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Pages: 773 - 790 Abstract: AbstractSocial movements pushed to reconceptualize intimate partner violence (IPV) as a social problem deserving of intervention rather than a private family matter. However, little work has examined which interventions the public is likely to support. How and where do personal politics affect perceptions of and responses to a social problem' To address these questions, 739 participants read a victim’s narrative from a court case and indicated their concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order, prohibiting the abuser from owning a gun, or the victim owning a gun to protect herself. Concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order was widespread, regardless of political leaning, with minor variations driven by role-taking and attitudes towards IPV. Similarly, support for the victim receiving a protection order was high, with political ideology and political affiliation having no direct effects. While concern increased support for each intervention, it held less explanatory power for gun-related interventions. Instead, political ideology and affiliation shaped support for disarming the abuser or arming the victim. Support for these interventions seemed to filter through a political lens. Thus, one’s personal politics drive divergent intervention attitudes, even when concern for a social problem is shared. PubDate: Fri, 06 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac063 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2023)
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Pages: 809 - 830 Abstract: AbstractEviction filing rates have declined in many large cities in the United States. Existing scholarship on eviction, which focuses on discrete tenant-landlord relationships, has few explanations for this decline. I consider whether community organizing by nonprofit organizations shapes the social organization of communities and causes landlords to file fewer eviction filings. In cities where tenant and anti-poverty organizing has become common, community-oriented nonprofit organizations advocate for disadvantaged communities and help residents avoid poverty. Community organizing has rarely been studied as a predictor of housing security among low-income tenants, despite studies of how community organizing shapes the use of property in wealthy neighborhoods. I estimate the causal effect of community organizations on eviction filing rates between 2000 and 2016 using longitudinal data and a strategy to account for the endogeneity of nonprofits and eviction. Evidence from year-to-year models in 75 large cities spanning sixteen years estimate that an addition of ten community nonprofits in a city of 100,000 residents is associated with a ten percent reduction in eviction filing. This effect is comparable to the effect of community organizations on murder and is roughly a third of the association between eviction and concentrated disadvantage. PubDate: Wed, 04 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac061 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2023)
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Pages: 575 - 597 Abstract: AbstractScholarship on slavery's legacy and enduring consequences has largely been limited to the South under the assumption that this region continues to be more deeply affected by slavery than other regions, notably the Northeast. Also overlooked is the extent to which slavery's consequences generalize beyond Black disadvantage, harming other racialized ethnic minority groups such as Latinos. Scholarship has paid little attention to the role of the state's institutions of social control—notably, law enforcement—in transmitting slavery’s legacy after its formal abolishment. I address these issues using quantitative techniques assessing the relationship between prior slave dependence and contemporary policing practices in U.S. Southern and Northeastern counties. I argue that as a result of slavery's influence on local legal apparatuses and institutions of social control—in areas in the South and Northeast where slave dependence was greater—law enforcement today is less likely to protect minorities, resulting in higher rates of hate crime underreporting by police. Findings reveal slavery’s nefarious consequences disadvantage Black populations but also spillover to Latinos, particularly in the South. In both regions, contemporary Black population concentration mediates slavery’s relationship with the rate of police underreporting of anti-Black crimes. PubDate: Mon, 04 Apr 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac021 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 598 - 615 Abstract: AbstractBased on interviews and participant observation of a white antiracist organization, this study asks: Can white people become antiracist' What role do white antiracist organizations play in this process' Bridging literature on whiteness and racialization with theories on habitus, I argue that white antiracist organizations act as incubators for white people to learn the “high culture” of the racial justice field, which is dominated by Black actors. White antiracist organizations provide a space for white people to emotionally process the white habitus and their own racist behaviors, colorblind or otherwise. White antiracists show a shift in behavior and ability to participate in the racial justice field with new-to-them forms of cultural capital but experience a rupture with the white habitus that isolates them as people who are white and antiracist in the larger racial field of the