Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 1191 journals)
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    - POLITICAL SCIENCE (991 journals)
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POLITICAL SCIENCE (991 journals)            First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Showing 201 - 281 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
Defense & Security Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
Democracy & Education     Open Access   (Followers: 18)
Democratic Communiqué     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Democratic Theory     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Democratization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Democrazia e diritto     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Demokratie und Geschichte     Hybrid Journal  
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Der Donauraum     Hybrid Journal  
Desafíos     Open Access  
Development and Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 62)
Digest of Middle East Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Digital Government : Research and Practice     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Diplomacy & Statecraft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Discurso     Open Access  
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription  
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Earth System Governance     Open Access  
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
East/West : Journal of Ukrainian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies     Hybrid Journal  
Eastern Review     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Ekonomi, İşletme, Siyaset ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi     Open Access  
El Banquete de los Dioses     Open Access  
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 45)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Encuentro     Open Access  
Entramados y Perspectivas     Open Access  
Environment and Planning C : Politics and Space     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 43)
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios digital     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Ethics & International Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 18)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Éthique publique     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Eunomia. Rivista semestrale del Corso di Laurea in Scienze Politiche e delle Relazioni Internazionali     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
European Journal for Security Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
European Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal  
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 63)
European Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 60)
European Journal of Political Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 88)
European Journal of Political Research : Political Data Yearbook     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
European Journal of Politics and Gender     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
European Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal  
European Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 41)
European Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
European Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
European Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
European Union Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 56)
European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Eurostudia     Open Access  
Evaluation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Evaluation and Program Planning     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Evidence Base : A journal of evidence reviews in key policy areas     Open Access  
Exchange : The Journal of Public Diplomacy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
E|mporium     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Fascism     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Federal Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Federalism-E     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Fédéralisme Régionalisme     Open Access  
FEU Academic Review     Open Access  
Fijian Studies: A Journal of Contemporary Fiji     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Financial Times     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 38)
Foreign Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 55)
Foreign Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
Foreign Policy Bulletin     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Foro Interno. Anuario de Teoría Política     Open Access  
French Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Frontiers in Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Gaceta Laboral     Open Access  
Genocide Studies International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Geographische Zeitschrift     Full-text available via subscription  
Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Geopolitics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Geopolitics under Globalization     Open Access  
German Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
German Politics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Germinal : Marxismo e Educação em Debate     Open Access  
Gestão & Regionalidade     Open Access  
Ghana Journal of Development Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Ghana Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 15)
Global Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Global Change, Peace & Security: formerly Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 417)
Global Discourse : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Global Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 51)
Global Journal of Peace Research and Praxis     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Global Media Journal : African Edition     Open Access  
Global Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Global Societies Journal     Open Access  
Global Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Global South, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Global War Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Göç Dergisi     Full-text available via subscription  
Good Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Governare la paura. Journal of interdisciplinary studies     Open Access  
Government and Opposition     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 25)
Granì     Open Access  
Greek Political Science Review     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Hague Journal of Diplomacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Hegel Bulletin     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Helsinki Monitor     Hybrid Journal  
Hic Rhodus : Crisis capitalista, polémica y controversias     Open Access  
Historia i Polityka     Open Access  
History of Communism in Europe     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Hommes & Migrations     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
HONAI : International Journal for Educational, Social, Political & Cultural Studies     Open Access  
Horyzonty Polityki     Open Access  
Human Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 61)
Human Rights Case Digest     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Human Rights Law Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 68)
Human Rights Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 77)
Human Rights Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration     Open Access  
Idäntutkimus     Open Access  
identidade!     Open Access  
Identities : Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Identity Papers : A Journal of British and Irish Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
IDP. Revista de Internet, Derecho y Politica     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ids Practice Papers     Hybrid Journal  
IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies     Open Access  
Indes : Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft     Hybrid Journal  
Index on Censorship     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
India Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Indialogs : Spanish Journal of India Studies     Open Access  
Indonesia Prime     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Indonesian Journal of Community Engagement     Open Access  
Innovation Policy and the Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Innovations : Technology, Governance, Globalization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Insight on Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
InSURgência : revista de direitos e movimentos sociais     Open Access  
Intelligence & National Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 36)
Interdisciplinary Political Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Interdisziplinäre Zeitschrift für Südasienforschung     Open Access  
Interest Groups & Advocacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Interfaces Brasil/Canadá     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 73)
International Area Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Communication of Chinese Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
International Critical Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Gramsci Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
International Interactions: Empirical and Theoretical Research in International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Area Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
International Journal of Children's Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
International Journal of E-Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of East Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of Electronic Government Research     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of Environmental Policy and Decision Making     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Group Tensions     Hybrid Journal  
International Journal of Human Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 62)
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 592)
International Journal of Intercultural Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
International Journal of Peace Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
International Journal of Press/Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
International Journal of Refugee Law     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 38)
International Journal of Sexuality and Gender Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
International Journal of Social Quality     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Sustainable Development and World Ecology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Journal on Minority and Group Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
International Migration     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
International Migration Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 181)
International Negotiation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
International NGO Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
International Organization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 111)
International Peacekeeping     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 481)
International Political Science Abstracts     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
International Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 98)
International Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 41)
International Quarterly for Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Regional Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
International Review of Public Policy     Open Access  
International Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 81)

  First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Similar Journals
Journal Cover
International Studies Quarterly
Journal Prestige (SJR): 2.581
Citation Impact (citeScore): 2
Number of Followers: 55  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0020-8833 - ISSN (Online) 1468-2478
Published by Oxford University Press Homepage  [412 journals]
  • Multiple Identities and Scholarship in International Studies: 2019 ISA
           Presidential Address
    • Authors: Thies C.
