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Authors:Roman Zinigrad Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Humor is a form of speech capable of boosting the political value of a speech’s content or even reversing its meaning. Courts acknowledge these qualities by considering that an expression may enjoy an elevated level of free speech protection against government sanctions or private suits if it is formulated in a humorous way. This article spotlights another key attribute of humor, that is perhaps more consequential for the socio-political impact of an expression but that nonetheless does not seem to be invoked in free speech litigation: its power to increase the exposure of the speech. A humorous presentation of an idea offers its audience an entertaining form that is desirable to consume independently of the message it conveys. It lowers the costs of processing irrelevant or objectionable content and so bears the potential of catching the attention of those who would not otherwise be exposed to it. I argue that the capacity of humor to “raise the volume” of speech must be accounted for in the balancing formulas of constitutional and international free speech litigation. To underline the importance of this factor, I focus on cases of hate speech, a category where humor plays a decisive role in the outreach to audiences that do not always share the prejudice or intolerance of the speaker. This article analyzes the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and of French courts as an example of the general disregard of courts for humor’s amplification of hate speech. The far-reaching damage potential of this disregard is demonstrated on the case of Dieudonné, a notorious French antisemitic comic who has masterfully exploited humor to expose large audiences to hateful content. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-07-20T05:33:25Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241244891
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Authors:Charlotte Gehrke Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. From 9/11 to the Boston Marathon, from Charlottesville to the Capitol Riots, from Sandy Hook to Parkland, from Eric Garner to George Floyd, from Hurricane Katrina to widespread wildfires. In the span of just two and a half decades, the United States has been plagued by numerous tragic events. During the same period, the number of late-night shows, a simple though controversial measurement of popular demand for comedic material dealing with or distracting from these crises, proliferated from four shows in 2000 to 17 in 2020. Looking at these shows over the course of two decades (2001–2021), the paper examines if and how late-night hosts addressed tragic events, a topic thus far largely relegated to grey literature. The empirical study draws on theories of comedy and tragedy to inform its content analysis of late-night monologues. The article finds that late-night hosts did address a wide range of tragic events, from mass shootings to environmental catastrophes. However, the ways in which they did so differed, exhibiting shifts over time and comedic genre. Overall, late-night comedians’ replies to tragic events became more instantaneous, serious, and civically minded. The article argues that this subversion of genre expectations through the absence of humor and increasing incorporation of political accountability and advocacy frames in comedians’ responses to tragedies became particularly pronounced in the late 2010s. The paper suggests potential explanations for these results and concludes that these findings provide valuable insights and implications for the American public and policy discourse. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-07-20T05:27:36Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241264335
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Authors:Fannie Agerschou-Madsen, Helle Malmvig Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Scholars of authoritarian states have long been interested in how resistance is expressed through cultural productions such as music, art, and satire. Recently, scholars within International Politics have, however, directed attention towards understanding how also state leaders and institutions themselves employ humour in public diplomacy, in identity construction, and in misinformation campaigns. A case in point is Saudi Arabia, whose government since the presentation of its ‘Vision 2030’ program aiming to reform the Saudi economy and society has focused on developing and investing in the field of culture and entertainment, including comedy. This article seeks to understand how authoritarian states can appropriate and co-opt humour and fun to construct its identity top-down to gain legitimacy. We do this by looking at two examples: a music festival and the commissioning of a comedy group. The article also examines the alternative and potentially dissenting spaces for fun that exist alongside and within the Saudi government–controlled initiatives, such as the music festival, by additionally looking at a stand-up comedy event in Riyadh. This part of the article analyzes how subversive enactments happen in government-sanctioned spaces under the gaze of the state, potentially contributing to the creation of a new narrative about Saudi state identity as youthful, modern and open, and importantly different from the previous conservative and pious identity. Hence, this article argues that humour and fun more broadly simultaneously can be a space for counter conducts and a way for authoritarian regimes to govern. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-07-18T10:59:36Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241259877
