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- The 2023 SSSP Presidential Address Recycled: The Emergence and
Re-emergence of Social Problems-
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Pages: 309 - 318
Abstract: AbstractThis presidential address uses an autoethnographic approach to social problems to give the audience an opportunity to reflect upon the ways in which social problems exist, morph, wane, and return. Looking back over the social problems we have encountered over our lives as individuals and as social scientists, how might we work not only to identify but solve problems' Social problems are difficult to solve, since problems change with the times as well as with the social, political, and economic climate. The past is the present and the present is the past. The fact that the same problems reemerge time and time again shows they are significant enough to require not only our attention but also potential solutions. We should prepare our students to identify those problems that are most compelling and persistent, encouraging them and ourselves to apply a confluence of sociology, social work, economics, political science, urban studies, history in a search for solutions. We must move from the sidelines to participate not only in the study of society and its social problems but in finding solutions.
PubDate: Thu, 18 Jan 2024 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spae002
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2024)
- Serv/eillance: Cops, Queers, and Clinics in Segregated Chicago
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Pages: 319 - 333
Abstract: AbstractThe Chicago Police Department’s community policing program partners with several LGBTQ service providers in and around Chicago’s white middle class “gayborhood.” These organizations make strange bedfellows for law enforcement, given that many of their clients are queer and trans people of color (QTPOC) and, indeed, targets of policing and gentrification projects. This study draws on eighteen months of ethnography and in-depth interviews to examine motivations and consequences of these inter-agency unions. The study finds that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are incorporated into racialized policing strategies through mechanisms ranging from contractual agreement to implicit expectation. While NGOs resist directly criminalizing their QTPOC clients, some discourage them from lingering around service centers, effectively making them invisible in the white gayborhood. Findings demonstrate that in a post-welfare police state, sexual health governance is racially and economically circumscribed, as well as mediated, by institutional intimacies between governmental and non-governmental agencies. I argue that LGBTQ service provision is situated within a multilevel monitoring system, a structure I term “serv/eillance.” Providing services to LGBTQ+POC becomes conditioned on state surveillance, while receiving services is conditioned on being surveilled, by police or by proxy.
PubDate: Thu, 09 Nov 2023 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spad052
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2023)
- Historical Markers or Markers of White Supremacy' Confederate
Memorialization, Racial Threat, and Hate Crime-
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Pages: 334 - 352
Abstract: AbstractMany Confederate monuments were erected during the Jim Crow era, sending symbolic messages of intimidation and hostility to the Black population. Yet no studies have examined the relationship between contemporary Confederate memorialization and bias crime. Drawing from research on hate crime law compliance, we posit an inverse relationship between Confederate monuments and mobilization of hate crime law, such that compliance with hate crime laws will be lower in communities with memorialization, but that among complying agencies, anti-Black hate crime rates will be higher. To examine these relationships, we combined data from the Uniform Crime Report Hate Crime Statistics and the American Community Survey with Confederate monument data from the Southern Poverty Law Center. We conducted analyses predicting a) monument presence, b) agency non-compliance, and c) anti-Black hate crime. Results indicate that monuments are located in communities exemplifying a challenge to racial hierarchies: economically advantaged communities with larger Black populations. Regarding hate crime, analyses show that (1) the American South is associated with reduced compliance, and, (2) after accounting for compliance, Confederate memorialization is associated with increased anti-Black hate crime. These findings have implications for intergroup conflict and the impact of local symbolism on the formal mobilization of hate crime law.
