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Authors:Charlotte Heath-Kelly, Sadi Shanaah Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Criminological literature frequently argues that the rehabilitative penological paradigm of the 20th century (‘penal welfarism’) has been replaced by pre-crime, risk-based, ‘new penology’. Under the conditions of social and economic neoliberalism, it is claimed, the commitment to rehabilitating individuals has been withdrawn. In this article, we explore the curious persistence of rehabilitation—enacted within crime prevention and countering-violent-extremism programmes. We show that rather than ‘new penology’ replacing ‘penal welfarism’, the history of social crime prevention programmes demonstrates the presence of a ‘hybrid penology’. Here, rehabilitation was brought into the pre-criminal space and practised upon pre-delinquents. This pre-emptive rehabilitation of at-risk subjects pervaded preventive policy in both Western Europe and the socialist Former Yugoslavia. In both case studies, this logic of pre-crime rehabilitation then transferred into the counterterrorism sector—with ideological dissidence identified as the threshold for reform-oriented intervention. Rehabilitation remains with us, warped by the turn to pre-emption. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-06-23T06:03:10Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221108866
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Authors:Serdar San Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Current transnational policing mechanisms such as Interpol appear to reproduce authoritarianism-like actions in democratic contexts by helping to undermine the rights and freedoms of individuals targeted by non-democratic regimes. Through an in depth examination of the cases of Turkish and Russian police, this article seeks to explain the possible motives of the law enforcement institutions of democratic states in executing the questionable Interpol Red Notice requests by authoritarian regimes based on the existing theoretical debates in the literature on international policing. It explores three factors that foster policing cooperation between democratic and authoritarian states: 1) an aspired depoliticization of international policing that facilitates cooperation among states with different national and ideological outlooks; 2) an occupational culture that encourages professional support and solidarity among policing agents that transcends national rivalries; and 3) state cooperation against threats posed by the planning and conduct of international crime. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-06-08T06:08:29Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221105280
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Authors:Valentin Pereda Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. The prevailing definitions of organized crime and methodological approaches to studying it derive mainly from the Global North. However, an emergent body of literature suggests that organized crime in the Global South differs from organized crime in the Global North. Focusing on the case of Mexico, I argue that mainstream criminological theories’ inability to explain significant aspects of organized crime in that country stems from their underspecified scope. Mainstream theories analyse organized crime as a phenomenon that transpires in societies characterized by high levels of internal peace, rule of law and strong public institutions. In Mexico, a country that fails to adhere to these conditions, organized crime manifestations defy prevailing theoretical assumptions. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-06-08T06:08:11Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221104562
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Authors:Leslie Elva MacColman, Violeta Dikenstein Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Community policing promises to foster collaboration between police and citizens, strengthen social cohesion, and address the root causes of crime and disorder. In order to understand why it often fails to achieve this, we argue that scholars should recognize community–police meetings as sites of dynamic, multi-scalar political contestation and pay closer attention to the not-so-hidden partisan struggles that shape them. Our empirical analysis focuses on Buenos Aires, Argentina. Based on ethnographic observation of 30 community–police meetings and interviews with 50 politicians, police officers, activists, and everyday citizens, we explain how higher-order partisan contests influenced the dynamics and outcomes of local meetings. We show how these meetings exacerbated social schisms, reified ideological differences between competing parties, and galvanized support for the City Government’s “law and order” policies. Our results suggest that local participation sometimes reinforces the punitive approaches to urban problems that community policing originally aimed to transcend. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-06-06T05:21:45Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221103848
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Authors:Matthew Light, Anne-Marie Singh, Josh Gold Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Most studies of private security postulate exclusively internal, primarily economic, causes of the industry's growth and regulation. In contrast, based on the case of post-Soviet Estonia, we investigate how a state's external security environment influences private security. Estonia's tense relations with Russia generated several policies through which private security evolved from a lawless industry to a modest, lightly regulated one: (1) the exclusion of public police from private security; (2) an effective campaign against organized crime; (3) free-trade policies that permitted western companies to acquire Estonian security firms; and (4) state–civil society security cooperation. Estonia thus clarifies how high politics shapes private security, while also revealing the factors that make the industry relatively uncontentious in most industrialized democracies. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-06-06T05:21:23Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221099930