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Authors:Dorit Gottesfeld, Rami Abu Hamad Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. This paper examines the subversion in contemporary literary writing in Jordan . It uses the works of three prominent Jordanian writers, Jamāl Nājī, Ayman al-ʿAtūm, and Muʾnis al-Razzāz, as case studies to explore how these authors critique Jordanian society and politics. The paper highlights the various forms of criticism within their works and the methods used for their presentation. It demonstrates how these writers, through their literary works, not only reflect the multifaceted aspects of Jordan’s reality but also offer a voice of protest, seeking to establish an alternative reality in contrast to the existing one. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-07-18T10:56:41Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241264063
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Authors:Fabrício H. Chagas-Bastos Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. In this article, I explore the conceptual foundations of integration in Latin America over time. My argument centers on the idea that the region’s integration efforts are deeply rooted in indigenous concepts (solidarity, autonomy, and international insertion) which have evolved and intermingled with conceptual pieces from Western theories of integration, highlighting the region’s unique blend of local and global integration perspectives. These foundational concepts emerged from Latin American intellectual influences and blended with the Western canon, serving as guiding principles for the various phases of integration across the region. I employ a combination of conceptual history and conceptual analysis frameworks to constitutive treaties of integration arrangements across the region as evidence of how the concepts of solidarity, autonomy, and international insertion rooted Latin American integration efforts, as well as how policy- and decision-makers viewed, understood, and changed the original conceptual sources of mainstream integration theories. The article advances our knowledge on the much-neglected areas of conceptual analysis and history in integration studies and provides a broader perspective on the intricacies and subtleties of integration processes. More broadly, my contribution to the discipline sheds light onto the conceptual structures upon the thinking about world politics and integration has developed in non-Western regions. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-06-15T02:52:10Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241262977
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Authors:Edwin Yingi, Everisto Benyera Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. This study seeks to explore how the advances in digital technologies have created a problem for democracy. Information technology has continued to leap forward, and it has been envisaged to provide a free flow of information, freedom of choices and hence enhanced democratisation. However, rulers have devised ways to turn the tide of technological advancement in their favour to entrench their rule and their grip on power. From internet shutdowns and online surveillance to social media intimidation rulers have used digital platforms to undermine basic freedoms and fundamental human rights. Zimbabwe is among the countries that have used digital technologies to stifle people’s ability to organize, voice their concerns and participate in governance. Using the qualitative research design, the study argues that digital technologies have presented an opportunity for authoritarian regimes to censor citizens, manipulate their subjects and disseminate propaganda to the detriment of democracy. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-06-13T03:25:37Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241259878
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Authors:Ghaleb Krame, Vlado Vivoda, Tamir Bar-On Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. This study examines the evolving securitization of Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena (UAPs) in the United States (U.S.), utilizing the Copenhagen School’s theory to illustrate a significant shift in the Pentagon’s discourse, moving from outright dismissal to a nuanced acknowledgment of UAPs. By engaging with and expanding upon the UFO taboo discussions, this research sheds light on the contemporary debates on the role of materiality in securitization processes. The paper argues that the complexity of UAP securitization necessitates a multidisciplinary approach that integrates security, scientific inquiry, and global cooperation which will consequently provide a multidimensional understanding of UAPs within national and international security frameworks. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-05-29T01:48:54Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241256845
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Authors:Florian Carl, Federica Stagni Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Like roots reaching for the nourishment of familiar ground, generations of resistance lineages continue to weave a worldwide tapestry of solidarity. These efforts help to disrupt various forms of colonial violence, including under the guise of liberal democracies. One of the multiple mechanisms they target is how people and lands are pitted against one another through adversarial categories of difference. Such efforts are a powerful antidote to colonial fragmentations, mobilizing differences via shared goals based on grounded solidarities. This article seeks to answer how anti-colonial struggles in Palestine and Sápmi engage with three ways of structuring similarities and differences. We thereby utilize Coulthard’s (2014) framework of recognition politics, divided into (1) assimilation, (2) multiculturalism, and (3) place-based solidarity. Next to excerpts from local organizers and a speculative dialogue between interviewees, we reference Audre Lorde’s work to better understand the relational qualities of differences. Our research shows that the structural dominance of assimilatory and multiculturalist approaches to difference tends to stabilize injustices while normalizing colonial violence, including via Westernized peace politics like the Oslo Accords or state-led reconciliation initiatives. On the other hand, the integrity of place-based solidarity generates reciprocal relationships and interdependent responsibilities, which undermine colonial divide-and-conquer politics. With the help of our interviewees, this article provides a shared analysis to further the solidarity between the struggles of two of colonial modernity’s most critical fronts, Sápmi and Palestine. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-05-16T11:02:53Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241249797