United States. White antiracists experience a cleft habitus that generates discomfort. I expand on the concept of the cleft habitus by including race as central to the process and highlighting the experience of the cleft habitus as it unfolds. These findings expand our understandings of whiteness, habitus, and antiracism as race and racism become more central to conversations about equity in society. PubDate: Wed, 27 Apr 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac025 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 635 - 649 Abstract: AbstractDue to hyper-imprisonment and its collateral consequences, the United States has become a carceral state where even non-criminal justice institutions have adopted punitive techniques to address social problems. This study examines how state and non-state actors who ostensibly intend to end homelessness perpetuate it through their use of coercive benevolent policing. Drawing on nearly three years of ethnographic fieldwork with a homeless service provider in Southern Nevada, this article shows that the coercive benevolent techniques used by those who attempt to assist the unhoused are deeply rooted in antiblack and colonial practices forged in the development of liberalism. I offer carceral liberalism as the conceptual link between contemporary U.S. policing and a transnational and historical past dedicated to racialized economic domination. I argue that carceral liberalism reveals the long and ongoing history of state and non-state actors marking marginalized individuals as non-subjects to the state through coercive benevolence and that these findings make a case for the abolition of larger systems of racialized punishment. PubDate: Wed, 09 Feb 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac003 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 682 - 697 Abstract: AbstractI draw on three years of participant observations in one socio-economically marginalized public elementary and one middle school to document how teachers strategically mobilize the discursive landscape of race consciousness to 1) position themselves as racially progressive while perpetuating racial harm; 2) pathologize racially marginalized students, their families, and communities; and 3) engage in racial harassment. Drawing on these findings and adding to a body of work on race-conscious racial ideologies, I articulate some basic contours of race consciousness as an emerging racial ideology within educational institutions in an era of diversity: an increased interest in, and proliferation of, race discourse; the use of progressive language around race and racial inequality that involves defining racism as inscrutable and implicit bias as unavoidable; and racial education and acknowledgement of privilege as one of the dominant pathways to achieving racial justice. Race-conscious racism, thus, re-inscribes white supremacy and Black and brown racial suffering by obscuring its own nature as a form of racism. It allows white people to treat race-talk as racial justice, and therefore inherently virtuous. It is mobilized by those with racial power to pathologize communities of color and justify racial harm while simultaneously positioning themselves as both morally superior and anti-racist. PubDate: Wed, 16 Feb 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac009 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 698 - 716 Abstract: AbstractAlthough transgender immigrants are a highly vulnerable and growing population, little sociological or criminological work has examined their experiences. This paper begins to fill that gap through in-depth life history interviews with thirteen transgender women migrants in detention and a survey of fifty-five transgender women migrants who experienced detention. Though the detention system allows trans migrants to be classified as such for housing and immigration relief (e.g., asylum), we show that the classification processes that trans women encounter continue to marginalize them and expose them to particularly gendered forms of punishment. We thus argue that adding new categories does little to ameliorate gendered inequalities without a concomitant commitment to shifting organizational cultures of classification. To support these claims, we show that being classified as transgender can serve as a punishment itself, and secondly, that such classification still exposes transgender women to unique forms of gendered violence while in detention. We conclude with implications for the gendered nature of punishment and organizations, suggesting that carceral settings are not only gendered but cisgendered, favoring cis experiences and bodies in ways that disadvantage and punish trans people. PubDate: Tue, 05 Apr 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac022 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 717 - 734 Abstract: AbstractBased on interviews, some field research, and an analysis of online material, this paper focuses on the rights struggles of diasporic Indian caste groups formerly considered “Untouchable” whose self-chosen descriptor is “Dalit.” It examines Dalit activism in the United States around caste discrimination in both India and the U.S. The goal of this study is to demonstrate how Dalit American leaders use racial analogies in their international activism, and why race is a contested frame within the community. It makes clear that “universalistic” frames can obscure crucial particularities, making it harder to address the issue at hand. But it also reveals that dogmatic, particularistic frames can compromise the unity and mission of transnational