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Authors:Marina Zaloznaya Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. In the Global North, corruption is considered incompatible with civic health: scholars argue that it decreases social trust, atomizes communities, and discourages active citizenship. Using the first-ever national dataset from Russia with behavioral measures of corruption, ego-centric networks, and political participation, this article develops an alternative theory of corruption’s impact on civic life in societies where freedoms of association are limited. Analyses of these new data suggest that: (1) Russian bribe-givers are embedded in outward-oriented and mobilizable personal networks, supportive of civic connectivity; and (2) Russian bribe-givers are significantly more likely than law-abiding citizens to mobilize others when pushing back against the state. Counterintuitively, then, in non-democracies, corruption in the public sector sustains the kind of social networks that underlie civic culture. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-06-06T05:21:07Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221099105
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Authors:Muhammad Asif Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Most of the previous studies on vigilante violence suggest that people employ vigilante violence instrumentally to compensate for a lack of state monopoly on violence and the state's illegitimacy in controlling crime. This study, however, highlights the significance of emotions—most notably anger—in explaining approval of vigilante violence. A cross-sectional study was conducted at six Pakistani universities with a sample of 500 students recruited through online surveys. The results of the regression models show that police legitimacy and trait anger independently predict approval of vigilante violence both directly and indirectly via righteous anger. Thus, the findings suggest that people who are easily angered and who perceive the police as corrupt and procedurally unjust feel righteous anger and are likely to approve of vigilante violence. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-06-01T05:51:20Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221101369
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Authors:Marianne Quirouette Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print.
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Authors:Heather Schoenfeld, Grant Everly Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Prison officers’ behavior is one of the most consequential features of the modern prison. In this article, we introduce an organizational culture conceptual framework and build on previous prison scholarship to develop a model of prison officer workplace culture. We then apply the proposed model to original research in a US prison to investigate the relational aspects of prison officer culture during early 21st-century penal reforms. We find a set of collective norms and beliefs among officers consistent with the “traditional” prison officer culture historically documented by penologists, including high levels of distrust of prisoners, avoidance of relationships, and distancing from rehabilitation goals. We name this culture the “security mindset” because officers use multiple conceptions of “security” to rationalize their behavior. Our findings suggest that prison officer culture in late mass incarceration may work against the positive and supportive relationships necessary for rehabilitation. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-05-19T04:46:20Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221095617
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Authors:Netanel Dagan Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Drawn on qualitative findings from discretionary chairpersons of parole boards in Israel, the study aims to theorize parole decision making as time–space boundary-work. Parole decision-makers were found to act within a hybrid professional environment that requires them to process distinct, and possibly conflicting, penal values, competencies and orientations. In order to address their professional tensions, parole decision-makers constantly negotiate their time and space, and thereby their professional identity. First, the parole decision-makers perform temporal boundary-work—conceptualizing their work and identity through qualitative-expansive time. Second, they perform spatial boundary-work—conceptualizing their work and identity through either (a) judicial space or (b) therapeutic space. This time–space work is used both to span and demarcate their boundaries in relation to other penal actors and to increase their visibility and legitimacy. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-05-16T07:29:34Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221093088
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Authors:Kerry Carrington, Jess Rodgers, Máximo Sozzo, María Victoria Puyol Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Women’s entry into policing, a traditionally masculine occupation, has been theorized almost entirely through a liberal feminist theoretical lens where equality with men is the end target. From this theoretical viewpoint, women’s police stations in the Global South established specifically to respond to gender violence have been conceptualized as relics from the past. We argue that this approach is based on a global epistemology that privileges the Global North as the normative benchmark from which to define progress. Framed by southern criminology, we offer an alternative way of theorizing the progress of women in policing using women’s police stations that emerged in Latin America in the 1980s, specifically those in the Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-05-10T06:41:30Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221099631
