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Authors:Yeufen Hsieh Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This article applies discursive institutionalism to compare the debates on the children of temporary immigrant workers in Israel and Taiwan. Policymakers in both countries adopted a guestworker program that prevents the long-term settlement of foreign laborers, let alone that of their children. Over time, the increasing number of children born to these laborers triggered the debate on the proper treatment of these children. The debates in these two countries demonstrated varying discursive themes and led to different policy outcomes. Though primarily built on a particularistic, ethnocentric discourse, the discursive interactions around Israel’s Jewish identity resulted in two ad hoc, temporary decisions that legalized the status of hundreds of such children. In contrast, while the dominant narrative in Taiwan has been the supposedly more liberal idea of universal human rights norms, these children have been granted only temporary social service and education support, with no prospect of long-term legal settlement. To understand the seeming paradox in why the more ethnocentric discourse resulted in a degree of policy liberalization while a more universalistic discourse has not, this article shows how agents in the debate responded to the discursive opportunities, with each largely shaped by their respective national identity public philosophies. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-10-03T04:24:41Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221124396
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Authors:Muhammed Babacan Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Numerous studies suggest that British society is becoming more Islamophobic, and Muslims, especially youth, in Britain have been its victims. But while there is growing evidence of how they have been targets of explicit and severe instances of Islamophobia, less attention has been focused on how they are also targets of its subtle and implicit forms. The purpose of this paper is to examine how Islamophobia manifests in everyday interactions and how Muslims are racialized from the perspective of one of its supposed victims that has been so far under-researched, i.e., young Turks in Britain. The young Turks’ accounts about themselves and their immediate circle of relatives revealed that Turks in the UK experience Islamophobia, but that it is often enacted during mundane interactions without ever becoming explicit. Visible Turkish-Muslim women, however, are the target of everyday Islamophobia far more than Turkish men and secular women, both of whom do not display any religious signifiers in public places. They face Islamophobia at the intersection of gender and religion. Many Turkish women are racialized through the hijab which is interpreted and described in ways that draw upon a set of symbolic meanings and associations. In addition, contrary to what has been discussed about the Islamophobic experiences of Muslim women in previously conducted studies, the evidence of this research shows that Islamophobia appeared to visible Turkish women more frequently in a more mundane, subtle way. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-09-30T08:20:10Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221126196
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Authors:René Alejandro Rejón Piña Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Structural race-based inequalities in Mexico cannot be denied. Anthropologists and social scientists have thoroughly documented racism at both personal and systemic levels. Following I.M. Young’s framework, this paper identifies two possible pathways for the anti-racist movement in Mexico: the liability and the social connection models. The former uses guilt to assign responsibility —it requires an agent to be voluntarily and causally connected to injustice; the latter does not isolate perpetrators but assigns responsibility to all agents who contribute (voluntarily or not) by their actions to the structural processes that produce injustice. After examining the trajectory of the Mexican anti-racist movement, this paper demonstrates that activists are relying too heavily on the liability model. Furthermore, drawing from ethnographic material from Brazil and the United States, the paper suggests that this model is not only unnecessarily confrontational and ineffectual, but potentially counterproductive for the anti-racist movement, as it is prone to provoke a defensive response. In turn, this paper suggests focusing on the structural nature of racism in Mexico and developing ways to communicate this effectively, in order to foster the positive prospects of successful anti-racist activism. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-09-20T05:50:20Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221128381
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Authors:Karina Diłanian-Pinkowicz Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This article explores the cultural memory of the Armenian genocide archived, to a major extent, in non-digitized form. In the initial decades following the genocide, the memory of the crimes committed against Armenians in 1915 was almost non-existent in the public space of America. Monuments, demonstrations, state, and international resolutions, and other instruments of memorialization did not materialize until the 1960s when, as a result of worldwide Armenian mobilization ahead of the 50th anniversary, traces of genocide remembrance were gradually brought to life. Analyzing two Armenian newspapers from the United States – Hairenik Weekly (HW) and The Armenian Mirror-Spectator (AMS) – this paper reveals how Armenians recollected the genocide in the decades preceding the emergence of subsequent lieux de mémoire. What evoked their memories before 1965' And how did narratives change over time, eventually leading to the “exteriorization of Armenian memory”' The case of the Armenian genocide shows that memories of a traumatic event can quickly penetrate the cultural sphere, but remain closed for longer in the narrow framework of a specific community. This had consequences, including an almost complete lack of representation of the genocide in the public domain – one that would be designed by Armenians for non-Armenians. The process of meaning-making (traced through editorials from the two Armenian-American newspapers) influenced a gradual bridging of the representation gap in the American public space, beginning in 1965. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-08-15T10:21:14Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221120735