movements. A 2020 lawsuit against Cisco Systems alleging caste discrimination toward a Dalit employee by Brahmin supervisors has opened the opportunity for anti-caste activists to develop a global norm specifically around how to address caste-based discrimination. PubDate: Wed, 22 Jun 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac035 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 735 - 754 Abstract: AbstractResearch examining how race and ethnic locations shape perceptions of the police is well-established. Yet there is little research examining how religion shapes individuals’ experiences with police. This study examines the influence of race and religion on U.S. adults’ reported experiences with police harassment due to their religion. We find that, independent of race and ethnicity, Muslim adults are significantly more likely to report police harassment due to their religion. Race and ethnicity moderate this effect, with Muslim adults identifying as Black or as Middle Eastern-Arab-North African (MENA) significantly more likely than White Muslim adults to report religion-based police harassment. We find that, independent of religion, adults identifying as Black or as MENA are significantly more likely to report religion-based police harassment when compared to White individuals, a finding that is explained by these individuals’ greater reports of race-based police harassment. That is, exposure to police harassment based on race is more likely to make an individual perceive harassment based on their religion as well. These findings highlight the intersectional nature of individuals’ social locations more broadly and the importance of addressing these multiple locations if we are to address the social problem of police harassment and victimization. PubDate: Thu, 30 Jun 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac040 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 791 - 808 Abstract: AbstractThe study investigates the way local social movements respond to structural transformations in city politics. Drawing from archival research, published scholarship, and 51 in-depth interviews, we characterize the mobilization of experts into social movements in Greater Boston since the 1960s as a long-term shift from “protecting places” to “providing services.” Consonant with a shift from centralized to decentralized municipal government, we show how an initially unified resistance to urban renewal morphed into two diverging and opposing movements. One focused on housing affordability and relied on market-driven tactics; the other sought to enhance the “production of nature” through grassroots community organizing. These findings support two contributions to the scholarship on expert activism by showing that: (1) social movement organizations (SMOs) respond to structural shifts epistemologically, as well as organizationally; and (2) expert activism can alter the conditions and context of knowledge production in neighborhoods and the movements that rise in their defense. PubDate: Wed, 24 Aug 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac048 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 849 - 867 Abstract: AbstractBourdieu’s field theory has become a key heuristic for studying the impact of the market on American journalism, but this approach has not been employed to analyze the consequences of a technology-driven decline in advertising revenue. To understand this change and update the commercial critique of journalism, I extend the emerging Bourdieusian historical research program to chart transformations in the market’s heteronomous effects on journalism. To do so, I highlight how the New York Times was exceptionally positioned to manage heteronomy as it emanated through the technology, political, and financial fields. This analysis throws the crisis of the wider field into relief, a field I characterize as an “inverted pyramid” to reflect how the Times’ success deepened hierarchy, while also giving it the freedom to reinvent orthodoxy in a wide space of possibility atop the field. PubDate: Wed, 10 Aug 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac045 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2022)
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Pages: 616 - 634 Abstract: AbstractA burgeoning body of scholarship addresses how low-income first generation (LIFG) college students, across racial groups, navigate communication with their families about their experiences of class-based dissonance at socioeconomically elite institutions. Yet, there is scant corollary research addressing how LIFG students of color navigate communication with their families regarding experiences of racial dissonance and racism on campuses that are both socioeconomically elite and predominantly white. This study examines disjunctures in familial perceptions and interpretations regarding race and racism consequent to intergenerational educational mobility for LIFG students of color, whose parents are unlikely to have had analogous experiences of complete occupational and residential immersion in socioeconomically elite and predominantly white institutional environments. This work highlights an important gap in the academic literature on first-generation students at the intersections of race, class, parental educational attainment level, and immigration dynamics. Without a race-conscious analytic lens, class-based understandings of LIFG college students and their families remain incomplete. PubDate: Mon, 27 Sep 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab061 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2021)
