting provides an ideal natural experiment where we can simultaneously account for superstar effects relating to participation, performance, and longevity. Our results suggest that Woods was most popular at the beginning of his career, and that, after controlling for productivity and other relevant factors, his popularity has subsequently waned. Even though Tiger Woods remains the most popular golfer in the world, his impact on viewership has continued to lessen as his career has progressed. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-14T07:13:16Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241236173
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Authors:D. R. Gina Sissoko, Sheharyar Hussain, Kristina Arevalo, Wiston Rodriguez, Saniya Soni, Emerson Tejeda, Kevin L. Nadal Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article examines the manifestation of colorism toward Brown Asians through Microaggression Theory. Colorism has been defined as a stratification system based on skin tone, where those with the lightest skin tones are granted the most privileges, whereas those with the darkest are granted the least. Colorism impacts Asian Americans across domains, including education, employment, family relations, body image, and marital prospects. Brown Asians are particularly vulnerable to colorism and associated behaviors, as evidenced by the fact that South Asian countries house the largest skin bleaching markets. However, due to the historical aggregation of data on Asian American groups, research has traditionally focused on lighter-skinned East Asians, and experiences of darker-skinned Asians (i.e., South and Southeast Asians) remain largely obscured. This article describes the historical obscuring of colorism within Asian and American communities and utilizes Microaggression Theory to describe the potential manifestation of colorism toward Brown Asian communities. We propose five themes of colorist microaggressions Brown Asians may experience: (a) Invisibility & Exclusion, and Authenticity (b) Assumptions of Beauty and Desirability, (c) Assumptions of Inferior Status or Intellect, (d) Assumptions of Deviance and Criminality, and (e) Internalized Microaggressions. Furthermore, we discuss additional considerations in studies of Brown Asian experiences, including cultural, historical, and ethnic heterogeneity, intersectionality, and experiences within organizations and institutions. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-14T07:05:32Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241231318
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Authors:Jeremy M. Losak, Andrew P. Weinbach, Rodney J. Paul Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The behavior of informed traders, or “smart money,” in sports betting markets has long been of interest to researchers. In this paper, we focus specifically on the behavior of smart money in Major League Baseball (MLB) daily fantasy sports (DFS) contests to determine whether they avoid cognitive-behavioral biases to increase their expected earnings. Specifically, we investigate whether smart money avoids the hot hand bias, where individuals tend to overestimate the likelihood of success for players on a hot streak. Using a dataset of MLB DFS contests, we find that winning lineups have lower usage rates for players exhibiting the hot hand compared to losing lineups. This suggests that smart money identifies and fades the hot hand strategy to increase their expected earnings. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-13T06:37:47Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235828
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Authors:Anca Anton Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This study addresses the knowledge and research gaps regarding the “other customer” concept within the consumer–brand identification paradigm, drawing on branding and consumer behavior theories. We consider the “other customer” as the other customers of a brand from the perspective of an individual (focal customer) using or simply assessing the brand. We take into account both how the focal customer is influenced by other customers and how the focal customer perceives those other customers. While the concept is traditionally associated with the service industries, we expand its relevance to product brands. We use Social Identity Theory, Social Comparison Theory, and Other Customer Perception to identify how Gen Z focal consumers construct the image of other consumers of international brands at national level. A mixed-method approach was developed, bringing together MMCA (multimodal content analysis), perceptual mapping regarding brand image, and other customer perceived attributes, as well as a survey addressing (a) focal customer–other customer–brand identification perceived similarity and (b) perceived influence of sustainability on purchase behavior. MMCA was performed on a corpus of 236 other customer profiles of Nike and Adidas, consisting of a visual component and a textual description. The profiles were developed by a convenience sample of 147 Romanian Gen Z young adults. The results show that: (a) The national specificity and history of the brand can lead to diverging, local other customer profiles that might be accepted or rejected based on the desirability and similarity perceived by the focal customer; (b) The other customer is used as a form of self-evaluation carried out by the focal customer (Gen Z consistently evaluates downward some of the other customers as a way to curate self-esteem and avoid identification with profiles they consider undesirable or unsuitable for their own self-image); and (3) The connection perceivable at international level between brand sustainability as a purchase pre-condition and Gen Z customers is not universal and should be re-evaluated based on local realities. At theoretical level, this study contributes to the advancement of the “other customer” concept; at a practical level, it advocates for the inclusion of an “other customer communication strategy” into the marketing communication mix. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-08T05:15:05Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235838