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Authors:Alicia Ferrández-Ferrer, María-José Sanchís-Ramón, Daniel La Parra-Casado Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Previous research has highlighted different factors that limit educational success and continuity in Roma children and young adults, outlining both those linked to cultural identity and those derived from structural racism, which also affect the education system. The aim of this study is to understand how gender influences education for Roma women in Spain and to identify possible changes and/or continuities for formal education and motherhood in their discourses. This research is based on a qualitative methodology, encompassing 19 interviews with Roma women aged between 18 and 67 and residents in the province of Alicante, Spain. The results show that Roma women consider education as something relevant and should not be abandoned. Success at school is not understood as an element of assimilation, nor as something incompatible with Roma identity. Quite the opposite, studying is perceived as a strategy to obtain a better job in the future, but also as a project for personal development and growth, as well as an empowerment tool, both inside and outside the community. Nonetheless, educational continuity requires not only changes in its assessment by the Roma community, but also interventions on the structural barriers that prevent balancing life and studies when a woman is already a mother. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-08-10T12:41:41Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221120683
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Authors:Nelson U Ukwamedua Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. In Orphism, through Pythagoras to Plato, the soul survives the death of the body. But for Aristotle it is the form of the body, and this makes its immortality unlikely, since form cannot exist without an individuating matter. Exploring synthesis, the soul is for Aquinas an incarnate spirit whose union with the body creates a unique union. This paper then employing the critical-analytic model argued that these traditions were quite myopic; and this informed the interrogation of another cultural position which is, the immortality of the soul in Igbo-African ontology. The intention is to brace the classical positions towards a holistic idea of the immortality of the soul. This is because, in Igbo ontology, there is no distinction between body and soul, as the attention is on man as a complete being, who at death experiences what this paper called ontological mutation. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-08-08T07:39:38Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221119622
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Authors:Maurizio Ambrosini Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This paper has two purposes. The first is theoretical: to revise use of the concept of moral economy in migration studies, and the related concept of deservingness. I will identify different versions and meanings, showing their significant contribution to the understanding of migration issues, but discussing their lack of consideration of a particular aspect: the conflict between competing moral economies. The second and related purpose will be to apply the concept of moral economy to an analysis of the public debate on the recent measure, related to theCOVID-19 pandemic, enacted to regularise unauthorised immigrants in Italy (May–August 2020). The measure, almost unique in Europe and in the Global North has involved only workers, and workers employed in two sectors: agriculture and domestic/care services. This decision can be seen as a choice in terms of moral economy: some sectors and some immigrant workers have deserved more consideration than other workers. The empirical material is constituted by declarations and statements by social and political actors who took part in the debate, using moraleconomic arguments to support their position. I will review it through the lens of competing moral economies and different notions of deservingness. In the conclusion I argue that in migration policies, relevant moral and political values are involved: human rights and national sovereignty, the right to mobility and citizens’ rights, the right of asylum and social cohesion. I wish for a more subtle use of the concept of moral economy to feed a better discussion of these crucial topics. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-08-03T08:38:22Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221117544
