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Pages: 887 - 902 Abstract: The very practice of remembering against the grain of “public” hegemonic history, of locating the silence and the struggle to assert knowledge that is outside the parameters of the dominant, suggests a rethinking of sociality itself. Chandra Mohanty, 2004Clearly the Social Scientist should be accurate and objective, but not neutral; he should be passionately partisan in favor of the welfare of the people and against the interest of the few when they seem to submerge that welfare. In a word, the reason for the existence of the social scientist is that his academic findings contribute to the betterment of the people’s well-being. Oliver Cromwell Cox, 1948It's a folk singer's job to comfort disturbed people and to disturb comfortable people. Woody Guthrie, 1948 PubDate: Tue, 30 Aug 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac047 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2022)
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Pages: 1188 - 1192 Abstract: It is impossible to edit a journal without the help of reviewers. We are struck again and again by the dedication, quality, and professionalism that characterize the reviews conducted for Social Problems. The following have completed at least one review during the period June 1, 2021 through May 31, 2022. Thank you! PubDate: Tue, 11 Oct 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spac057 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2022)
Please help us test our new pre-print finding feature by giving the pre-print link a rating. A 5 star rating indicates the linked pre-print has the exact same content as the published article.
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Pages: 903 - 927 Abstract: AbstractElite cultural fields are often not diverse. Existing studies have examined how marginalized cultural producers are actively discriminated against or excluded from positions of prestige, but less is known about how ethnoracial inequality affects the evaluative processes used to assess products in fields of cultural production. This article analyzes 120 in-depth interviews with critically-recognized chefs in New York City and the San Francisco Bay Area and 1,380 Michelin restaurant reviews to uncover the system of insidious racial inequality that shapes evaluation in the American fine dining field. I find that there are three logics of evaluation—of (1) technique, (2) creativity, and (3) authenticity—that are differentially enacted for distinct ethnoracial categories of restaurants in the field. I show how these different, racialized evaluative processes result in the systematic devaluation of culinary products categorically associated with non-whiteness, what I call Ethnic restaurants, and disproportionate consecration of products associated with whiteness, which I term Classic and Flexible restaurants. I bring the race/ethnicity and sociology of culture literatures together to illuminate the ways in which inequality infiltrates the logics that organize systems of value in fields of cultural production. PubDate: Fri, 22 Jan 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spaa075 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 928 - 951 Abstract: AbstractHomeownership is often tied to cultural conceptions of model citizenship, yet African Americans have long faced structural barriers to owning a home. Credit discrimination has often constrained black homeownership. However, missing from accounts of race, credit, and homeownership is how people purchase homes without mortgages. Through an analysis of public deed and mortgage records in Baltimore, I show that informal housing transactions – unregulated transfers outside of the mortgage market – are primarily located within majority-black neighborhoods. Using data from interviews with 336 homeowners, renters, and real estate investors, I show that informal markets put buyers in a uniquely vulnerable position. The exchange process in informal markets often consists of buyer and seller, with no third-party actor providing oversight to the transaction. Consequently, homebuyers face uncertainty over legal title and the value of the home, making it impossible to make informed decisions about the costs and benefits of homeownership at the time of purchase. Those who purchased from out-of-network real estate investors faced the harshest consequences, with sellers often structuring contracts to disadvantage consumers. Recent reports show that millions have purchased homes without institutional credit. It is worth examining how unregulated housing markets in neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage contribute to racial inequalities. PubDate: Sat, 27 Feb 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab004 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 952 - 967 Abstract: AbstractThis article offers the concept of “economies of recognition” to analyze the moral frames that siblings caring for left-behind parents in China use to negotiate intimate connections to their emigrant brothers and sisters. We argue that the impact of family dislocation on sibling relations is shaped by family members’ co-constructed relational infrastructure. Our findings identify four types of relational infrastructure—collaboration, intrusion/interference, voluntary takeover, and feeling left behind—that mediate the impact of geographic proximity on parental caregiving. We suggest that the interplay between physical distance and elder care is emotionally experienced, interactionally evaluated, and symbolically understood. Understanding solidarity, conflicts, and ambivalence in the contexts of family crisis requires a close examination of how members of a care network attribute each other’s roles and contributions to power symmetry or asymmetry. This explains why the advice, information, money, people, and emotions that are circulated are thought of as helpful resources in some cases but perceived as constraints in others. PubDate: Sat, 12 Jun 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab021 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 968 - 996 Abstract: AbstractDrawing on theories of intergroup conflict and research on political legitimization of prejudice and crime motivated by bias, this study examines the temporal clustering of hate crimes in the aftermath of triggering events in the UK. In addition to domestic and nondomestic terrorist attacks, we consider the effects of the EU referendum widely known as Brexit. Consistent with previous work, the results reveal sharp increases of hate crimes in the aftermath of the antecedent events. However, we found that the effects of the EU referendum were more prolonged and more intense than the effects of the other triggering events. Moreover, the effects of domestic events are generally significant and stronger in magnitude than nondomestic events. Finally, the