      Pages: 259 - 265
      Abstract: AbstractThe International Studies Association (ISA) has gone through a variety of internal changes as a result of growth in our membership. Such growth transformed the association from a regional American enterprise into a global organization, diversified our disciplinary profile away from the dominance of political science, and incorporated individuals represented by a wide array of cultural identities into the membership. These changes have had huge effects on ISA's organizational identity and our attempts to manage it. I describe various options available for organizations to manage identity, including ISA's traditional strategy for identity management, and conclude with a plea for an aggregation strategy that refocuses attention on international studies as our master identity. I argue that such a strategy allows us to embrace and enhance the diversity of the association to pursue the major challenges facing the globe today.
      PubDate: Mon, 02 Mar 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa016
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • From Threat to Risk' Exceptionalism and Logics of Health Security
    • Authors: Kirk J.
      Pages: 266 - 276
      Abstract: AbstractThe logic of “risk” is increasingly important in the study of global health politics. One recent contribution has even argued that risk is beginning to replace security as the defining logic of health governance and policy. Others dispute this on the basis that risk and security have always operated together in the “securitization” of disease. This article constitutes a theoretical intervention into this burgeoning debate. Does a stronger appreciation of risk warrant the diminishment of security' Are we looking at the “riskification” of health rather than “securitization”' Or would this miss the way these two logics might be complimentary or intertwined in ways that we are yet to theorize' I argue that the global health and securitization literatures are better served by an explicit consideration of risk and security logics in interplay, or never entirely encompassed by the other, nor in complete alignment, yet never truly separate. To do this, I propose a reconceptualization of the central problem—exceptionalism—that allows for risk to be understood as a form of exceptionalist politics. I demonstrate the validity of this approach through an otherwise “easy case” of securitization: the US response to the 2014–2016 Ebola outbreak in West Africa.
      PubDate: Fri, 03 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa021
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Securing Reproductive Health: A Matter of International Peace and Security
    • Authors: Davies S; Harman S.
      Pages: 277 - 284
      Abstract: AbstractFailure to access reproductive health care is a threat to the security of women around the world. This article offers three propositions to recognize reproductive health as a matter of international peace and security. The first is to recognize current processes of advancement and backlash politics as a silent security dilemma that undermines rights, justice, and public health based approaches to reproductive health. The second is to draw on the human security origins of global health security to reorient the concept away from protecting states to protecting individuals. Finally, a feminist approach to security is incomplete without recognising reproductive health as a threat to women's security and as a barrier to their participation in international peace and security processes. Reproductive health is central to effective peacebuilding yet remains curiously absent from the international peace and security discourse. We discuss how and why reproductive security should become integrated within the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda in order to hold states to account for reproductive health access. Reproductive security defines the urgency and threat of restricted reproductive health care to the lives of women, health-care providers, and sustained international peace and security.
      PubDate: Sat, 11 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa020
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Rebel Group Attrition and Reversion to Violence: Micro-Level Evidence from
           Syria
    • Authors: Mironova V; Alhamad K, Whitt S.
      Pages: 285 - 294
      Abstract: AbstractWhy might former rebel combatants ever revert to fighting' The purpose of this research note is to inform the scholarly community on rebel incentives to remobilize for violence, a topic which has been underexplored in the literature, using evidence from an ongoing conflict: the case of volunteer ex-combatants in the Syrian civil war. In late 2014 to early 2015, we conducted surveys with 196 ex-fighters who served with different rebel group brigades linked to the Free Syrian Army as well as moderate Islamist and jihadist groups. Interviews were conducted in Gaziantep, Turkey, a common destination for combatants exiting the battlefield in rebel-held territory in northern Syria. We find that ex-fighters who are ideologically committed to the defeat of the Assad regime and/or the establishment of an Islamic state are most likely to want to return to combat. However, rebel group organizational deficiencies and strategies keep many highly motivated fighters away. Our results illustrate how rebel fighters might quickly remobilize when disciplined, well-organized rebel groups emerge on the scene, as evidenced by the rapid ascent of the Islamic State (ISIS).