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Authors:A Sophie Lauwers Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Scholarship on religious inequality in Europe has focused mainly on the position of religious minorities, primarily Jews and Muslims. Investigations into Islamophobia, antisemitism, and other forms of discrimination and oppression, however, are merely one side of the coin. This article draws attention to Christian privilege as a different, but related phenomenon. It understands ‘privilege’ to be part of the study of hegemony, as the asymmetrical counterpart of structural oppression. The article situates Christian privilege within secular Christian hegemony in Western Europe and explores its relation to racial and religious exclusion. It identifies three different types of Christian privilege and outlines a framework for normatively evaluating them. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-06-06T09:41:24Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221106185
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Authors:Avishek Ray Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Since the 18th century, scholars have been claiming that Romani people originated from India. Folkloristists, ethnographers, linguists and demographers alike have sought to identify, classify and characterize the ‘Roma traits’ and map them onto an imagined notion of Indian-hood. Meanwhile, India has reappropriated the originary claim and started to embrace the Roma community as one of their ‘own’. This paper focuses on the epistemic and political implications of ascribing an ‘Indian origin’ to the Roma. How do scholars and savants seek to understand Roma populations with reference to their purported Indian origin and what does it entail epistemologically' To what extent is the ‘scientific’ legibility of the Roma’s origin structured around ideologies of the prevailing episteme' Here, I situate the theory of the Indian origin as a ‘field’ and argue that its foundation has revolved less around the question of ‘scientific’ methods and their validity than around reinforcing the episteme in question. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-20T09:21:56Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221101402
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Authors:Kurdistan Omar Muhammad, Hawre Hasan Hama, Hersh Abdallah Hama Karim Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Memory and trauma are often considered to be interconnected social phenomena. Collective memory exists in every society, but when a particularly catastrophic event occurs, it leaves an impact on behavior, and enduring memories of a cultural trauma. This paper considers the changing social meanings of the Anfal, an act of genocide which occurred in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1988, and inquires whether the legacy of the Anfal can be most accurately characterized as a social memory or a cultural trauma. The paper uses a mixed methodology of historical research and a recent survey carried out among young people in Iraqi Kurdistan. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-18T10:02:13Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221103254
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Authors:Luca Sebastiani Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Racism is hardly discussed in Spanish public debates: however, when approached through policy, it is generally understood either as violent acts committed by extremists, or as a matter of stereotypes/prejudices/lack of information about cultural Others. This article focuses on the latter understanding, as performed by Spanish “anti-rumour” strategies, a varied ensemble of initiatives aimed at dismantling stereotypes of migrants and racial minorities, mainly by encouraging better knowledge and empathy. By approaching these initiatives as a representative case of mainstream, psychology-based perspectives on anti-racism and drawing on fieldwork conducted in relevant Spanish locations, I focus on their main assumptions and theoretical/political implications. Despite the heterogeneity of such initiatives, the fieldwork analysis points to common flaws; particularly in the ways their “positive” narratives and allegedly inclusive approaches might foster narrow definitions of racism, silencing its institutional/structural/governmental dimensions and potentially normalizing racist power relations. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-17T10:45:37Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221103091
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Authors:Sangay Tamang, Ngamjahao Kipgen Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. As the dominant narratives of ethnicity have been centered on the issues of ethnic identity and nationalism as a form of pre-given category, the invocation of ‘land’ remains marginal to ethnic politics. Many studies on the politics of ethnic homelands in South Asia has further marginalized the notion of ‘land’ in the study of ethnicity and nationalism and overemphasized ethnic identity as a dominant approach to understand the relationship between state and society. However, land is fundamental to ethnic claims for belongingness in a previously colonized society where indigenous land policy has been reconfigured by the intrusion of British colonialism—took away native land for private interest and subsequently remodified land and citizenship criteria. This article examines an ethnic demand for a homeland in the Darjeeling Hills by bringing to the fore the discussion on land contestation, linguistic politics, and regional aspiration for belongingness. The movement for Gorkhaland in Darjeeling Hills has been articulated as a demand for recognition of Gorkha as Indian citizenship and reflects a distinct attachment of Gorkha to land. Although there has been very little discussion on the issue of land in the demand for Gorkhaland and focused solely on ethnic identity and the development of the Nepali language, we argue in this article that the ethnic movement in Darjeeling has its genesis in the contention of ethnic differences in control over land, resources, and identity, and it is land that has historically framed the politics of ethnicity in the region. Therefore, ‘land is identity’ and must be viewed as a fundamental unit of analysis in ethnic politics. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-13T07:57:54Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221101400