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Authors:Bruce Arrigo, Olivia P Shaw Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. This article describes the ways in which existing methods of dataveillance and big data collection have contributed to the current de-realization of Black bodies. In the present or ultramodern era, de-realization consists of datafication (i.e. digital profiling techniques and life mining strategies) in support of techno-crime control policy. The process of de-realization both de-politicizes Black identities and de-personalizes the lived experience of Blackness. In order to make explicit our thesis, section one proposes a techno-criminological theory of de-realization. The theory explains how the racialized construction of surveillance in the current age is mediated by the algorithmic logic of pre-crime and the asymmetric rationale of post-criminology. In order to situate our overall theorizing, section two explains how Black bodies have historically been the subject of excessive and invasive forms of de-realization. This history includes slavery and visceral forms of de-realization (e.g. the technologies of branding), as well as political opposition to Civil Rights and volatile forms of de-realization (e.g. the technologies of suspicion). In the present era, the de-realization of Black bodies consists of the mass digital surveillance of social movements (i.e. bodies of activist social change), including Black Lives Matter (BLM), that are policed through the technologies of information analytics. Section three speculates on the criminological fall-out stemming from present day manifestations of de-realization. This speculation emphasizes how history, theory, and culture are relevant to historicizing the administration of injustice in the ultramodern age of digital reality construction. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-05-10T06:41:15Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221082318
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Authors:Richard Sparks Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print.
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Authors:Francesco Vecchio Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print.
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Authors:Gail Super, Ana Ballesteros-Pena Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. This article examines expulsions in and around the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla and in informal settlements in former black townships in South Africa. These violent bordering processes expose the violent injustices that constitute the boundaries of lawful (liberal) law, and the violence that sovereigns use to secure territories. Drawing on Walter Benjamin we make three main theoretical arguments. First, that the bordering processes in our case studies are instances of law (and State) preserving violence. Second, that absence and responsibilization are central techniques for invisibilizing the role of violence in preserving law, and that abdication of jurisdiction is key to the exercise of state sovereignty. Third, that when the State preserves itself through sharing its monopoly over violence the fictitious distinction between law and violence collapses. We use the term ‘borderline lawful violence’ to highlight the precarious nature of the boundary between lawful and unlawful violence. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-03-10T10:39:50Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221076422
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Authors:Michael Gibson-Light Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Research traditionally suggests that men incarcerated in the USA regard horizontal surveillance—that is, monitoring the behaviors of other prisoners—as antithetical to notions of masculinity behind bars. Yet, following an 18-month ethnography in a US prison for men, this article reveals that the imprisoned may in fact embrace prisoner-on-prisoner monitoring tied to labor. It details how participants in this institution sought out peer surveillants who had the power to grant referrals to more desirable jobs. Within prison worksites, individuals further policed peers’ production and service quality. Labor-based horizontal surveillance was integral to performances of masculinity related to employment status and work ethic. Drawing on labor scholarship as well as studies of surveillance in other penal settings, this article reveals how supervision maps onto gendered beliefs about work, offending, and contemporary American corrections in ways that contribute to carceral agendas and broader systems of control. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-03-07T03:15:25Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221082094
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Authors:Thomas Guiney, Stephen Farrall Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. In this article we argue that a tendency to treat populism as a ubiquitous, mechanistic characteristic of contemporary penality has impeded systematic theoretical discussion of how populist ideologies find contingent expression within national penal systems. Drawing upon an agonistic perspective we seek to show that the intersection between populism and punishment must be understood as a structured process that is shaped by struggle between actors with different types, and amounts, of political power. We illustrate these claims with reference to a historical case study of the 1981 British Conservative Party Conference; a political calendar ritual that facilitated symbolic conflict and provided an institutional point of entry for populist movements seeking to disrupt the prevailing liberal consensus on crime and secure substantive policy concessions from government. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-02-24T04:34:50Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806221081504
