Authors:Leo Vicentino, Janah Zerina T. Doroteo, Lyn Angel V. Garcia, Nicole Myem S. De Jesus Pages: 1 - 16 Abstract: Netizens posted views that contradicted the results released by research agencies about the Philippine government's responses to COVID-19. In this study, Twitter, which is a key communication channels, was the main source of data to explore the public’s perception of the Philippine government’s performance to the pandemic response. To limit tweets to be studied, sana all, a language phenomenon mostly used at the time of community lockdowns, was observed and utilized as a code identify relevant tweets. Between March and August 2020, 257 tweets were collected and researchers used presuppositions to extract socio-political context and truths implied in tweets. Then, the data underwent a 6-level thematic analysis and eleven categories were formed. The prevalent language intention emerging from the tweets is empathy. This paper will discuss how empathy associates the sound dissatisfaction of the netizens with the responses made by the current administration to combat the COVID-19 multi-effects. PubDate: 2022-03-27 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v14.i1.7961 Issue No:Vol. 14, No. 1 (2022)
Authors:Bright Nkrumah Pages: 17 - 31 Abstract: As policy and research institutes, think tanks have advisory and monitoring mandates that could be channelled towards consolidating democracy. Yet, although South Africa has some well-established think tanks (WETT), their presence has not translated into enhancing race relations and living conditions. There is therefore the need to explore why these institutions have been unable to sufficiently influence policy and practice, mainly in the area of social cohesion and socio-economic welfare. It is against this backdrop that the paper looks at the evolving nature and works of two WETTs. The paper considers their capacities and challenges in strengthening race relations and social protection. Proposing a persuasive argument for the creation of an enabling environment, the paper draws from political theories in suggesting ways of enhancing a vibrant think thank sector in contemporary South Africa. PubDate: 2022-03-27 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v14.i1.7722 Issue No:Vol. 14, No. 1 (2022)
Authors:Olena Vadymivna Klymentova Pages: 32 - 48 Abstract: Religious advertising is a new phenomenon in the Ukrainian media space. Starting from 2019 to the time of writing, it has been right in the middle of political battles as a public platform that represents the idea of the Independent Ukrainian Church. Religious advertising with a strong political component has become part of the conflict discourse and is qualified by experts as manipulation. In religious advertising with its social convergence, the creative impulse is mainly formed with verbal means that shape a new cognitive style of gaining religious experience. The new features are represented in God's speech behavior, speech style, communicative situations with His participation, role distribution, genre preferences and the emotional background of communicative interactions. Ukrainian religious advertising strives to balance short-term political interests and long-term social interests along with eternal values. PubDate: 2022-03-27 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v14.i1.7969 Issue No:Vol. 14, No. 1 (2022)
Authors:Zainab L. Mai-Bornu, Fidelis Allen Pages: 49 - 62 Abstract: This paper presents a critical analysis of ‘Chosen Trauma’ theory and its applicability to social movement responses to oil resource extractive activities in Nigeria. Volkan’s (1985, 1997, 2005) formulations on ‘collective calamity of groups’ ancestors, defined in terms of shared pains suffered at the hands of an enemy is explored using the case of Ogoni and Ijaw movement activities against the Federal Government and oil companies operating in the Niger Delta. The framing of traumas focuses on the role played by leaders of both groups in their protests against calamitous environmental problems resulting from the activities of oil companies in the region. For the Ogoni, the memory of trauma is adaptive to non-violence while, for the Ijaw it is a fluid construction between non-violence and violence. Volkan’s theory is analytically helpful, but at the same time demands refinement to better explain the nuances in these cases. PubDate: 2022-03-27 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v14.i1.7912 Issue No:Vol. 14, No. 1 (2022)
Authors:Soumaya Abdellatif, Safouane Trabelsi, Zahia Ouadah Bedidi Pages: 63 - 82 Abstract: This paper discusses the evolution of social criticism reflected in the Tunisian Ultra groups’ football chants and investigates the Ultras’ involvement in social movements. To address this issue, we developed a database of mostly published Ultra songs found on social media which was analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings indicate that the Ultra phenomenon in Tunisia established its influence from the first decade of 2000, as a social pattern criticizing power, through confrontation of the regime inside the stadiums, and culturally through the production of a set of critically-loaded artistic expressions. We conclude that the extension of the circle of influence of Ultra groups is indicative of an overthrowing of cultural legitimacy standards but significantly is also reflective of the emergence of new social actors capable of redistributing power through their intense politicization of interactions that prior to 2011 had been mostly social. PubDate: 2022-03-27 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v14.i1.7988 Issue No:Vol. 14, No. 1 (2022)
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