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Authors:Uranela Demaj Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This paper presents a historical study of the linguistic landscape (LL) of Pristina’s city center as an important site of contestation and competing symbolic identity constructions throughout Kosovo’s turbulent interethnic past. By means of historical linguistic evidence of the LL configuration of landmark establishments in the central promenade of the city, the paper illustrates the role of language in the construction of national identity and in this way, argues for the reconciliation of the study of symbolic nation building in Kosovo with language as an equally deserving dimension of investigation alongside other socio-political and social facets It is also argued that apart from its symbolic role to convey the specific ideological concepts of the dominant ethnic elites, the LL has been crucial in the construction of ethnocentric spaces, and has therefore been participatory in the creation of ethnic segregation which is the defining characteristic of Kosovo’s post-war ethnic configuration today. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-12T11:12:01Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221097810
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Authors:Wan Norhasniah Wan Husin, Nur Kamilia Izzati Samsudin, Noor Azmi Zainol, Nani Noor Hidayah Nordin, Wan Kamal Mujani Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. The objectives of this study are to quantitatively analyse the influence of education, economy and religious domains on enhancing ethnic unity among youth in Malaysia with reference to university students. It involved a survey of 373 students from two Malaysian public universities, namely Universiti Malaya and the National Defence University of Malaysia. The obtained data are subjected to descriptive analysis as well as structural equation modelling (SEM) analysis. The results show all these three domains are significant in strengthening ethnic unity, and the findings of this study could contribute to the current efforts by the government in the areas of the educational system, economic policies, and religious tolerance so that a more effective approach could be introduced. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-10T08:05:56Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221101401
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Authors:Jonas Kolb Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. For many decades, the question of setting up bilingual place-name signs accompanied the ethnic conflict between the German-speaking majority and the autochthonous Slovene-speaking minority in Carinthia (Austria). On the 10th anniversary of the 2011 compromise concerning the dispute about place-name signs, this article takes a closer look at the characterization of ethnic relations in Carinthia in the past few decades. According to a practice–theoretical empirical approach, the key to understanding this ethnic minority is the disappearance of the Slovene language. This article examines the manifold strategies used by young people to perform Carinthian Slovenian identity during leisure time in the context of, or apart from, cultural associations. With these strategies, adolescents actively try to react to the threatened disappearance of their language as they advocate for its preservation and ensure its enduring presence. The central role of the symbolic dimension of Slovenian language usage is striking. The social cohesion of the Slovene-speaking population must therefore be understood as performative ethnicity. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-05T01:58:52Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221096159
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Authors:Hélène Balazard, Timothy Peace Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Islamophobia is an issue faced by Muslims across Europe. In the UK, there is a growing acceptance that the government’s counter-terrorism policy, Prevent, has led to increased discrimination. Current research is split on whether discrimination among Muslims is leading to disengagement and a retreat from public life or whether this has inspired a feeling of responsibility to participate more actively and engage in politics or alternative forms of political resistance. This paper presents the results from the London case study of a larger comparative project which seeks to assess the political consequences of the experience of discrimination by evaluating the individual and collective responses of Muslims in terms of political participation and representation. Based on qualitative research including semi-structured interviews and participant observation in Tower Hamlets (East London), we show how Muslim individuals, including civil society actors, have responded to Islamophobia, and the discrimination associated with it, in a context of increased surveillance after the introduction of the ‘Prevent Duty’ in 2015. We focus on individual responses to confronting discrimination and stigmatisation and include a case study of an initiative by the campaigning group Citizens UK which sought to explore the potential for collective responses and wider coalitions against discrimination faced by Muslims. We investigate the emerging strategies that are being adopted as a reaction to discrimination and examine the extent to which responses constitute a means of ‘fighting back’ through political participation and engagement and whether this new climate has fostered either mobilisation or demobilisation. Our findings indicate that individual forms of resistance are more prominent than mass mobilisation and some evidence of Muslims retreating from political engagement. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-05-03T04:39:05Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221088016