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Authors:Callie H Burt Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Professing interactionist bio + social terminology, contemporary biocriminology asserts a break from its biologically essentialist past. Assurances notwithstanding, whether biocriminology has undergone a decisive paradigm shift rejecting notions of biological criminals and bad brains remains uncertain. Unfortunately, discussions of biocriminology's assumptions are mired in politics, obscuring important scientific issues. Motivated to clarify misunderstanding, I address the ontoepistemology of biocriminology from a scientific realist perspective. Drawing on familiar notions of crime as a social construction, I explain how and why biocriminology's ontoepistemology is inconsistent with the social reality of crime for scientific not ideological reasons. I explain that recognizing crime as a social construction does not imply that crime is not real or objective and cannot be studied scientifically. On the contrary, the irreducibly social nature of crime requires that scientific realists reject assumptions of “biological crime” as well as the biologically reductionist epistemology on which biocriminology depends. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-02-23T02:52:37Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211073695
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Authors:Patrick G Watson Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. This article is situated in ongoing discussions about the influx of images of police violence. To date, much scholarship has centred on Foucauldian notions of knowledge-power and sousveillance. Alternatively, I attend to how video evidence produces understanding of police violence in court through a case study of the murder trial of Officer Michael Slager who shot and killed Walter Scott in North Charleston, South Carolina. While audio and video direct evidence of the moments leading up to Slager's decision to shoot was presented, cross-examination focused more explicitly on post-shooting conduct as circumstantial evidence. This approach highlights an issue for video evidence, that what is to be settled at trial may not be directly re-presented in video. Gurwitsch's notion of Gestalt and Garfinkel's adaptation thereof are proposed as an alternative means of interrogating video evidence. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-31T11:58:38Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211073696
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Authors:Veronica Horowitz, Teresa Gowan Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Drug courts are widely praised as a therapeutic alternative to mass incarceration. Using ethnographic discourse analysis, our intersectional comparison of a Midwestern court demonstrates how gender and race create differentiated and unequal rehabilitative projects. Striking differences in treatment, sanctions, and requirements demonstrate the lasting power of long-standing historical addiction tropes. Our primarily white and African-American site re-inscribed the historical polarization between “white slaves” and “drug zombies”, between the (traumatized female) “involuntary addict” and the dangerous agency of the (racialized) male “criminal addict”. The explicit gender differentiation between therapy for women and work for men was thus cross-cut by race, with talk therapy for white women and neuro-scientific medicalization for white men set against deep racio-cultural reform for African-Americans. While Black women were encouraged to take on intensive mothering, Black men were subjected to the highest surveillance and suspicion, their struggles in the labor and housing markets misrecognized as cultural deficiency. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-31T11:58:29Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211060867
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Authors:Claire Davis Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. The contemporary policing landscape is challenging traditional, hierarchical working arrangements as the police respond to new and more complex demands. Scholars have long recognized police occupational culture as a barrier to organizational change. Rank-centric cultural conventions conflict with alternative, democratic forms of working. This article introduces the concept of Rank-Neutral Space to describe an emerging practice where police officers navigate the hierarchical-laden culture to bring about change. In theorizing Rank-Neutral Space, I bring together perspectives from the sociology of space and findings from a qualitative study of police leadership, to define the space as a site of resistance and conformity, to capture the complexity of reform in the police as both processes of change and continuity. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-19T11:50:16Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211073694
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Authors:Julie Laursen Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Prisoners’ hopes for a life without suffering—without causing and experiencing harm—are embedded in practices of ethical becoming and ideas of transcendence. These hopes are somehow both more banal and complex than the literature on hope generally suggests; they emerge because of lack and are signs of despair, rather than realistic prospects or opportunities. Based on longitudinal interview data (N = 452) with short-term prisoners in Norway and England & Wales, this article shows how hope functions as an orientation through different phases of a prison sentence as well as post-release regardless of whether it materializes. With inspiration from Lear’s idea of ‘radical hope’, I describe prisoners’ hopes as a mode of living with more emphasis on where hope comes from rather than what it leads to, thus following recent prompts to distinguish between hopes derived from opportunities from deeper hopes grounded in despair. I outline prisoners’ pain upon entry into custody and show how their ‘ground projects’—the things without which they would not care to go on with their lives—become clear when they are taken away. In this conceptualization, short-term prisoners’ hopes are in many ways a manifestation of despair fused with ethical deliberations on what kind of person one wishes to become and to whom one owes something. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-19T11:50:12Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211069545
