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INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND AID (103 journals)                     

Showing 1 - 97 of 97 Journals sorted alphabetically
Africa Development     Open Access   (Followers: 33)
African Evaluation Journal     Open Access  
African Journal of Economic and Sustainable Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
African Journal of Sustainable Development     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
Afrique contemporaine : La revue de l'Afrique et du développement     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Annals of Humanities and Development Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Asia Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Asian Education and Development Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Campbell Systematic Reviews     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Canadian Foreign Policy Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Capacity.org     Free   (Followers: 1)
Cuadernos de Trabajo Hegoa     Open Access  
Desarrollo y Sociedad     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Desenvolvimento em Questão     Open Access  
Developing Country Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Development Engineering     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Development Management     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Development Studies Research     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
DRd - Desenvolvimento Regional em debate     Open Access  
Economia & Região     Open Access  
Economic History of Developing Regions     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Economic Journal of Development Issues     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Economic Journal of Emerging Markets     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Economics and Rural Development     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Economics Development Analysis Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Economics of Development     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Economies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Emerging Economy Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Environmental Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Finance & Development     Free   (Followers: 10)
Forum for Development Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Ghana Journal of Development Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Iberoamerican Journal of Development Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Indian Growth and Development Review     Hybrid Journal  
Indian Journal of Human Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Innovation and Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Insight on Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Affairs and Global Strategy     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
International Development Policy : Revue internationale de politique de développement     Open Access  
International Economics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of Agricultural Management and Development     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Developing Societies     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
International Journal of Development Issues     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 14)
International Journal of Peace and Development Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 22)
International Journal of Regional Development     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International NGO Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
International Review of Environmental and Resource Economics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
IZA Journal of Labor & Development     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Journal of Accounting and Finance in Emerging Economies     Open Access  
Journal of African Studies and Development     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Journal of Agribusiness in Developing and Emerging Economies     Hybrid Journal  
Journal of Asian Development     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies     Open Access  
Journal of Contemporary Integrative Ideas     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Developing Economies     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Development and Administrative Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Journal of Development Policy and Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Journal of Economic Development Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Journal of Economic Issues     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Journal of Environmental Economics and Policy     Partially Free   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Global Responsibility     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Journal of Humanitarian Logistics and Supply Chain Management     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Journal of Illicit Economies and Development     Open Access  
Journal of International Business Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 49)
Journal of Management for Global Sustainability     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Social and Economic Development     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Journal of Sustainable Development Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 18)
Journal of Sustainable Finance & Investment     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Journal of the Indian Ocean Region     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Jurnal Ekonomi dan Studi Pembangunan     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Markets, Globalization & Development Review : The Official Journal of the International Society of Markets and Development     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
MediaTrend     Open Access  
Membership Management Report The     Hybrid Journal  
New African Magazine     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
QA : Rivista dell’Associazione Rossi-Doria     Full-text available via subscription  
Regional Formation and Development Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Review of Development and Change     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Review of Economics and Development Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Revista Internacional de Cooperación y Desarrollo     Open Access  
Revista Perspectivas do Desenvolvimento     Open Access  
Rozwój Regionalny i Polityka Regionalna     Open Access  
Scholedge International Journal of Management & Development     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Social Development Issues     Full-text available via subscription  
Special Events Galore     Hybrid Journal  
St Antony's International Review     Full-text available via subscription  
Stability : International Journal of Security and Development     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Studies in Comparative International Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Successful Fundraising     Hybrid Journal  
Technological and Economic Development of Economy     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Tropicultura     Open Access  
Volunteer Management Report     Full-text available via subscription  
World Development Perspectives     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
World Journal of Entrepreneurship, Management and Sustainable Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
World Journal of Science, Technology and Sustainable Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)

           

Similar Journals
Journal Cover
Studies in Comparative International Development
Journal Prestige (SJR): 1.073
Citation Impact (citeScore): 1
Number of Followers: 19  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0039-3606 - ISSN (Online) 1936-6167
Published by Springer-Verlag Homepage  [2658 journals]
  • Upgrading Big Brother: Local Strategic Adaptation in China’s
           Security Industry