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Authors:Edward Avery-Natale, Pablo Vila Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. We use the 2020 incident of the police shooting of Jacob Blake followed by Black Lives Matter protests and the subsequent murder of several activists by Kyle Rittenhouse as a case study to update the Althusserian theory of interpellation using Deleuzian concepts and the idea of “identitarian articulations.” Specifically, we aim to think more about the capacity to accept or reject an interpellation, and who has those capacities, and why. Here, the “who” above is not the individual ontological subject, but the immanent Deleuzian subject emerging in articulation. We will show, for example, that subordinated subjects will often have less access to the capacity to resist interpellation. This is, in part, because it is difficult for some people to “add” or “subtract” identifications or capacities from their identitarian articulations because of the overdetermining power of hegemonic discourses, such as white supremacy. We will also show that different objects, technologies, and emotions when affecting an identitarian articulation, actualize different capacities, or different intensities of the same capacity, in a given encounter. Most importantly, for the purposes of this article, will be the capacity to manifest an emotion like “fear” or “threatened.” We show that an object like a gun may not appear threatening in particular encounters and in association with certain identitarian articulations even while another object, such as a cell phone, will be imbued with the capacity to induce “fear” or “threat” in another. As we show, unavoidably, in the United States, these capacities are deeply entangled with the racialization of the subject holding the object. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-04-25T02:00:13Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221087450
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Authors:Anat Ben-Yonatan Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This study examines aspects of ethnic, religious, and moral boundary work among Jewish-Israeli kosher slaughterers based, on 35 in-depth interviews, four ethnographic observations, informal conversations, and other secondary sources such as video footage of the slaughter sites gathered between 2014 and 2019. In Israel, the self-proclaimed sovereign homeland of the Jewish people, being Jewish means being part of the political, ethnic, and religious hegemony. While being stigmatized for doing dirty work, the Jewish slaughterers’ workplace setting groups them with menial laborers from a minority ethnic group, both physically and organizationally. The stigma associated with animal killing in Israel encourages the slaughterers to distinguish themselves from other workers by engaging in boundary work. Within the workplace setting, this boundary work occurs around various aspects of intersecting identities: racio-ethnic, national, religious, and professional. Furthermore, this boundary work is fueled by various organizational mechanisms such as the slaughter site’s spatial architecture, differential wage structure, and the use of tools and technologies. While these workplace conditions are determined by the employers, they are constantly restructured and reinforced by the slaughterers to assert their moral superiority vis-a-vis other workers. While exploring these organizational mechanisms, I conceptualize the Jewish slaughter knife as a boundary-maintaining object. I claim that the slaughterers constantly leverage these material, symbolic, and discursive resources to morally segregate the two workers’ groups and the morally tainted aspects of slaughter, such as violence and cruelty, to the ‘Arab’ others. Meanwhile, the prevailing Jew–Arab tensions and the popular symbolic representation of the Arabs ensures that these behaviors are treated as an inherent racio-ethnic trait, thereby reinforcing these boundaries. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-04-22T07:27:06Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221093715
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Authors:Magda Mogilnicka Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This paper explores Polish experiences of lived diversities in the UK through the lens of their precarious socio-economic status and ambivalent racial identity. Using the concept of conditional citizenship, the article explores how being only tentatively accepted in British society affects Polish migrants’ understandings of British diversity. Drawing on qualitative data from a study of Polish migrants’ lived diversities, this paper exposes the repertoires of actions that individuals apply in different social contexts in the process of learning to live with diversity. It advances the academic debate on everyday multiculturalism through an exploration of the relationship between conditional citizenship and lived diversities and contributes to an understanding of migrants’ racism by contextualising it within national hierarchies of belonging. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-04-14T08:58:01Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221089926