results show that the duration and decay of the effects of terrorist attacks on hate crimes generally mirror the severity of the galvanizing event. Taken together, our findings underscore the role of the EU referendum in explaining dramatic increases in crime motivated by bias. Accordingly, they are of particular importance to politicians and policy makers and have implications that go beyond the case of Brexit. PubDate: Thu, 20 May 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab005 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 997 - 1024 Abstract: AbstractSocial movement scholars have frequently pointed to individuals’ personal networks to explain protest participation. While the recruitment function of micro networks has been explored in depth, the support effect of networks has received only scant attention. The study explores how and to what extent social support and social constraints in people’s personal networks explain differential protest participation. Three dimensions of support are distinguished: the politicization of a person’s network, the political agreement about the protest topic within a person’s network, and the social approval of protest participation within a person’s network. Drawing on panel survey data (N=1,684) of a large protest in Belgium including both participants and non-participants, we test whether the support effects of networks play a role on top of the recruitment effect. We find evidence that two functions of social networks (politicization and social approval) affect protest participation. Additionally, we find differences in support-effects across types of social ties. Co-members of an organization exert influence on protest participation across a variety of support functions. The most intimate ties prospective participants have (partners), in contrast, matter only in so far as they approve of participation. PubDate: Mon, 21 Jun 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab010 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1025 - 1045 Abstract: AbstractWhat happens when people not only talk to one another but collaborate closely and form strong relationships in conditions of political heterogeneity' This article analyzes data from ethnographic research in seven states with homebirth midwives who, reflecting the “strange coalition” of feminists and traditionalists that analysts have long described in this community, self-identify with a wide range of partisan political affiliations and with divergent positions on the key issue of professional midwifery licensure. Results show that this community’s use of a shared model of care as a boundary object to facilitate collaboration without consensus relies upon a focus on sameness and a bracketing of the ideological commitments that undergird practitioners’ investment in the model of care. When difference is directly engaged, collaboration across political difference becomes difficult to sustain. I argue that bridging ideological divides using boundary objects is politically costly. Collaborative relationships and coalitions are made precarious and risk depoliticizing shared concerns when they are bound by a weakly structured, network-level object whose use demands the allocation of attention to sameness and the bracketing of difference and political disagreement. PubDate: Tue, 22 Jun 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab017 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1046 - 1067 Abstract: AbstractGuided by the intersectionality framework and social stress theory, this study provides a sociological analysis of Black women’s psychological health. Using data from the National Survey of American Life (N=2972), we first examine U.S. Black women’s psychological health through the intersections of their ethnicity, nativity, and socioeconomic status. Next, we assess the extent to which stress exposure (e.g., discrimination, financial strain, and negative interactions with family members) explains any discovered status differences in psychological health among Black women. Results reveal that foreign-born Afro-Caribbean women living in the United States experience a mental health advantage vis-à-vis their U.S.-born African American female counterparts. In addition, college-educated African American women experience fewer depressive symptoms but similar rates of lifetime PTSD relative to African American women without a college education. Last, though stress exposure was associated with poor mental health, it did not explain status differences in mental health. Overall, this study reveals that Black women, despite shared gendered and racialized oppression, are not a monolithic group, varying along other dimensions of stratification. The results suggest that other stress exposures and psychological resources should be explored in future work examining status differences in mental health among Black women. PubDate: Fri, 16 Jul 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab022 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1068 - 1091 Abstract: AbstractWhile research has demonstrated that high residential mobility has negative consequences for an array of outcomes, particularly among women and young adults, the mechanisms underlying these associations are unclear. The consequences of high residential mobility may be comprised solely of a series of short-term disruptions surrounding individual moves, or there may also be long-term, cumulative effects from repeated moves. High residential mobility may diminish access to resources as individuals move to different neighborhoods, impose a cognitive burden that impairs their ability to plan ahead, or decrease the relative power they have in their relationships to limit exposure to risk behaviors. We adjudicate between these possibilities by predicting the effects of high residential mobility on sexual intercourse and contraceptive use, the proximate determinants of pregnancy, during women’s transition to adulthood. Using 2.5 years of monthly address data for 882 respondents in the Relationship Dynamics and Social Life study—a random sample of young women in Genesee County, Michigan—we find that high residential mobility is associated with long-term decreases in contraceptive use. These long-term consequences are independent of the short-term effects of individual moves and attributable to diminished contraceptive access. We disentangle the effects of home-leaving, which is distinct from subsequent moves. PubDate: Sat, 17 Jul 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab009 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1092 - 1108 Abstract: AbstractConsidering contemporary urban contexts, where housing precarity is an eminent problem for the urban working poor, this research asks how those employed as doorkeepers navigate everyday experiences of double precarity, i.e., the risk of being simultaneously fired and evicted. Doorkeepers in Istanbul are