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      Abstract: What are the circumstances under which latecomer firms can develop indigenous innovative capacity and compete globally' China’s construction of a vast domestic security apparatus has contributed to it becoming the world’s largest supplier and consumer of video surveillance products and services. It has also produced several globally competitive companies, including those engaged in digital surveillance. Although security equipment producers initially emerged in Guangdong province, China’s leading technology companies are concentrated in Zhejiang province. This comparative study is motivated by the puzzle of why Guangdong, which has a larger security equipment industry with more local investment and earlier introduction of foreign technology, has lagged behind Zhejiang in technological upgrading. We trace this provincial variation to the policy choices of local state bureaucracies and the business strategies of local enterprises. While macro-level variables such as market demand and establishing national industry standards are important for industrial development, this study demonstrates the critical role of local technocrats and entrepreneurs in facilitating technological innovation in a rapidly evolving surveillance regime. Our analysis also reveals how latecomers to a technology-intensive industry were able to adapt their products strategically to meet the technical demands of a major segment of the domestic market, China’s public security sector.
      PubDate: 2021-10-06
       
  • Does Foreign Aid Bifurcate Donor Approval': Patronage Politics,
           Winner–Loser Status, and Public Attitudes toward the Donor

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      Abstract: While recent research has shown a growing interest in the consequences of China’s foreign aid giving, few have examined how public attitudes towards China in recipient countries have responded to the surging inflows of Chinese aid. Using a geo-referenced dataset combining individual survey data with foreign aid project sites information, this paper examines the association between Chinese aid projects and public approval of China’s influence in African countries. Despite contributing to development and growth in recipient countries, Chinese aid inflows may have a bifurcating effect on the approval of the donor along a partisan line. In the African context of neopatrimonialism and patronage politics, Chinese foreign aid packages are likely manipulated by the recipient government to further its domestic political interests, which could result in a partisan bias in the distribution of aid benefits favoring supporters of the incumbent government. As a result, the local presence of Chinese aid sites would be more strongly associated with a favorable attitude towards China among supporters of the incumbent political party than supporters of the opposition. We find support for our argument from a multilevel modeling of the association between the approval of China among individuals and the presence of nearby Chinese aid projects sites between 2009 and 2014.
      PubDate: 2021-09-14
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09341-w
       
  • Aid Management, Trust, and Development Policy Influence: New Evidence from
           a Survey of Public Sector Officials in Low-Income and Middle-Income
           Countries

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      Abstract: Bilateral and multilateral development agencies spend a great deal of time, money, and effort trying to shape the reform priorities and processes of their counterpart countries. However, the means by which development agencies can achieve these ends are poorly understood. This article draws upon the first-hand experiences and observations of more than 1000 public sector officials from 70 low- and middle-income countries to better understand which external sources of reform advice and assistance are most and least useful to public sector decision-makers—and why. We find that donors more effectively shape reform priorities when they choose to deliver their funding through the public financial management systems of counterpart countries, rather than using channels of aid delivery—in particular, technical assistance programs—that bypass host governments and signal a lack of trust in the motivations and capabilities of the local authorities. This finding holds true even after controlling for institutional quality, or the trustworthiness of public sector institutions, in aid-receiving countries. As such, our results call attention to the fact that development agencies can amplify their policy influence by entrusting their counterpart governments with aid management responsibilities.
      PubDate: 2021-09-01
       
  • The Most Vulnerable Poor: Clientelism Among Slum Dwellers

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      Abstract: Are slum dwellers more involved in clientelistic arrangements than other (urban poor) voters' While poverty is a key predictor of clientelism, some urban poor voters are more involved in clientelistic arrangements than others. Insecure tenure, lack of access to public resources, and location in areas exposed to environmental shocks increase the vulnerability of slum dwellers. This vulnerability is used by politicians and brokers, who politicize access to scarce resources, and thus make slum dweller more exposed to clientelism. The qualitative literature has long highlighted how clientelism provides a strategy for slum dwellers to cope with their vulnerability, but this population is often excluded from quantitative analyses of clientelism. Using survey data from Argentina and a matching technique that allows us to compare slum dwellers with similar non-slum dwellers, we find that there is indeed a higher prevalence of clientelism among the former. We use a survey experiment on monitoring and sanctions to show that this different exposure to clientelism is consequential. We find different responses across similarly poor slum dwellers and non-slum dwellers regarding the potential consequences of defecting from clientelistic arrangements. Our findings suggest that including slum dwellers in quantitative analyses would improve our understanding of clientelism.
      PubDate: 2021-09-01
       