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Authors:Çetin Çelik Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Students of Turkish heritage are overrepresented in basic secondary vocational schools and underrepresented in university-track academic secondary schools in Germany. Macro-level studies analyzing this achievement gap generally focus on the effects of family resources, institutional practices, and discrimination. Yet, the impact of macro-level factors, such as the effects of institutional mechanisms on students’ identities, remains relatively unquestioned. Drawing on the ethnicization framework and utilizing in-depth interviews and ethnography, this study examines the social consciousness of a group of male Turkish descent students in German secondary school tracks. The study analyzes the relationship between social consciousness and the broader educational context, suggesting that this relationship involves ethnicized oppositional elements stemming not from culture but from class and ethnic stratifications affirmed and lived out in German schools on a daily basis. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-04-02T01:55:39Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221083794
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Authors:Ronald Kwon, William J Scarborough, Caroline Taylor Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Attitudinal studies illustrate high levels of support toward homosexuality across European countries. Although these patterns suggest that European societies are becoming more progressive and tolerant, they do not extend to Muslim migration. As Western conceptions of liberalism are increasingly defined in terms of tolerance of sexual minorities as a marker of societal progress, persistent anti-Muslim sentiment presents a liberalism paradox. Existing research often explores these two social topics independently, with limited attention to their intersection. Moving beyond this unidimensional lens, we draw on the frameworks of homonationalism and illiberal liberalism to provide insights into how seemingly incompatible perspectives are mutually constitutive and operate in the service of individuals’ self-interest. We use latent class analysis to examine attitudinal configurations related to homosexuality and Muslim exclusion from the 7th wave (2014) of the European Social Survey (ESS). Our analysis identifies three dominant attitudinal clusters. We find that most respondents held multidimensional views—supporting homosexuality while simultaneously rejecting Muslim migration—consistent with selective tolerance and homonationalist perspectives. The remaining two clusters held unified viewpoints, either rejecting both homosexuality and Muslim migration or favoring both. Predicting these attitudinal configurations with socio-demographic characteristics and attitudes towards immigration, we find that those with selective tolerance-homonationalist perspectives occupy a precarious middle-class position characterized by low levels of educational attainment and lower-status white-collar occupations. We find evidence that individuals in this tenuous social class position express both economic and cultural threat by reappropriating tolerant views toward homosexuality for the purpose of justifying Muslim exclusion. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-03-25T11:38:31Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221078345
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Authors:Parikshit Sarmah, Debarshi Prasad Nath Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This paper argues that the emergence of social media as a new public sphere has shaped masculine identity in the cyber platform. Such masculinity in Assamese society (the Assamese-speaking community), based on the images of the ideal Assamese man is linked with a form of Assamese nationalistic masculinity that gathered momentum during the Assam Movement (1979–1985). Politics of identity in Assam is basically trapped in the world of appearances, fighting real and imaginary enemies, and drawing strength from prejudices and misconceptions of groups, about themselves and others. This process of identity creation also shaped the identity of the “ideal” Assamese man in the recent socio-political history of Assam. This article is an attempt to define how masculinity works in the cyber world by focusing attention on Assamese nationalistic masculinity which is based on the image of the “RealAssamese Man.” The “Real Assamese Man,” in turn, draws inspiration from a socio-cultural context which started with the creation of Assamese iconographies of masculinity which were later transformed and appropriated to serve the purpose of identity-politics. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-03-05T11:14:36Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968221078350
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Authors:Samuel CH Mindes, Paul Lewin, Monica Fisher Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Hispanics are important contributors to the self-employment sector. Their entrepreneurial activity varies by immigration status and ethnonational subgroup. We comparatively examine the self-employment of Hispanics who immigrated as adults, those who immigrated as children, and non-immigrants of four groups in the United States: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Southern South Americans. We investigate intergenerational assimilation through self-employment into the three trajectories posited by segmented assimilation theory. We estimate regression models using a sample from the American Community Survey of Hispanics (n = 585,279) and US-born non-Hispanic Whites (n = 2,848,456). In a subsequent exploratory analysis, we estimate models for Hispanic origin and immigrant status groups to compare key predictors. We find that self-employment probabilities indicate distinct assimilation patterns for our origin groups. The exploratory analysis reveals different effects of important characteristics across groups. This work highlights the need for policies tailored toward the heterogeneity in Hispanics’ assimilation processes. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-01-27T10:43:43Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211069136