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Authors:Mert Cangönül, Vuslat Nur Şahin Temel Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Visa regimes were key global mechanisms of the COVID-19 pandemic governance. Many nationals, both from the Global South and North, were subject to the several visa regulations during the pandemic. Whilst nationals of the Global North could regain their visa-free travel rights in the further phases, the others are still entrapped in the visa regimes, just like the pre-pandemic period. Considering visa’s global importance for border regulations in the (post-) pandemic period, what has changed for mobility rights of the visa applicants' This study examines changes in mobility rights for visa applicants during and after the pandemic, focusing on Schengen visa regime from March 2020 to June 2023. Our argument is twofold: first, the EU temporarily but substantially changed visa policies in the name securing the public health and free movement in(to) the Schengen area. However, these policies for securing mobility also created administrative gray zones that include new travel restrictions, confusions as well as strategic spaces for accessing to the mobility rights. Second, ongoing visa issuance practices and application process problems since the pandemic reveal a regression in the mobility rights lasting in the (post-)pandemic period. Hence, this article offers a more nuanced account of mobility rights by shedding light on the Schengen visa regime which will continue to play substantial roles in the EU’s border management system in the post-pandemic period. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-04-29T07:06:26Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241248897
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Authors:Francis Onditi Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. This review study aims to debunk the notion that the Global South, particularly Africa, is essentially a consumer of knowledge produced by the Global North. While some scholars have argued that the lopsided nature of the global knowledge architecture might be attributed to North-South politics and the historical legacy of colonialism, the issue of “self-consciousness” in reinventing scientific methodological approaches within academic disciplines remains insufficiently addressed among scholars in the Global South. Using the case of “conflictology” as an emerging academic discipline and insights from the three cardinal principles of transformative leadership, this study explores new frontiers of knowledge production from my own field experiences researching the viability of African interethnic border markets as Infrastructures for Peace (I4P). This is part of the long-term, complex research agenda I have pursued in my quest for a scientific “explanation” of the concept of “closeness centrality” in the study of conflict evolutionary theories in human society. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-04-17T03:23:15Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241247257
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Authors:Aliaksei Kazharski Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Alicja Curanović’s 2021 book The Sense of Mission in Russian Foreign Policy is an important contribution to the study of Russian politics and foreign policy, and since the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Moscow, its importance has only increased. The ultimate failure of “structural” and rational-choice models to account for Russia’s behavior has only reemphasized the importance of approaches that open the “black box” of domestic politics and examine the long-term cultural and identitary patterns which both shape and help legitimize the decision-making in an authoritarian polity relying on pronounced anti-Western discourse and “siege mentality.” Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-04-16T09:31:29Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241247443
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Authors:Maíra Siman, Manuela Trindade Viana, Victória M. S. Santos Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. The Brazilian Armed Forces have had a prominent role in the response to the COVID-19 pandemic. We take this participation as an entry point to confront traditional assumptions of studies on civil-military relations and militarization, investigating a particular claim used to justify the mobilization of the Brazilian military in health-related activities: their credentials in a managerial expertise in logistics. In doing so, we argue that there is an ongoing re-articulation in the discursive regime used to justify their expansion of roles—not one anchored on the efficiency in the use of violence associated with a “war ethos” specific to the military professional, but another, grounded on a managerial expertise to efficiently procure, manage and distribute resources across the national territory, especially in contexts of “crisis.” We claim that the historical transformation of such discourse is a particular expression of global processes that have historically vested “managerial expertise” with political authority to solve social problems in critical situations. We also contend that this managerial dimension has been largely neglected in the critique of militarization articulated in traditional and contemporary civil–military relations studies. In light of these processes, this article seeks to contribute to critical work regarding the conditions for and effects of the expansion of military roles under the regime of justification here analyzed, thereby stimulating us to rethink the assumptions upon which militarization can be problematized in the contemporary period. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-04-05T02:20:03Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754231226147