minimum-wage workers and internal migrants. Yet, unlike other low-wage employees, they live rent-free in basement apartments in return for serving their neighbors who are also their employers. Through the earthquake risk-driven urban transformation that necessitates demolition and reconstruction of more than 2,000 multi-unit buildings in Istanbul’s upper-middle income neighborhoods, doorkeepers are replaced with informal laborers or privatized outsourced services, and hence experience simultaneous job loss and involuntary displacement. Employing an ethnographic examination of these workers and their precarity management strategies, this research suggests that studying experiences of intersecting employment and housing market precarities allows us to extend our understanding of precarity beyond the labor market. More specifically, this research suggests that precarious labor processes are integral to housing precarity and should be studied in relation to both housing and shifting urban policies. PubDate: Sat, 17 Jul 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab013 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1109 - 1136 Abstract: AbstractIn the United States, survey research and qualitative studies consistently find that people of color—and Blacks in particular—report substantially lower levels of trust than do whites. These racial differences in trust pervade a range of social contexts, from interpersonal relationships with friends, family, and neighbors to interactions with the health care and criminal justice systems. Scholars often attribute racial differences in trust to historical and contemporary forms of discrimination, yet few studies have assessed the relationship among race, discrimination, and trust in the context of the United States. Using the Chicago Community Adult Health Study, I examine how the experience of discrimination relates to generalized trust, trust in neighbors, and trust in community police. Findings reveal that personal experience with discrimination contributes modestly to racial differences in trust. In fact, the negative association between discrimination and generalized trust appears strongest for whites. These findings suggest that understanding distrust requires a richer conceptual framework that moves beyond personal experience with discrimination. I argue that the theory of systemic racism provides a framework for understanding distrust as a consequence of countervailing efforts to uphold and contest the racial hierarchy. PubDate: Sat, 17 Jul 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab011 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1137 - 1153 Abstract: AbstractMiddle-class households typically search for housing with an eye to long-term residence and are able to maintain a high level of stability, but what happens when these households are forced to make mobility decisions after exposure to a disaster and subsequent residential displacement' Through longitudinal interviews with 59 households in a middle-class suburb of Houston that flooded during Hurricane Harvey, we found that residential mobility decisions—whether to stay and rebuild or move—were guided by households’ durable plans about the future. The majority of households decided to remain and rebuild their homes, despite the ability to move and pressure from friends and family to relocate to less vulnerable places with similar amenities. The households that stayed had long-term plans to remain in their homes before the flood, while the small number who decided to move generally had well-defined plans to do so in the near future before the storm hit. Our findings reveal the role of plans in the residential decision-making of middle-class households and have implications for understanding post-disaster immobility at a time when middle-class households are increasingly exposed to environmental disasters. PubDate: Sat, 17 Jul 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab026 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1154 - 1169 Abstract: AbstractWhile social scientists have studied the relationship between police culture and use of force for decades, federal immigration agents have been left out of these analyses. Addressing this gap is urgent given patterns of excessive force at the militarized U.S.-Mexico border. Drawing on bureaucratic documents and interviews with active Border Patrol agents, this article examines the culture of force within this organization. I show that the Border Patrol produces a sense of exceptional threat and power among agents through 1) narratives that construct the border as a uniquely dangerous work environment, and 2) lessons that encourage an overly-individualistic view of reasonableness, the constitutional standard that governs police force in the United States. Together, these organizational messages foster in agents a disproportionate sense of threat coupled with an awareness of the low probability of legal sanction for force violations. This paradoxical combination of vulnerability and power undergirds agents’ conceptions of their force authority. PubDate: Tue, 20 Jul 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab020 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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Pages: 1170 - 1187 Abstract: AbstractDrawing upon 140 interviews with individuals detained on gun-related charges, this article examines how participants’ experiences with gun-related policing and punishment shaped their beliefs and behaviors surrounding guns and gun violence. Findings suggest that respondents characterized many of their gun-related experiences as unjust. They argue that their policing encounters reinforced discriminatory practices and stereotypes, undermining a key feature of procedural and distributive justice – impartiality. Respondents’ experiences with police harassment and neglect attenuated their willingness to seek out and cooperate with the police by communicating that the law was not designed to serve marginalized groups, who often are treated as suspects first and victims second. By contrast, gang enhancements were key in shaping respondents’ perceptions of unjust punishment, as these severe penalties also revealed inequities by race/ethnicity, class, and other social characteristics. The legitimacy erosion and sense of failed protection by the state produced by these encounters ultimately helped to create a context whereby illegal gun carry was positioned as a necessary strategy. Findings from this study extend existing scholarship on justice perceptions by demonstrating how specific policing, punishment, and criminalization processes can damage the law’s legitimacy and inadvertently encourage the violence that the law was designed to deter. PubDate: Tue, 20 Jul 2021 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/socpro/spab025 Issue No:Vol. 69, No. 4 (2021)
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