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Authors:Serena Wright, Susie Hulley, Ben Crewe Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Drawing on Snyder's ‘hope theory’ as a conceptual framework, this article examines the hope narratives of men and women at the ‘late stage’ of a life sentence. The article aims to bridge the existing gap between jurisprudence and sociological accounts on hope and life imprisonment by extending this debate to men and women serving reducible life sentences in England and Wales, for whom release is not guaranteed but assumed to be attainable. Through focusing on the individual ways in which the spectre and procedural elements of release shape narratives of hope and hopelessness, this article agrees with Vannier that recent human rights debates have fallen short in terms of subjectively understanding the complex relationship between ‘hope’ and ‘release’ for life-sentenced prisoners. It concludes by highlighting the necessity of procedural legitimacy in reducing uncertainty and promoting and maintaining hope among this group. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-17T01:54:28Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211067770
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Authors:Dorian Schaap, Elsa Saarikkomäki Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. While procedural justice theory has become the dominant paradigm in thinking about police legitimacy, it has several important weaknesses. First, procedural justice's conceptually essential distinction between ‘process’ and ‘outcome’ is blurred in reality, which is visible both in empirical operationalizations and in researchers’ understanding of police work. Second, procedural justice theory views society through an implicit consensus lens, making it poorly equipped to address police–citizen conflicts and structural societal inequalities. This is evident in the theory's inability to unpack the dynamics of police–citizen interactions and its reluctance to problematize the police role in contemporary plural societies. To advance our understanding of police legitimacy and police–citizen relations, particularly among marginalized groups, we strongly recommend working toward theoretical renewal and empirical diversification. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-17T01:54:20Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211056680
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Authors:Juan Espindola Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Public authorities take considerable and oftentimes controversial steps in their efforts to dismantle criminal organizations involved in drug trafficking and related crimes in Mexico. Among other things, they recruit offenders who abandon their criminal organization and strike a deal with law enforcement agents and prosecutors to share information about their co-perpetrators in exchange for leniency in sentencing as well as of protection from retaliation. This article explores whether the deployment of collaborators is morally permissible in view of the significant risks it exposes them to, most notably retaliatory aggressions. The article examines the underlying philosophical problem regarding the justifiability of deploying collaborators in the social and political circumstances prevailing in the country. The normative framework I advance to explore the Mexican case can be useful in examining the ethical implications of using collaborating witnesses elsewhere. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-17T01:54:19Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211072859
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Authors:Charlotte Heath-Kelly, Šádí Shanaáh Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print. Using a combination of documentary and archival research methods, this article explores the development of Social Defence criminology across the 19th and 20th centuries—highlighting the influence the ‘new’ Social Defence movement had upon the United Nations' and Council of Europe's international crime policy programmes. By exploring the integration of Social Defence within these international programmes, the article is able to challenge several longstanding arguments in Criminology which associate pre-crime and the securitization of criminal justice with the neoliberal era. Social Defence scholars influenced International Organizations to research and disseminate anticipatory mechanisms to identify and reform potential deviants decades earlier than prominent theses suggest. These measures were steeped in the language of security and were oriented towards the prevention of future juvenile crime. The article argues for a reweighing of the influence of Social Defence criminology and against accounts which draw significant divisions between ‘penal welfarism’ and ‘neoliberal penality’. Citation: Theoretical Criminology PubDate: 2022-01-17T01:53:54Z DOI: 10.1177/13624806211056313
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Authors:Marguerite Schinkel First page: 349 Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print.
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Authors:Kayla Marie Martensen First page: 351 Abstract: Theoretical Criminology, Ahead of Print.
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