PubDate: Mon, 06 Jun 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac033
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Race, Gender, and Police Violence in the Shadow of Controlling Images
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Pages: 353 - 376
Abstract: AbstractDespite the emergence of the #SayHerName movement alongside #BlackLivesMatter, research on police encounters is rarely intersectional and has largely neglected the potentially violent consequences of gendered and racialized “controlling images.” Using New York City investigatory stop data (2007–2014), and drawing on controlling images theory, our analysis shows that Black men and women experience higher rates of police violence than White men and women. Within race, analyses indicate that Black men experience more police violence than Black women. The same gender gap exists for Whites, Asians, and Latinx persons, suggesting that broad cultural perceptions of femininity and masculinity shape police violence. However, these gendered frames mostly dissolve in instances of potentially fatal violence, as we find no gender differences within race or ethnicity in these extreme cases with one exception: police point their guns at Black men slightly more than at Black women. Further, the controlling image criminalizing Black men casts a long shadow—police are more likely to use violence on individuals stopped in the company of a Black man across gender, race, and ethnicity. This study provides a comprehensive, intersectional analysis of police encounters, both reaffirming and extending controlling images to understand why race, ethnicity, and gender disparities in state violence experiences persist.
PubDate: Tue, 05 Apr 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac018
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- The Bureaucratic Dissociation of Race in Policing: From State Racial
Projects to Colorblind Ideologies-
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Pages: 377 - 392
Abstract: AbstractPolicing has long been implicated in state projects that construct race and racial inequality, yet many officers maintain that their work is colorblind. Burgeoning theories of racialized organizations offer a means of analyzing the processes that mediate such relationships between state racial projects and the ideologies of individuals. I suggest an extension of the racialized organizations framework that specifically considers the functions and forms of bureaucracies. Using a case study of policing in a segregated city, I describe a phenomenon of bureaucratic dissociation: bureaucratic arrangements facilitate racial governance, on the one hand, while obscuring the racial logics and consequences of daily work from officers, on the other. After detailing the incorporation of racial state interests into the police bureaucracy, I draw on over 500 hours of ethnographic observations of police work to explore the connections between bureaucratic structures and the racial ideologies of the police. I find widespread denial of racism in officers’ accounts of phenomena ranging from segregation to police shootings. Officers instead offer colorblind interpretations of social problems and narrate their work in relation to geographic and functional subdivisions, policies, and laws. These organizational accounts operate to legitimize police work in the face of its ongoing racial projects.
PubDate: Wed, 30 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac019
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- State Capacity and Opportunistic Governance: The Causes and Consequences
of Regulatory Brokerage in Thailand’s Guestwork Formalization Process-
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Pages: 393 - 411
Abstract: AbstractHow and why does brokerage become pivotal to guest work governance' While research on intermediaries in temporary migrant labor programs has proliferated in the last decade, there is limited analysis of the conditions that create regulatory roles for brokers and shape their policy and social impacts in host states. By analyzing the causes and consequences of documentation brokerage in Thailand’s guest work formalization process, I link sociological work on brokerage with relational conceptions of state power. Drawing from 17 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Thailand, I argue that gaps in the state’s regulatory infrastructure amid heightened coercive policy enforcement create profitable opportunities for brokers to act as intermediaries between migrants, employers, and state offices to facilitate policy implementation. The informality and opportunism of such brokerage, however, can also generate activities that undermine official policy, with varying consequences for state control. Comparing brokerage between two sites, I show that brokers in each location improve the state’s capacity to formalize migrant labor, but the added social/regulatory dimension of the border in the second site creates brokerage opportunities that push the boundaries of official policy. In both sites, documentation brokerage imposes adverse economic effects on migrants.
PubDate: Fri, 04 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac012
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Shared Satisfaction among Residents Living in Multiracial Neighborhoods
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Pages: 412 - 436
Abstract: AbstractMultiracial neighborhood integration has become more common in U.S. metropolitan areas over the past three decades. This article takes up the question: are residents satisfied living in multiracial neighborhoods' Traditional theories of racial change predict low levels of satisfaction in these neighborhoods, while newer studies question that prediction. The article uses data representing all residents of multiracial neighborhoods in the Washington, DC, area to study neighborhood satisfaction in multiracial neighborhoods. The analysis finds evidence of shared satisfaction among residents regardless of race: large and equal shares of each racial group were satisfied. White residents were less satisfied than white residents of neighborhoods elsewhere in the metropolitan region, but were unlikely to perceive neighborhood decline. The shared satisfaction among residents of all races and the lack of racial antipathy to change among white residents suggests that multiracial neighborhoods offer sites to promote racial equity.