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Authors:Markus Hochmüller, Carlos Solar, Carlos A. Pérez Ricart Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. This Special Issue explores Latin America’s recent wave of militarism across countries, the militarization of the rule of law, and its consequences on everyday life. It draws on the region’s recent history of giving militarized responses to seemingly intractable social, political, and economical problems. We argue that the presence of military values, beliefs, and mentalities have permeated processes in which nations absorb and aspire to military practices, modes of organization, and martial discourses that require greater scholarly attention. The articles address a series of issues including various forms of militarism and the militarization of family, culture and education, diplomacy, policing, and public security in urban and rural settings. The contributions engage systematically with the roots of militarism and give evidence of militarization at the individual, national, and international levels, including a variety of case studies from across the Western Hemisphere. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-03-05T12:39:11Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241237648
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Authors:Lacin Idil Oztig Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. The wars in Ukraine and Gaza poignantly reveal the inadequacy of the current international system in maintaining peace. The United Nations faces major limitations due to the absence of enforcement mechanisms and disagreement among permanent members of the Security Council. Stronger global cooperation to enhance the international system’s ability to prevent and resolve wars and conflicts seems like a utopia, but it is necessary for the sake of humanity. The world needs a reimagined international system that prioritizes diplomacy and mediation over military intervention. There is a pressing need for new visions of peace and a closer dialogue between International Law and IR. This review essay critically examines the dialogue between the two disciplines since the interwar period. It highlights that liberal internationalism constituted an important intersection point between the two disciplines during the interwar period. Although the two disciplines grew apart after World War II, the post-Cold War period has witnessed a renewed interdisciplinary dialogue. However, despite this dialogue, scholars of both disciplines lack conversations on novel visions of peace. The complex and evolving challenges of our time urgently require new perspectives on peace beyond mainstream theories and methods. The essay concludes by suggesting that scholars of both disciplines should combine their experience and perspectives to develop innovative ideas for peace. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-02-24T01:26:18Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241236310
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Authors:Alexander Spencer, Kai Oppermann Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. The paper considers the role of humour in dealing with failure in foreign policy and brings insights together from the studies of policy failure, humour studies, customer service management and crisis communication. It investigates how research in customer service management and crisis communication points to the use of humour as an additional strategy for dealing with foreign policy failure. This research has provided valuable insights into the benefits of humour for dealing with minor service failure, reducing the level of damage done to the standing of the actor responsible for the failure. The paper transfers these insights into IR and investigates the benefits and drawbacks of self-deprecating humour by policy makers responsible for failure. To illustrate this, we consider the humour employed by US President George W. Bush at the White House Correspondents Dinner in 2004 when making fun of his administration’s inability to find weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in Iraq. We argue that humour can be a tool to address policy failure only in front of a sympathetic audience when humour can be a means of addressing the cognitive tension between support for a policy and its empirical failure. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-02-16T02:58:48Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241234444
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Authors:Jennifer Philippa Eggert, Maryam Kanwer, Sadia Baloch Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Although often overlooked and underestimated in official accounts, female activists play an important role in human rights and liberation movements worldwide. While women’s roles and experiences in the struggle for rights and liberation worldwide have been discussed in numerous publications, there is a lack of academic literature on the roles of women in the Baloch movement in Pakistan. Using a collaborative autoethnographic, dialogic approach, this article, which is based on a conversation between three researchers, practitioners and activists from Balochistan, other parts of Pakistan, and Europe, explores the motivations and experiences of women defending the human rights of the Baloch people in Pakistan, as well as possibilities for various types of solidarities (based on international, feminist, Muslim and interethnic alliances) in Pakistan and beyond. It shows how gender, age, ethnicity, class and location impact female activists’ experiences of activism, and outlines challenges and opportunities when it comes to building national and international alliances in support of the movement for Baloch rights in Pakistan. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-02-02T05:37:02Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754231225510