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Pages: 650 - 664 Abstract: AbstractAfrican American women contend with multiple overlapping oppressions yet are less likely to commit suicide than other racial/gender groups. Most studies on Black women and suicide are quantitative and focus on the protective factors in their lives that act as buffers against suicide. While protective factors are a useful concept for understanding suicide protection, they address only moderators of risks for suicidal behavior instead of how people effectively cope with risks and stress (Werner 2000). More recently, researchers have begun studying resilience to suicide to ascertain how people cope and thrive in the face of adverse situations. We analyzed Black women’s social resilience to suicide. After analyzing 33 interviews with African American women, we found that they employ a repertoire of resilience that is made up of interrelated scripts that value Black women’s (1) shared experiences of struggle, (2) centuries of strength building, and (3) the counter-evaluation of privilege. We argue that by counter-framing marginalizing experiences of poverty, discrimination, and low social status, this cultural repertoire provides Black women with an empowering self-conceptualization that fosters their resistance to suicide. PubDate: Thu, 09 Dec 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab072 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2021)
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Pages: 665 - 681 Abstract: AbstractDespite the ubiquitous nature of racist and sexist discourses online, and evidence that racism and sexism are built into the architecture of online spaces, relatively little is known about how people respond to online inequalities. Using interview data with 60 young adults, I identify four response strategies which reproduce and contest racism and sexism in distinct ways. Viewing the problem as one of ignorance, white women and men of color are most likely to call-in and educate others about the emotional harm and fallacies of racism and sexism. Women of color call-out harassers, by rebutting misinformation and hate speech; they also check in, validate, and care for other women of color as a form of resistance. Focusing on so-called logic, facts, and cool rationality, white men intellectualize discrimination online. These responses are structured by race and gender, meaning they are outcomes of how discrimination is experienced and justified more broadly. This work draws further attention to the need to refine theories of racism and sexism, which do not yet take into account the cultural and structural implications of the consequences of online interactions. PubDate: Tue, 19 Oct 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab060 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2021)
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Pages: 755 - 772 Abstract: AbstractEven though older Latinxs face some of the greatest economic precarity of any demographic group in the nation, little research has focused on this group and how they survive, despite having limited economic means and access to government support. Drawing on two years of ethnographic research in an urban, Latinx community on the East Coast and on 72 in-depth interviews, this study addresses this knowledge gap by focusing on the role of peer friendship networks in the lives of low-income, foreign-born Latinx older adults. I show that peer friendships have the unique ability to prioritize and affirm their identities as Latinxs and older adults and provide returns in the form of medical, economic, and emotional support. Peers often facilitate transportation to medical appointments, provide critical information about medicines and health insurance, and try to uplift one another emotionally, especially when family support is lacking. Understanding the role these networks play in the lives of our most vulnerable has implications for our understanding of aging, poverty, and policy. PubDate: Thu, 30 Dec 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab081 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2021)
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Pages: 831 - 848 Abstract: AbstractOver the past decades, the education system has gradually grown into a central and universal institution of society, the impact of which plays a primary role in economic and social stratification. This stratification, and the way this inequality is legitimated, contains serious moral judgements that favor the higher educated over the less educated. This article focuses on the socio-psychological consequences of living in such “schooled societies” for those who are more or less successful in education. We use three waves of the European Quality of Life survey with data on 65,208 individuals across 36 countries. We investigate (1) the extent to which different educational groups feel dissatisfied about and misrecognized by virtue of their education and (2) whether the centrality of the education system in society broadens the gap between educational groups in their dissatisfaction with education and feelings of misrecognition. Results show that (1) the less educated are more likely to feel misrecognized and dissatisfied with their education than the higher educated, and (2) in countries where education is more central, the education gap in feelings of misrecognition is substantially larger. PubDate: Mon, 06 Sep 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab034 Issue No:Vol. 70, No. 3 (2021)
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