PubDate: Thu, 30 Jun 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac038
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Gentrifiers Evading Stigma: Social Integrationists in the Neighborhood of
the Future-
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Pages: 437 - 454
Abstract: AbstractHow does the moral calculus of gentrification change for self-conscious newcomers in neighborhoods with a reputation deemed unworthy of preserving' In pointing to a set of practices distinct from “pioneering” accounts of gentrification, Brown-Saracino (2007) identified social preservationists as figures who seek to preserve authentic community and the marginalized old-timers who embody it. Using the deviant case of Bridgeport—a historically White neighborhood in Chicago with a deeply historical and persistent reputation for racism —we examine how self-conscious newcomers orient themselves to the gentrification process when the old-timers are not considered a marginalized group worth protecting, but rather a powerful group with problematic racial views. Whereas Brown-Saracino identified the importance of “selecting the old-timer” among a set of potential representatives of a valorized past, we suggest that in this case, newcomers fight to redefine a neighborhood based on a socially desirable future. Drawing on two distinct sets of ethnographic and interview-based data, we outline how this process has unfolded. We conclude that Bridgeport’s story points to the importance of examining how gentrification ideologies emerge from the collision of personal commitments and neighborhood context, as neighborhood newcomers balance their ethics, concerns over personal reputation, and salient aspects of their new homes, including place reputation.
PubDate: Wed, 18 May 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac026
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Uneven Access to Justice: Social Context and Eligibility for the Right to
Counsel-
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Pages: 455 - 479
Abstract: AbstractThe right to counsel is a cornerstone of due process. This article explores the legal construction of “indigency” in criminal county courts. I examine Texas’s Fair Defense Act (2001), a policy mandate that required all 254 counties to create formal criteria used for determining eligibility for access to counsel, as an empirical case for understanding local policy choices that shape access to justice. Drawing on novel data from court plans, I find significant variation in the stringency of eligibility criteria used to determine indigency. Results show that socioeconomic conditions, racial threat, interest group presence, and elements of judicial discretion are key determinants of restrictive eligibility criteria. These findings suggest racial threat can be tied to the institutional design of policies, rather than the enforcement or dormancy of criminal law. The variable institutionalization of eligibility criteria has implications for understanding the entrenchment of racial and class-based inequalities in access to legal institutions.
PubDate: Wed, 25 May 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac030
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Persistent Inequalities in College Completion, 1980–2010
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Pages: 480 - 508
Abstract: AbstractFewer than half of America’s college students complete their bachelor’s degrees. To many, cost seems to be the crucial barrier. Sociologists of education have long argued, though, that inequalities start before costs matter. Entrenched “sort and sieve” processes apportion outcomes to family background. The whole system of grading, testing, and selecting some students while rejecting others makes a degree much more likely for students from higher status families—and that system was in place long before states limited appropriations and tuition skyrocketed. Analyzing longitudinal data from three cohorts of high school students, we find only small changes in the college graduation rate as of 1988, 1998, and 2010. Second, baseline socioeconomic and racial disparities in college completion were just as high in 1988 as in 2010. Third, mediation analysis shows that half of the socioeconomic disparities work through pre-college factors such as grades and curriculum choices. The other half reflect higher graduation rates at selective colleges. Fourth, the only notable change concerned community colleges; the potential disadvantage of starting at one declined after the 1980s. Our analysis affirms sociologists’ focus on persistent aspects of academic sorting, not recent changes, as the root of inequality of opportunity in American higher education.
PubDate: Fri, 18 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac014
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Women Who Break the Glass Ceiling Get a “Paper Cut”: Gender,
Fame, and Media Sentiment-
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Pages: 509 - 530
Abstract: AbstractPast quantitative studies have shown that most media coverage is of men. Here we ask if the scarce coverage that women get is qualitatively different from that of men. We use computer-coded sentiment scores for 14 million person names covered in 1,323 newspapers to investigate the three-way relationship between gender, fame, and sentiment. Additional large-scale data on occupational categories allow us to compare women and men within the same profession and rank. We propose that as women’s fame increases their media coverage becomes negative more quickly when compared to men (a “paper cut”), because their violation of gender hierarchies and social expectations about typical feminine behavior evokes disproportionate scrutiny. We find that while overall media coverage is much more positive for women than for men, this difference disappears and even reverses at higher levels of fame. In encyclopedic sentiment data we find no biographic basis for women’s disproportionate decline in media coverage sentiment at high fame, consistent with the conjectured double standard in media discourse.