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Authors:Rafaella Lobo Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. This paper contributes to broader efforts to de-center and historicize IR theory by bringing into question dominant narratives about developing country behavior at the International Whaling Commission (IWC). This literature either neglects, or actively erases any possibility of developing country agency; different blindspots work to the same effect, whereby developing country behavior is assumed rather than investigated, and behavioral change, such as a decision to join the IWC, vote a certain way, or abide by the whaling moratorium, is driven mostly by exogenous factors—threats, bribes, and persuasion. If a developing country choosing a pro-whaling stance is evidence of vote-buying, and an anti-whaling stance is evidence of coercion or socialization, then great power agency is assumed to exist and matter without being demonstrated—and the possibility of agency is denied to most of the world. I use the case of Brazil, the last country to give up whaling in the American continent, to de-center and historicize important whaling-related decisions made from the 1950s–1990s. Brazil voted against the commercial whaling moratorium in 1982 but has since given up whaling and become a leader in whale conservation. The empirical analysis not only finds scant support for the dominant explanations, but it also challenges them on several grounds—and thus underscores the need for theoretical lenses that allow for developing countries’ agencies to be acknowledged. More than contributing to inclusive scholarship, taking alternative perspectives seriously is imperative for more just conservation practice, and more legitimate global governance. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-02-02T04:17:24Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754241227277
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Authors:Andrea Oelsner, Carina Solmirano, Deborah M. Tasselkraut Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Following the return to democracy in Argentina, the definition of new roles and missions for the armed forces became imperative in order to establish civilian authority over the military and contribute to the consolidation of the democratic regime. After seven years of military dictatorship (1976–1983), the transformation of repressive and war-prone armed forces into law-abiding and peaceful ones was needed to achieve three key political goals: To strengthen the newly restored yet weak rule of law, to rebuild the country’s battered international image, and to help professionalise an ill-reputed military. This article argues that since the return to democracy in 1983, successive governments have pursued these goals by linking issues traditionally falling within the military and security realm to the country’s external agenda. Building upon the defence diplomacy literature – that is, the use of defence and military cooperation as a diplomatic tool – the article develops a conceptual framework to apply to the Argentine case, focussing on how defence diplomacy is developed in three stages which we conceptualise as inward-looking, outward-looking, and symmetrical military-to-military relations. Overall, we contend that defence diplomacy – though still a recent and weakly systematised concept in the field – is a useful tool which should be taken into account when analysing the democratic transitions and the pursued civilian control over the armed forces in Global South countries like Argentina. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-01-30T04:47:26Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754231221860
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Authors:Hakan Mehmetcik, Emel Parlar Dal, Hasan Hakses Abstract: Alternatives, Ahead of Print. Employing a rigorous bibliometric framework, this study undertakes a comprehensive exploration of scholarly inquiries into Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) by utilizing an extensive dataset extracted from the reputable SCOPUS database. TFP publications in various languages were scrutinized over nearly a century, from 1939 to 2022, with bibliometric analysis methodically traversing titles, keywords, abstracts, word frequencies, references, authorships, citations, and geographic diffusion. To comprehensively unravel the scholarly landscape, we employed three bibliometric methodologies: descriptive statistics, network analysis, and textual analysis. The overarching goals included delineating the contours of the TFP scholarly community, charting the evolution of influential factors across temporal horizons, and gauging the extent of collaborative interactions among TFP researchers. Our findings reveal the absence of a cohesive TFP research community within the Turkish academic landscape, which unequivocally underscores the fragility of Turkish International Relations (IR) academia in terms of scientific collaboration, academic networking, and research productivity. Our findings distinctly underscore the fragmentary nature of the TFP research community in terms of thematic breadth and practical manifestations. The conspicuous dearth of cross-referencing among Turkish IR scholars, limited joint scientific ventures, and scholarly output collectively underpin inherent vulnerabilities and constraints within the TFP community. Citation: Alternatives PubDate: 2024-01-17T07:27:01Z DOI: 10.1177/03043754231223557
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