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Authors:Odilia Yim, Sonia K. Kang Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Ethnic minority populations, such as the Chinese and other racial minority communities, have traditionally been the targets of physical and social harassment. The onset of the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has reignited the racism, violence, and xenophobia faced by individuals of Chinese descent across North America. As a result, there is now a spotlight on the Chinese immigrant experience and the capacity for these individuals to authentically communicate and present their identities, specifically through the use of self-labels. In a mixed-methods investigation, we assessed the preferred self-labels among a sample of the Chinese population in Canada and sought to uncover the meanings imbued in the labels they use to describe themselves across different contexts. In addition, the relationships between label preferences and measures of ethnic identity and language were examined. Although bicultural labels (e.g., Chinese Canadian, Canadian Chinese, Hong Kong Canadian, etc.) were the most preferred, there was a variety of labels used, suggesting a more complex meaning in the choice of self-labels. Implications for identity and self-categorization are discussed. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-08T05:11:55Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241234130
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Authors:Dustin R. White, Ben O. Smith Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In order to prevent batters from hitting a pitch, pitchers must decide on a strategic balance of many different pitch types. While each pitcher has preferred pitches (likely those with which he is most confident), he cannot over-utilize his dominant pitches, or batters will be able to gain a strategic advantage in trying to put the ball into play. We analyze Major League Baseball (MLB) pitch data from 2008 to 2018 in order to determine whether or not MLB pitchers are able to reach the theorized mixed-strategy Nash equilibrium given the pitcher’s skill in utilizing each type of pitch. Our data suggests that MLB pitchers are in fact rational, and succeed in reaching the mixed-strategy Nash Equilibrium. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-07T06:54:50Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235829
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Authors:Po-Lin Pan, Manu Bhandari, Juan Meng Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Healthy eating is critical to consumers’ overall health. The purpose of this study was to examine body mass index (BMI), obesity knowledge, and self-efficacy, along with online nutrition information seeking (ONIS), as antecedents to healthy food purchase (HFP) in a moderated mediation model. An online survey was conducted using Amazon Mechanical Turk to recruit 897 participants, with 484 women and 380 men. A moderated mediation analysis was then used to explore the mediating effect of ONIS, and the moderating effects of obesity knowledge and self-efficacy. Results found the impact of ONIS on HFP was significantly generated by obesity knowledge but not by BMI. Both ONIS and self-efficacy yielded individual and interactive effects on HFP, and ONIS did not only generate a direct effect on HFP but also interacted with self-efficacy for HFP. Practically, it was suggested that online health information should be strategically crafted to promote healthy eating behavior, given that consumers in various health conditions were activated to purchase heathier foods via ONIS. Through the ONIS’s mediation of the relationship between obesity knowledge and HFP, consumers with poor obesity knowledge would be cultivated well to further develop their better eating habits. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-07T06:45:52Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235826
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Authors:Franklin G. Mixon, Richard J. Cebula Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This study extends prior research on the relationship between surf break quality and the degree of localism exhibited by surf gangs in at least three ways. First, it adopts Surfline.com’s latest data on California’s surf breaks in order to re-examine whether or not the level of localism displayed by California’s surf gangs is a positive function of the quality and crowdedness of surf breaks. Second, it is the first to explore the relationship between surf break seasonality, measured as the number of months each year that weather and climatic conditions allow a surf break to be accessed, and the degree of localism displayed by surf gangs in the area. Third, it explores how the presence of sharks impacts the degree of localism displayed by surf gangs. Econometric results support the expected positive individual relationships between surf break quality and congestion and the degree of localism at surf breaks. However, no evidence of a relationship between surf break seasonality and surf break localism is reported, whereas that between the presence of sharks at a surf break and surf gang activity is unexpectedly positive. The former of these two findings likely result from relatively low variability in the seasonality data, whereas the latter likely stems from collinearity between the presence of natural hazards (e.g., rocks and reef) that increase the quality of both surf breaks and habitats for sharks’ prey. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-06T05:40:18Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235832
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Authors:Simon Medcalfe Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Sporting contests are designed to elicit an effort from contestants. Well-designed contests have beneficial behavioral responses of competitors such as increased effort which results in higher quality of competition. However, poorly designed contests may not reward the best competitor or may elicit unethical behaviors. This article reviews the literature on sporting contest design, paying particular attention to empirical studies over the last 20 years. Topic areas include different contest designs in a single sport, scheduling of contests and individual games, contest rule changes and game rule changes, and unintended behavioral consequences of sporting contest design. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-06T05:38:49Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235814
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Authors:Martina Topić, Ioannis Kostopoulos, Miloš Krstić Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print.
Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-04T04:51:46Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235822
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Authors:Thomas R. Sadler Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article investigates the collective action problem in the name, image, and likeness (NIL) era. By allowing college athletes to profit from their NIL through endorsements, sponsorships, and social media presence, athletes may now receive unlimited monetary benefits for their participation in college sports. But a collection action problem exists. Although all universities benefit from the NIL landscape, they do not have to disclose their NIL data. In addressing this problem, the article finds that, when athletic departments are selfish, defection from a position of cooperation exists as a dominant strategy. An emerging social norm of information disclosure is insufficient to provide an incentive for disclosure. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-04T04:49:34Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241235818
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Authors:Duoc V. Nguyen, Caryn J. Block, Jennifer Y. Kim, Hong Yu Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The purpose of this study was to uncover the racial microaggressions that Asians and Asian Americans experience in the workplace. Qualitative interviews and focus groups were conducted with 19 Asian and Asian American men and women, representing a variety of Asian ethnicities, with work experience in various industries. Results revealed seven themes of workplace racial microaggressions: (a) Invalidation of Individual Differences, (b) Unrecognized Contributions and Undervalued Employee, (c) Being Singled Out, (d) Demeaning Cultural Values and Communication Styles, (e) Ascription of Subservience, (f) Ascription of Diligence, and (g) Ascription of Math Competency. These seven themes were classified into two broader categories. The first four themes were classified into general microaggressions, which embodied microaggressions experienced by Asians but could also be experienced by other people of color. The last three themes were classified into stereotype-based microaggressions, which embodied how Asians were treated differently through the lens of stereotypes that others held of Asians. Although, Ascription of Math Competency and Ascription of Diligence may be seen as positive, these microaggressions yielded more assigned math-related work rather than the employee’s preferences and longer working hours, respectively. The effect of these microaggressions rendered Asian employees as visible in terms of their race, whereas invisible in terms of their professional contributions. Implications of these findings for improving experiences of Asians in the workplace are discussed. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-03-01T10:54:10Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241232760
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Authors:Eddy Ng, Winny Shen, Alexander Lewis, Robert Bonner Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. The discussion of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) in the context of the West is uniquely complex. AAPIs are often held up as “model minorities,” resulting in exclusion from many equity conversations. The lack of attention focusing on the experiences of AAPI communities in organizations and society suggests a need for us to remedy this. In this special issue, we curated a collection of eight papers that tackle a broad range of issues that advance conversations of AAPI communities and diasporas. We contend that it may be particularly beneficial to take a critical perspective (using Asian Critical Theory or AsianCrit) to bring to light and challenge systemic issues faced by AAPI communities in Western workplaces and societies. We also call for a post-model minority narrative, which has the potential to mitigate the adverse impacts that the notion of a model minority has on both intragroup and intergroup relations and well-being. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-24T05:53:52Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241231317
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Authors:Elizabeth Vaquera, Thomas J. Rachko Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. In this introduction to the second issue of a two-part series on Im/migrant Well-being, we discuss examples of how race, ethnicity, and a patchwork of current and proposed state and federal laws contribute to the exclusion of and discrimination of immigrants, hindering their incorporation and having harmful effects on their well-being. Articles discussed in this introduction zoom in into these issues by analyzing in detail how the well-being of immigrants in the United States is threatened by current U.S. immigration laws and policies: from the racial construction of the invasive “100-mile border enforcement zone” to the precarious legal statuses of unaccompanied migrant children, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipients, and farmworkers. Together, these empirical studies produce robust evidence demonstrating how the racialization and liminal legality of im/migrant communities in the United States adversely affect their belonging, incorporation, and overall well-being. In line with the findings from these articles, and in the absence of federal action on immigration reform in the horizon, the opening commentary following this introduction highlights how immigrant communities and scholars have the power to perform critical acts of brokerage to prevent harm and promote collective well-being by sharing resources and produce collaborative research that contributes toward evidence-informed policymaking. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-22T08:21:48Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241230920
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Authors:Yu-Shan Hsu, Mihaela Dimitrova, Margaret A. Shaffer, Gloria J. Miller Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Based on a sample of 168 Asian Americans and 248 White Americans, we found that Asian Americans were more prone to experience interference of work with family life when they were highly committed to their work role compared to White Americans. This difference was more pronounced for Asian Americans with low self-esteem, whereas there were no differences between the ethnic groups for those with high self-esteem. In sum, we find that examining the level of commitment of Asian Americans to a work role is insufficient for understanding how their work interferes with family life. Our findings reflect that, for Asian Americans, their cultural values, traditions, and heritage also play a significant role, especially for those individuals with low self-esteem. The article also addresses practical implications and future directions for research. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-21T12:34:27Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241231312