  • Climbing to the Top' How Globalized Competition for Capital Affects
           Judicial Independence

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      Abstract: In this article, building on the globalized competition-driven policy convergence literature, we argue that states improve judicial independence when their competitors for foreign direct investment (FDI) have granted more autonomy to their own courts. We also argue that this effect is stronger in more democratic regimes. We finally argue that non-high-income nations are more likely to react positively to their competitors’ improvements in judicial independence. Using FDI data from 1993 to 2010 and the structural equivalence technique while addressing the endogeneity issue in the relationship between judicial independence and investment, we capture the policy choices of FDI competitors concerning judicial independence. We find evidence in support of our theoretical conjectures. Our results remain largely robust to alternative model specifications, measures, and estimators.
      PubDate: 2021-07-29
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09345-6
       
  • Electoral Volatility in Latin America, 1932–2018

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      Abstract: This paper examines electoral volatility in Latin America from 1932 to 2018, covering both presidential and lower chamber elections. The paper makes two contributions. First, we present a new, carefully documented dataset about electoral volatility and the vote share of new parties. Scholars interested in both subjects will be able to use the data to explore a wide range of issues. We contribute to the descriptive knowledge about patterns of electoral volatility and the vote share of new parties in Latin America. Second, we contribute to theoretical knowledge about extra-system volatility (the part that results from the emergence of new competitors) and within-system volatility (the part of volatility that stems from aggregate vote transfers among established parties) and to incipient debates about theoretical expectations about differences between extra- and within-system volatility. Poor economic growth, a perception of pervasive corruption, and low levels of partisanship are fertile terrain for new parties (extra-system volatility). Party system polarization and a fragmented party system foster within-system volatility.
      PubDate: 2021-07-21
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09340-x
       
  • Trust and Envy: the Political Economy of Business Groups in Developing
           Countries

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      Abstract: Diversified business groups play a major role in the economies of many developing countries. Business group members, often from the same communal, ethnic, or tribal group, have or develop interpersonal relations that make it easier to obtain information and monitor compliance related to transactions that require a strong measure of trust. This in-group cohesion facilitates profitable and productive economic activity. However, it can create resentment among other members of society who are barred from membership in a group that is, of necessity, exclusive. This envy can fuel a self-reinforcing cycle of societal hostility and group protectiveness that can deprive society of the economic benefits the groups can provide. There are several possible reactions such as “affirmative action” programs that can slow or stop the cycle of envy and group vulnerability.
      PubDate: 2021-07-21
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09339-4
       
  • Defense Sector Politics

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      Abstract: Ownership and control of defense industrial firms affords the military power, autonomy, and a claim to economic rents. Why do some countries succeed at shifting some or all such firms from military to civilian ownership and control, while others do not' I argue that differing configurations of relative civilian and military coalitional and institutional strength contribute to outcomes. Civilian and military must find party and executive-branch allies who can compete for them to craft or defeat legislation affecting their interests, but coalition building alone is insufficient. Actors must also cultivate executive bureaucratic institutions able to design and implement policies promoting their interests. How coalitions and institutions form, ossify, or fail to develop is assessed through a comparative study of Chile, Argentina (1983–1989), and Argentina (1989–1997).
      PubDate: 2021-07-16
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09344-7
       
  • Donor-Funded Women’s Empowerment in Tajikistan: Trajectories of
           Women’s NGOs and Changing Attitudes to the International Agenda