      PubDate: Tue, 28 Jan 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa002
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Under the Roof of Rebels: Civilian Targeting After Territorial Takeover in
           Sierra Leone
    • Authors: Oswald C; Sauter M, Weber S, et al.
      Pages: 295 - 305
      Abstract: AbstractDo rebels target civilians as part of the process of establishing control in their territories' This research note shows that transition periods after rebels gain territorial control are remarkably violent for civilians. Speaking to the civilian victimization and rebel governance literature, we investigate the immediate time period after rebels successfully capture and hold territory. We argue that rebels use violence to gain compliance in newly captured territories until they are able to build up local capacities and institutions for peaceful governance. To test this argument, we draw on methodological advances in integrating event data and combine multiple datasets to study patterns of violence perpetrated by the Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone from 1997 to 2001. The findings of our spatiotemporal analysis show that civilian targeting increases in the period after rebels capture territory from the government compared to areas without territorial takeover, suggesting that life under the roof of rebels is initially more dangerous for civilians.
      PubDate: Wed, 26 Feb 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa009
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Who Wants to Be a Suicide Bomber' Evidence from Islamic State Recruits
    • Authors: Morris A.
      Pages: 306 - 315
      Abstract: AbstractSuicide attackers are frequently educated and economically well-off. These findings are widely taken as evidence that highly competent individuals predominately volunteer to conduct suicide operations. I evaluate this theory using a novel dataset on the personnel records of members of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The dataset contains information on the characteristics of individuals who volunteer for suicide attacks as opposed to normal combat missions. The results reject the self-selection hypothesis, as education and religious knowledge are negatively associated with volunteering for suicide attacks. Instead, the findings are consistent with an alternative explanation for why high-quality individuals commit suicide attacks: leaders of terrorist organizations carefully screen recruits and select high-quality individuals to commit these attacks. The results highlight the importance of leader demand rather than soldier supply of suicide bombers.
      PubDate: Mon, 02 Mar 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa012
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Exporting Murder: US Deportations and the Spread of Violence
    • Authors: Ambrosius C; Leblang D.
      Pages: 316 - 328
      Abstract: AbstractExisting literature on cross-national variation in violence has paid little attention to the transnational transmission of crime. One such channel is the forced return of migrants with a penal record in their country of temporary residence. Responding to this research gap, we study the effect of US deportations of convicts on levels of violent crime in deportees’ country of origin for a cross-country panel of up to 123 countries covering the years 2003 to 2014. We find a strong and robust effect of the deportation of convicts on homicide rates in countries of origin, which is to a large degree driven by deportations to Latin America and the Caribbean. An additional inflow of ten deportees with a prior criminal history per 100,000 increases expected homicide rates by roughly two. In addition to controlling for country-specific fixed effects, we provide evidence on a causal effect using an instrumental variable approach, which exploits spatial and time variation in migrant populations’ exposure to state-level immigration policies in the United States.
      PubDate: Mon, 02 Mar 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa014
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Selling Out or Standing Firm' Explaining the Design of Civil War Peace
           Agreements
    • Authors: Cil D; Prorok A.
      Pages: 329 - 342
      Abstract: AbstractWhen do rebel leaders “sell out” their constituents in the terms of peace by signing agreements that benefit group elites over the rebel constituency, and when do they instead “stand firm,” pushing for settlement terms that benefit the public they claim to represent' This article examines variation in the design of civil war settlement agreements. It argues that constituents, fighters, and rebel elites have different preferences over the terms of peace, and that rebel leaders will push for settlements that reflect the preferences of whichever audience they are most reliant on and accountable to. In particular, leaders of groups that are more civilian-reliant for their military and political power are more likely to sign agreements that favor broad benefits for civilian constituents, while leaders who do not depend on civilian support for their political and military power will sign agreements with fewer public benefits. We test this argument using original data on the design of all final peace agreements reached between 1989 and 2009, and several proxies for the group's level of reliance on civilian supporters. Using a variety of statistical tests and accounting for nonrandom selection into peace agreements, we find strong support for our hypothesis.