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Authors:Nicholas P. Alt, Amy Wax, Olivia T. Brush, Joie Magalona Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Asian American women, who make up a growing proportion of the workforce, face unique intersectional forms of workplace discrimination and bias based on being both a racial and gender minority. In this review, we take an intersectional approach, applying social psychological research on gendered race theory and Wong and McCullough’s Intersectional Prototypicality Model, to document as well as explain how race and gender concomitantly inform the challenges and barriers Asian American women face in the workplace. Specifically, we review evidence that the category “Asian” is frequently associated with femininity, and that this in turn leads Asian American women to be viewed as hyper-prototypical or hypo-prototypical given the context of their work. We describe how this alignment or misalignment explains Asian American women’s workplace experiences across multiple domains including hiring, promotion, negotiation, and workplace harassment. By explicitly considering the intersection of race and gender, we conclude by articulating novel solutions and implications for creating better workplace environments for Asian American women. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-14T01:10:19Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241231313
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Authors:Helena Liu, Kyoung-Hee Yu, Chris F. Wright Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Within Australia’s reputation as a successful multicultural nation, we explore what it means to be Asian in Australia. We trace how this racialized group has been socially excluded under the White Australia Policy that existed for much of the 20th Century, included in the Asian Century adopted as government policy in 2012, re-excluded during the COVID-19 pandemic, and tentatively re-included in its aftermath. We examine the cursory and contingent nature of racial inclusion in Australia in light of the contention that surrounds the concept and practice of multiculturalism as a political program. The racialized experience of Asians in Australia demonstrates the pernicious nature of white supremacy, even while this settler-nation seeks to consolidate a glowing image of diversity to redeem its racist past. We conclude by proposing that Australia go beyond multiculturalism to adopt systemic inclusion as a basis for a more equitable and sustainable future. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-12T12:17:03Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241231319
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Authors:Robert Courtney Smith Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. This article offers reflections on doing community and publicly engaged research and scholarly work that promotes immigrant well-being while developing a research career in academic institutions which do not usually recognize or reward such work. I draw on my own career (as the editors asked me to do), and hope the advice or examples are helpful, especially to younger scholars. I write as a scholar who was not from the immigrant communities with which he worked, and who believes scholars should help create a society that respects the rights, dignity, and well-being of its members, especially immigrant families. I applaud the Im/migrant Well-being Scholar Collaborative initiative’s (IWSC or Collaborative) focus on immigrant well-being, which affirms not only work that seeks to make structural or policy change or to change debates (common foci of academic analysis), but also work that directly helps others, builds community capacity, or mentors broadly. I have tried to both promote well-being and to fight injustice and inequality. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-12T10:56:21Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241229539
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Authors:Mario A. Aguilar Buenrostro, Daniel E. Martínez Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Few studies have examined how handling pesticides affects self-reported pain or discomfort, representing a critical yet under-examined dimension of farmworkers’ overall well-being. Guided by the social determinants of health framework, structural violence theory, and a “normalization of suffering” perspective, we ask: (1) what is the relationship between loading, mixing, or applying pesticides and self-reported musculoskeletal pain/discomfort' (2) When controlling for handling pesticides, what factors are associated with self-reported pain' We address these questions by drawing on the National Agricultural Workers Survey and find that handling pesticides within the past year increases the odds of self-reported pain. We also find that female and indigenous farmworkers have higher odds, net of handling pesticides and other occupational, health, and socioeconomic risk factors. Moreover, female farmworkers who handle pesticides report higher odds of pain relative to males who handle pesticides as well as females and males who do not. We conclude by discussing implications for the extant literature on farmworkers and by providing policy recommendations that may help researchers and policymakers better assess the health risks associated with handling pesticides. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-09T11:05:53Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241229535
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Authors:Katharine M. Donato, Natalia Lopez Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Prior studies of U.S. immigrant integration and well-being assume that immigrants arrive as adults rather than as children. Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted in 2021 and 2022 with 77 immigrant adults who were living in Washington DC and Michigan, and entered the United States as unaccompanied children, we examine whether and how their integration and well-being depends on both legal status and access to protective resources such as teachers, peer mentors, and local youth organizations. Findings reveal that legality alone is not a sufficient explanation of integration and well-being. Access to protective resources enables integration, although those with temporary and undocumented status face more challenges and access fewer resources, affecting successful integration. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-07T07:07:11Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241229959