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      Abstract: This article investigates internationally funded women’s empowerment initiatives in Tajikistan. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the subsequent Tajik civil war (1992–1997), this newly independent, Muslim-majority country has experienced an influx of foreign aid, including in the field of women’s rights. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the article analyzes the growth and diversification of local, Western-funded women’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs) between 1991 and 2020, paying attention to their leadership and aims, as well as changing perceptions of donors’ interventions. It is argued that, initially, local activists were supportive of international projects, which promoted gender equality by supporting women’s integration into the new, capitalist economy. In the last decade, however, an increasing conditionality of funding and deteriorating donor-NGO relations has fueled local contestations of the international agenda. The donor-enhanced women’s empowerment model, which fosters individual responsibility and self-reliance, is increasingly criticized for aggravating the conditions of local women in the context of a growing economic insecurity characterizing the local capitalist economy. Against this resentment, an alternative women’s empowerment model, advancing gender equity based on complementarity of male and female social roles and stressing the importance of family as a safety net against economic precarity, is gaining prominence locally.
      PubDate: 2021-07-13
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09343-8
       
  • When Do Strong Parties “Throw the Bums Out”' Competition and
           Accountability in South African Candidate Nominations

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      Abstract: Existing accounts of centralized candidate selection argue that party elites tend to ignore constituent preferences in favor of internal party concerns, leading to accountability deficits. Yet this claim has been largely assumed rather than demonstrated. We provide the first detailed empirical analysis of the relationship between constituent opinion and candidate nominations in the absence of party primaries. We study contemporary South Africa, where conventional wisdom suggests that parties select candidates primarily on the basis of party loyalty. Analyzing more than 8000 local government councillor careers linked with public opinion data, we find that citizen approval predicts incumbent renomination and promotion in minimally competitive constituencies, and that this relationship becomes more pronounced with increasing levels of competition. By contrast, improvements in service provision do not predict career advancement. Under threat of electoral losses, South Africa’s centralized parties strategically remove unpopular incumbents to demonstrate responsiveness to constituent views. However, party-led accountability may not improve development.
      PubDate: 2021-07-09
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09338-5
       
  • Populism and the Past: Restoring, Retaining, and Redeeming the Nation

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      Abstract: Populism and nationalism have been described as major threats to democracy. But ambiguities linger over their conceptual boundaries and overlaps. This article develops a typology of nationalist narratives to historically situate the recent global rise of populist nationalism. Specifically, we identify three common types of historical experience with empire that have shaped contemporary expressions of nationalism by populist leaders: imperial power, where a nation’s forerunner was the leading polity in a regional or global empire; imperial subject, where a nation was ruled and dominated by an imperial power, and imperial holdout, where a nation battled off imperial encroachments with relative success. Collective memories of these divergent imperial experiences are associated with three distinct types of nationalist narratives today: restorative nationalism in former imperial powers, redemptive nationalism in former imperial subjects, and retentive nationalism in former imperial holdouts. We illustrate this typology in three major cases of twenty-first-century populism: Turkey under Erdogan, the Philippines under Duterte, and Thailand under Thaksin. We tentatively contend that restorative nationalism is an especially likely conduit for greater political disruptions at home and abroad.
      PubDate: 2021-07-05
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09333-w
       
  • Populism and Hindu Nationalism in India

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      Abstract: This article presents findings from the first-ever survey of populist attitudes in India. Historically, the Indian usage of the concept of populism was mostly confined to the fiscal handouts of governments for the lower-income groups, something that is viewed as part of left-wing populism elsewhere in the world. The idea of right-wing populism, which equates popular will with the interests of the ethnic/racial/religious majority, is something relatively novel at the highest echelons of the Indian polity. Its emergence coincides with the rise of Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to national power since 2014. However, our survey finds, first, that at the level of mass attitudes, populism and Hindu nationalism are quite distinct phenomena. Those who can be called populists are not Hindu nationalists and vice versa. This finding, second, also leads to our argument that while right-wing populism has emerged in India as a leadership discourse, it is still to take roots at the level of popular attitudes.
      PubDate: 2021-07-03
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09335-8
       