PubDate: Mon, 04 Apr 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac020
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- How Intersectional Threat Shapes Views of Gun Policy: The John Wayne
Solution-
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Pages: 531 - 552
Abstract: AbstractGuns are highly visible in the news, in politics, and in American culture more broadly. While most Americans support some gun control, a significant and vocal minority of Americans are firmly opposed. Drawing on work from the recently developing sociology of modern gun culture, we propose an intersectional threat model—wherein perceived threats to multiple privileged identities provoke a distinct response—for understanding the positions Americans take on gun policies. Using data from a 2018 national survey conducted by the American National Election Survey, we find a robust role for perceived threats along gender, race, and citizenship lines in opposition to background checks for private sales and an assault weapons ban as well as support for arming teachers. Interactions reveal multiplicative effects: that gender threats matter more when racial and immigrant threats are also felt. We discuss implications for the prospect of policy and for understanding the pro-gun alt-right movement and other potential applications of intersectional threat.
PubDate: Fri, 18 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac017
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Banging while Believing: The Intersection of Religiosity, Gang Membership,
and Violence-
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Pages: 553 - 571
Abstract: AbstractReligious groups and street gangs typically exhibit contrasting cultural systems that produce different behavioral consequences, especially relating to crime and violence. This study introduces and develops the isolated and integrated affiliation models to explain the potential intersection of gang membership and religious affiliation. The isolated affiliation model predicts that gang membership and personal religiosity are incompatible affiliations and will not overlap. The integrated affiliation model predicts that individuals can simultaneously embrace and negotiate gang and religious affiliations even when they seem opposed to each other. Using Add Health data, this study examines the intersection between religiosity, youth gang membership, and violence. Findings indicate that gang members do report being religious, although they are significantly less religious than non-gang peers on three of the four individual measures of religiosity, with a marginally significant difference on the overall religiosity scale. Among the full sample, religiosity is inversely associated with violence while gang membership is positively associated with violence. Among a gang-only subsample, personal religiosity is inversely related to the prevalence but not the extent of violence. These findings provide insight into potential role and identity conflicts experienced by religious youth gang members. Seemingly oppositional affiliations can overlap with religious life, influencing some forms of behavior.
PubDate: Mon, 09 May 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac027
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
- Surveillance, Social Control, and Managing Semi-Legality in U.S.
Commercial Cannabis-
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Pages: 572 - 593
Abstract: AbstractThis article presents a case study of commercial cannabis in the United States. Drawing on 56 interviews with cannabis stakeholders collected between 2018–2020, I examine how different governmentalities of surveillance became distorted by the contradiction between state and federal cannabis laws. As in other regulated markets, these governmentalities informed state-sponsored surveillance initiatives to stop, contain, or support certain forms of deviance by commercial cannabis businesses. Due to fragmented governance, the efficacy of these initiatives depended in part upon the actions of the regulated cannabis industry. Commercial cannabis businesses looked to how surveillance was configured to develop strategies that could help them overcome challenges stemming from their semi-legality. These strategies included incorporating practices that were not required by law, partnering with the state in surveillance efforts, and engaging in activities to combat the black market. I argue that the embedded relationship between governmentalities, surveillance initiatives, and commercial cannabis activities transformed these strategies into mechanisms through which structure emerged in this nascent market. This paper introduces a set of surveillance categories, proposes new directions for research on social control and markets, and offers a novel study of commercial cannabis that can help to explain the trajectory of this market.
PubDate: Thu, 23 Jun 2022 00:00:00 GMT
DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac037
Issue No: Vol. 71, No. 2 (2022)
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