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Authors:Elizabeth Aranda, Elizabeth Vaquera, Heide Castañeda, Melanie Escue Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Using longitudinal qualitative data, we examine how undocumented immigrants in Florida navigated the first year of the COVID pandemic. Building on the concepts of compounded vulnerability and legal violence, we demonstrate how heightened exposure to COVID shaped immigrants’ well-being by virtue of being overrepresented among frontline workers, underserved by the healthcare industry, and excluded from government pandemic aid. We demonstrate how immigrants’ anxieties overlay onto existing vulnerabilities facing those without legal status; although undocumented immigrants were often at even greater risk for negative outcomes related to the pandemic, access to mitigation efforts was denied to them because of policies and laws that allow for—and normalize—the unequal treatment of noncitizens. Findings demonstrate that undocumented immigrants and their families experienced legal violence through the mechanisms of restricted government aid, for which they were ineligible, in addition to bureaucratic delays in immigration paperwork renewals that resulted in expiring work permits for some with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. These experiences further compounded their economic and social marginalization, rendering immigrants an expendable social group. We identify coping strategies that allowed immigrants to persevere in the face of uncertainty and distress and discuss how policies can diminish some of these vulnerabilities and improve their well-being. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-07T07:05:23Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241229538
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Authors:Christina M. Getrich, Ana Ortez-Rivera, Delmis Umanzor, Alaska Burdette Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. During its decade-plus of existence, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) has concretely changed recipients’ incorporation trajectories and facilitated their transition into adulthood. Because it was established by Executive Order, though, DACA has always had an uncertain future. Since 2017, DACA recipients have endured a rollercoaster of lawsuits and court decisions that have evoked profound psychological distress. Yet during this time, they have also developed strategies for negotiating ongoing uncertainty and promoting immigrants’ collective well-being. We present results from a longitudinal (2016–2021) study of DACA recipients in the D.C. Metropolitan region, which encompasses multiple jurisdictions with different local policies. Applying a community cultural wealth (CCW) framework, we demonstrate that DACA recipients have become adept at leveraging place-based navigational capital into everyday acts of brokerage performed for more legally precarious family and community members. DACA recipients promote collective well-being specifically by brokering access to services, promoting household security, and developing innovative advocacy strategies. Results underscore the importance of policies to address immigrants’ exclusion at multiple levels and to ensure that DACA recipients are able to continue performing these critical acts of brokerage. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-07T07:03:31Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241229536
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Authors:Nilda Flores-Gonzalez, Emir Estrada, Michelle Tellez, Daniela Carreon, Brittany Romanello Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Based on qualitative interview data with Mexican American and White participants, this article examines the impact of immigration-related policies on the U.S.-born adult children of Mexican immigrants. Building on Dunn’s concept of a low-intensity conflict zone, we argue that the militarization of the border carries consequences for Mexican American border residents. Becoming collateral subjects to a system of racialized legal violence, they experience the suspension of constitutional rights through racially motivated arbitrary stops, interrogations, and searches. The frequency and intensity of these experiences lead to anxiety, frustration, and powerlessness, and chips away at their emotional well-being. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-02-07T06:59:43Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642241229532
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Authors:Mirjam Künkler Abstract: American Behavioral Scientist, Ahead of Print. Theories of regime transition have highlighted the importance of moderate resistance movement leaders in negotiating the end of authoritarianism and multiparty democracies. Meanwhile, the specific context in which such moderate opposition leaders who believe in the virtues of peaceful conflict resolution emerge and gain sufficient influence to sideline more radical elements has received far less attention in the transitions to democracy literature. This article presents a classification of oppositional arenas during Indonesia’s New Order and analyzes the social sites from which moderate individuals emerge. It then traces their interactions with constituencies and the regime to specify the processes that put moderate Muslim leaders at center stage during the democratic transition. The article argues that integrating social movement analysis and regime-type approaches is necessary when examining dissent in authoritarian environments. While social movement analysis provides valuable tools for understanding the functioning of oppositional groups, it undertheorizes institutionally available space for opposition and dissent. Political opportunity structure theses typically only analyze ex-post whether such opportunities existed but are silent on which regime types tend to offer spaces for contention and when. Thus, the importance of regime-type analysis. Citation: American Behavioral Scientist PubDate: 2024-01-30T09:56:22Z DOI: 10.1177/00027642231195809
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