  • Populism, Nationalism, and Nationalist Populism

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      Abstract: This article builds an original, analytical framework to understand one of the most important developments of our times — the global ascendance of leaders who fuse populist anti-elite rhetoric with nationalist appeals. In contrast to arguments that treat populism and nationalism as either completely separate or essentially equivalent phenomena, I begin from an understanding of the two as distinct ideologies that grow from a shared foundational claim to represent an “us” versus a “them.” In part 1, I first juxtapose populism and nationalism around this common, undergirding us-them boundary to bring out their core features. I then analyze how populism and nationalism vary across the twin axes of intensity and inclusiveness to bring out their distinct sub-types. In part 2, I use this theoretical map of populism and nationalism to navigate the conceptual terrain of their intersection. I focus, in particular, on the implications of nationalist populism for those seen as “us” versus those viewed as “them,” where the “us” and “them” are determined by the dimensions of intensity and inclusiveness. In contrast to characterizations of nationalist populism in directional terms as negative, I suggest that it is instead better understood as an amplifying force that exacerbates both the positive and negative consequences of populism. All else equal, relative to populism, those beyond nationalist populist boundaries are subject to heightened hostility and discrimination, while those within benefit from enhanced life opportunities.
      PubDate: 2021-07-03
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09337-6
       
  • Mapping Populism and Nationalism in Leader Rhetoric Across North America
           and Europe

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      Abstract: We conceptualize populism and nationalism as vertical and horizontal discursive frames of sovereignty, and we investigate the prevalence of these frames in the speeches of chief executives (presidents and prime ministers) in Europe and North America to assess whether these discourses are on the rise at the highest levels of government. To do so, we compile an original database of leader speeches, measuring both discourses using a technique called holistic grading. We find that neither populism nor nationalism is on the rise across Europe and North America over the past twenty years; instead, the rise is concentrated in sub-regions and specific countries. We also find that populism and nationalism are highly but imperfectly correlated in leaders’ speeches in the corpus as a whole, but that populism is far less common in the speeches of western leaders. In the penultimate section, we use a selection of speech vignettes to demonstrate that state leaders employ populism to counter political opponents, nationalism to counter hostile nations, and a combination to mobilize against conjoined threats from above and beyond the “people-nation.”
      PubDate: 2021-07-02
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09334-9
       
  • Right-Wing Populism and Vigilante Violence in Asia

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      Abstract: Right-wing populism is threatening pluralist underpinnings of diverse democracies around the world by staking claims of privilege for dominant ethnic groups and undermining minority rights. Existing scholarship has evaluated these threats in terms of the majoritarian vision peddled by charismatic politicians seeking electoral victory and the enactment of discriminatory policies through the dismantling of institutional constraints by those already in power. This article looks beyond these macro consequences of right-wing populism and examines vigilante violence as the mechanism through which these movements articulate and enforce their vision at the grassroots level. It compares the experience of India and Indonesia to evaluate factors that have enabled right-wing populists to deploy vigilantism for dismantling democratic protections against majoritarianism. I argue that the intrinsic properties of vigilantism as an efficient and transformative form of violence make it a valuable tool for right-wing populists. However, its use for political ends in two of the world’s largest democracies is enabled by three factors. First, because pluralist constitutions make it difficult to curtail minority rights through top-down legislation in India and Indonesia, vigilantism has become an appealing extra-legal strategy for undermining these rights from the bottom up. Second, widespread social legitimacy associated with everyday forms of vigilantism allows right-wing populists to scale up local templates of violence for national goals. Third, similar pathologies of state-building in both countries enable right-wing vigilantes to act with impunity. I conclude by arguing that while vigilantism has long been thought of as a way in which disempowered citizens cope with dissatisfactory provision of order by the state, right-wing populists are transforming vigilante violence into means for engineering social dominance.
      PubDate: 2021-06-30
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09336-7
       
  • Democracy and the Supply of Labor

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      Abstract: The average number of hours we spend at work varies dramatically by country. Previous research focuses on tax policy, social security, and labor market regulation to explain the differences. This paper builds on previous work by focusing on politics. Specifically, it examines the relationship between democracy and the average number of hours worked per person employed. Using data on the supply of labor from the Penn World Tables 9.1, I find there is an important difference between democracies and dictatorships: as GDP/capita increases, individuals in democracies spend fewer hours at work than their counterparts in dictatorships. The results are robust to various specifications of the model that account for selection bias and data that are missing not at random (MNAR). These findings imply that the elections, civil rights, and the political liberties associated with democracy influence the amount of time people spend at work.
      PubDate: 2021-06-15
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09331-y
       