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Authors:Zainab Mourad Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This qualitative study investigates the ways in which Muslim minority youth experience Islamophobia in south-west Sydney primary schools. Islamophobia has occupied the Australian discursive context since the September 11 attacks and the ensuing War on Terror in 2001, and was amplified in the recent decade following the rise of Daesh and events of home-grown terrorism. In schools, minority Muslim students in Australia have been considered a problem for some time. Since the early phases of migration in the 1970s, Muslims have been constructed as a pedagogical challenge. More recently, this has adopted political overtones, and concerns regarding educational attainment have moved towards issues of national security and socio-political integration. To understand the ways in which the wider discursive context filters to schools, the study is underpinned by critical theory, combined with a critical ethnographic case study methodology. Drawing on the voices of Muslim students aged 10–12 across three schools, the critical discourse analysis found that Islamophobia was experienced by Muslim students in primary schools drawing on visible and physical cultural markers of being Muslim including the Arabic language, the hijab and Islamic practices. This paper contends that Islamophobia should be formally recognised as a form of cultural racism in schools. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-01-27T10:42:49Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211069192
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Authors:Barbara Bertolani, Paolo Boccagni Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Migrants’ home, as a notion and a set of related experiences and locations across countries, is subject to an increasing research interest. Little of this, however, has looked at their ways to circulate and emplace religion, through portable beliefs, artifacts, and practices, as a form of home-making. Likewise, little of the debate on home and migration has explored the home, not just in terms of housing conditions or material cultures, but as an infrastructure for migrants to reproduce their collective identities through religion. We contribute to fill these research voids with a case study of “domestic religion” among Sikh immigrant families in Northern Italy. We specifically analyze the religious practices whereby some migrants, building on certain objects and ways to use the domestic space, turn ordinary dwellings into meaningful homes. Their ways to “sacralize” the home through temporary or permanent infrastructures of religiosity illuminate changing uses and meanings of home. Moreover, they reveal the critical interdependence between the home and the public and diasporic spheres of religion. This opens up a potentially very rich field for research on the lived experience of domestic space, showing how religion (re)shapes the home, and the home (re)shapes religion, across immigrant groups, and life course positions. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-01-27T10:42:09Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211069376
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Authors:Leon Tikly Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. The article provides an analysis and critique of the education component of the 2021 Sewell Report on Race and Ethnic Disparities. It commences by providing a critical summary of the report focusing on its spurious claims to objectivity, the erasure of racism and the inadequacy of its recommendations. The second part of the article focuses on developing a contextualised analysis of the report. Omi and Winant’s ideas about racial formation are used to provide a lens through which to interpret the Sewell report as part of a wider hegemonic project of the right to redefine what it means to be British in the context of a deepening organic crises of capitalism. The article outlines the nature of the crisis. It locates the report within a consideration of three ‘racial projects’ that have shaped education policy, namely, the nationalist, multicultural and antiracist projects. Through advocating a ‘colourblind’ approach to education policy and the selective appropriation of multicultural discourse, it will be argued that the report needs to be understood as part of a wider effort to reconfigure the nationalist project in response to crisis. It is suggested, however, that despite its many flaws, the Sewell report poses challenges for those who have traditionally been aligned to multiculturalism and antiracism in education. The article concludes by setting out a vision for a new progressive project aimed at advancing racial and cultural justice that it is suggested, can begin to address these challenges. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-01-05T10:49:20Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211061882
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Authors:Lynne Davis, Jeffrey S. Denis, Chris Hiller, Dawn Lavell-Harvard First page: 619 Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. Drawing on three cases of long-term Indigenous–settler alliances in Canada, this research investigates the roles and contributions of settlers towards decolonization. As a multidisciplinary team of Indigenous and non-Indigenous scholars, our research goal has been to understand how such alliances endure and change over time, and how they negotiate power dynamics, tensions and changes, within a settler colonial context. Taking a comparative case study approach, and analysing interviews, sharing circles and archival documents, we focus here on the lessons that alliance participants have learned from their activist experiences about settler roles and responsibilities. The three cases include (1) The Right to Belong: Indigenous women’s organizing and the struggle to eliminate sex discrimination in the Indian Act; (2) Shoal Lake 40 First Nation’s Freedom Road campaign to end a century of state-imposed geographic isolation and to secure access to safe drinking water; and (3) the alliance-building and solidarity activism of Canadian ecumenical social justice coalitions now under the umbrella of KAIROS Canada. While none of these campaigns alone equates to decolonization in the sense of land return and Indigenous sovereignty, each has helped create the conditions, relationships and transformations in settler consciousness that may provide the ground for decolonization. Taken together, the three case studies illustrate the contingent environments in which alliances are forged and the ways in which settlers take up particular responsibilities based on Indigenous-defined goals. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-01-22T09:25:41Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211063911
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Authors:Frances Hancock, Pania Newton First page: 642 Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. This paper explores how the Indigenous-led, community-supported campaign #ProtectIhumātao became a site for decolonisation work that nourished productive bicultural relations. For six years, we worked together, alongside others, to stop a transnational corporation building houses on culturally significant, but contested, whenua (land) at Ihumātao, Auckland. Pania draws strength from her Indigenous Māori whakapapa (ancestral relations), and Frances from being a New Zealander of Irish descent. Committing ourselves to the campaign kaupapa (values, principles and plans), we embraced different roles: Pania as a kaitiaki or land protector and Frances as a hoa tū tata or close friend, standing by, ready to assist. Along the way, we became our own whānau (extended family); a kaupapa-based whānau (people mobilised for a shared purpose). Here, we share knowledge from our campaign experiences to explore what becoming whānau means to us in relation to Ihumātao. Thinking and writing at the interface of Māori and Pākehā ways of knowing, we interact with ideas from Māori philosophy and Indigenous–Settler relations. Through telling our stories, we illuminate relational qualities that made our different roles and evolving relationship possible, and glean insights to inform ongoing Indigenous-led, decolonising practices at Ihumātao, and elsewhere. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-02-03T05:18:00Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211062655
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Authors:Carisa R Showden, Karen Nairn, Kyle R Matthews First page: 663 Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. In Aotearoa New Zealand, social and ethical responsibilities to work towards decolonization are shaped by the principles set out in legislation aimed at honouring Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi). Our study with young settler activists in Aotearoa working on a range of social issues aimed to find out how these activists thought about and worked toward enacting these responsibilities. We found that most settler activists were hesitant to speak on behalf of Māori or in ways that centre Indigenous needs and experiences because they felt unsure of how to do so in a respectful way. Many settler activists suggested they met their decolonizing responsibilities if they included Māori members in their group or collaborated with Māori groups, but others put forth additional strategies. Overall, though, activists’ sense of ‘taking responsibility’ seemed to depend on Māori guidance and, if none was available, settler activists were often paralyzed. Yet Māori are not always able or willing to guide the process; still settlers must act. This imperative is our stepping off point to explore settler activists’ articulations of their responsibilities. Based on our participants’ fluid and complex thinking about and doing decolonizing work, we propose a ‘continuum of engagement’ to explore what creates possibilities for settler activists to take responsibility and action in ways that work toward decolonization but are not dependent on Māori to guide every step. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-02-02T06:11:04Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211062916
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Authors:Avril Bell First page: 685 Abstract: Ethnicities, Ahead of Print. White fragility, a common response of white people to calls to engage in conversations about racism and address their complicity with it, has received considerable scholarly attention. Much less attention has been given to the antidote: white stamina. This paper explores the development of stamina in the journey of ‘recovery’ from racism of one white settler individual who has become a public figure in Aotearoa New Zealand, in part through his declaration that he is a ‘recovering racist’. Significantly, the racism at the heart of this person’s story was directed towards indigenous, Māori New Zealanders; racism and settler colonialism are intertwined in this case. Consequently, the paper also responds to Lawrence and Dua’s (2005) call to ‘decolonise antiracism’ by foregrounding the indigenous–settler relationship in the analysis of racism within a settler society. The paper teases out overlaps and differences between white racism and settler colonialism, and between white stamina and settler stamina. Finally, I argue that there may be things for antiracists to learn from struggles to decolonise settler colonialism. Most significantly, this analysis points to the importance and power of the existence of an aspirational positive identity and position for ‘recovering racists’. Citation: Ethnicities PubDate: 2022-02-18T04:30:48Z DOI: 10.1177/14687968211062671
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