  • Populism and Nationalism: An Overview of Similarities and Differences

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      Abstract: Both populism and nationalism are rooted in the idea of popular sovereignty. They look alike when populism gravitates towards the right, identifying “the people” with an ethnic or racial majority, and when nationalism turns against the minorities. But populism can also go towards the left, embracing the low-income citizenry as the nation’s “true people,” just as nationalism can include ethnic and racial diversity under its umbrella. Some other key differences are also noteworthy. Populism is inevitably defined as an anti-elitist doctrine, whereas nationalism is often led by the elites. Moreover, embedded as it normally is in state institutions, laws, school textbooks, museums and maps, nationalism can be a state ideology, taking routinized forms. In contrast, populist politics thrives on a virtually relentless mobilization of popular energy. Nationalism acquires this fervent form mainly under two conditions: when it is secessionary, trying to break states up, or when it becomes majoritarian, attacking internal minorities. Otherwise, nationalism can easily exist in a quieter register.
      PubDate: 2021-06-15
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09332-x
       
  • Greasing the Wheels: the Politics of Environmental Clearances in India

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      Abstract: Does political alignment at different levels of government influence centralized bureaucratic processes' Environmental clearances are important regulatory tools that allow governments to target the distribution of public goods/bads by both controlling negative externalities and allocating rents from project developers. While commentators advocate for central authorities to control environmental licensing of major projects, in emerging markets with weak formal institutions, it is still possible for local politicians to influence this process. We use data on environmental clearances in India for thermal (primarily coal-fired) power plants between the years 2004 and 2014 to test whether local legislators influence an otherwise bureaucratic process in which they play no formal role. Using a regression discontinuity design, we find that partisan alignment with the state chief minister results in a sharp increase in local clearance applications. This is consistent with the hypothesis that this type of political influence “greases the wheels” of bureaucracy by facilitating more environmental approvals, rather than creating regulatory bottlenecks. Our results contribute to a growing literature that suggests that lower-level politicians can still exert influence on the policy process despite having few institutionalized powers.
      PubDate: 2021-06-12
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09325-w
       
  • Electoral Rules, Social Structure, and Public Goods Provision: Outcomes,
           Spending, and Policies

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      Abstract: Does proportional representation (PR) lead to broader public goods spending' Past literature has overwhelming shown that it does, but the empirics underlying these findings have mostly relied on ethnically homogenous Western countries. Categorizing countries along three dimensions of ethnic structure—ethnic fractionalization, ethno-income crosscuttingness and ethno-geographic dispersion—I argue that in some types of societies, PR has the positive effect on fiscal spending type predicted by past models, but not in others. Specifically, in countries with high ethnic salience (ethnically heterogeneous, low crosscutting) where ethnic groups are geographically intermixed, PR leads to narrower fiscal spending; in high ethnic salience societies where ethnic groups are geographically isolated, neither PR nor majoritarian electoral rules lead to broader fiscal spending. I test this socio-institutional theory in a sample of 70 developing democracies using life expectancy and illiteracy as proxies for public goods provision.
      PubDate: 2021-04-22
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09323-y
       
  • Clientelism and Community Support in Times of Crisis: Evidence Following
           Floods in Ghana

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      Abstract: Residents of poor, rural settings have several potential sources of informal support: political patrons, non-political patrons, family, and the community. This study explores how preferred channels of informal support change in the aftermath of crisis. Following a logic of “safety first,” I argue that individuals exposed to crisis invest in family and community as complementary forms of insurance against future setbacks, alongside their appeals to patrons. Using survey data from respondents living in two localities that happened to face atypical flooding in northern Ghana, and comparing those respondents to residents of two otherwise similar localities that did not face flooding, I show that residents do not instinctively increase their reliance on patrons. Instead, three months after a crisis, they tend to place greater relative emphasis on family networks and stronger community ties. Networks in which the clients themselves have greater control constitute lower-risk priorities in the event of future crises, whereas calamity can highlight the risks of relying solely on patron-client relationships to address critical needs.
      PubDate: 2021-04-21
      DOI: 10.1007/s12116-021-09329-6
       
 
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