      PubDate: Mon, 02 Mar 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa010
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Thinking outside the Box: Globalization, Labor Rights, and the Making of
           Preferential Trade Agreements
    • Authors: Wang Z.
      Pages: 343 - 355
      Abstract: AbstractStates can seemingly defy the dictates of globalization. In practice, although being pressured by their competitors, states rarely engage in the race to the bottom by downgrading labor rights laws that are politically costly to pursue. I argue that states’ resistance is made possible by adopting more viable policy alternatives, i.e., concluding preferential trade agreements (PTAs). PTAs can generate considerable economic gains in a less politically costly way than does reducing legal labor protection. As a result, it is expected that a pair of states is more likely to form a PTA in the face of policy pressure to lower legal labor protection. I also argue that facing such pressure, these states are more likely to include strong labor provisions in PTAs. Finally, in the face of the policy pressure, states may feel that signing a PTA is a bit less urgent when they are able to diminish practical labor protection. Applying structural equivalence technique to a new global labor rights dataset to capture the policy pressure to lower legal labor protection, I find robust evidence in support of these conjectures.
      PubDate: Wed, 12 Feb 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa001
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Trust and Support for Comprehensive Trade Agreements in the European
           Parliament
    • Authors: Norrevik S.
      Pages: 356 - 368
      Abstract: AbstractComprehensive Trade Agreements (CTAs) constitute a new generation of free trade agreements, which challenge traditional models of trade preferences. To understand preferences toward CTAs I present a new predictor, trust in government, that explains support for CTAs in the European Parliament. I develop a unified framework that includes economic and noneconomic factors to explain trade preferences, and analyze support for three recent CTAs: the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement with Canada (CETA), and the EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement. Using an original dataset on trade voting and a multilevel model, I show that higher levels of citizens’ trust in government make Members of the European Parliament more likely to vote in favor of CTAs. My research offers a novel theoretical argument and insights on the connection between public trust and elite position-taking.
      PubDate: Thu, 20 Feb 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa004
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Debt or Alive: Burundi's Fiscal Response to Economic Sanctions
    • Authors: Dom R; Roger L.
      Pages: 369 - 379
      Abstract: AbstractEconomic sanctions, and the suspension of budget support in particular, are supposed to pressure target governments into complying with sanction demands by putting spending commitments at risk. In this article we argue that this is too simplistic since governments have more fiscal levers at their disposal. The case of Burundi illustrates this argument. Following Burundi's 2015 political crisis, donors imposed economic sanctions on the country and suspended all budget support to the national government. Using monthly data on the government's fiscal position between 2005 and 2017, we present evidence from a time series analysis showing that aid does not affect spending and that aid shortfalls are instead systematically compensated with domestic borrowing. It appears that the Burundian government has been able to withstand the sanctions and to fulfil its spending commitments by substituting domestic debt for aid. Thus, the economic costs of sanctions do not necessarily translate directly into political costs but are mitigated by the government's fiscal response.
      PubDate: Thu, 20 Feb 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa007
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Why is the Mass Public Not More Supportive of Free Trade' Evidence
           from the United States
    • Authors: Bearce D; Moya S.
      Pages: 380 - 391
      Abstract: AbstractThis article explores why citizens favor protection despite the economic case for free trade. It argues that due to a lack of training and in an environment of stable prices, many individuals are not aware of the consumption benefits. Even when they are aware, citizens tend to discount these benefits due to media coverage of the employment costs and loss aversion. The article presents survey evidence from an American sample, showing that a belief in lost jobs is more strongly associated with trade preferences than a belief in lower prices. Given that the former pushes citizens toward less favorable trade attitudes, it also presents evidence from a priming experiment, testing if attitudes can be moved in a more favorable direction with positive information. Factual information about the consumer benefits has no effect, but information about the employment effects shifts attitudes positively. In the present environment, it thus appears more effective to prime pro-trade attitudes by appealing to jobs than to prices.
      PubDate: Tue, 31 Mar 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa008
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Bread Before Guns or Butter: Introducing Surplus Domestic Product (SDP)
    • Authors: Anders T; Fariss C, Markowitz J.
      Pages: 392 - 405
      Abstract: AbstractScholars systematically mismeasure power resources and military burdens by using gross domestic product (GDP) as a proxy for the income states can devote to arming. The core problem is that GDP confounds two conceptually distinct forms of income into one additive indicator. Subsistence income represents resources needed to provide the “bread” necessary to cover the basic subsistence needs of the population. Surplus income represents the remaining resources that could be allocated to “guns” or “butter.” Our new measure of surplus domestic product (SDP) corrects for this measurement error by decomposing subsistence income and surplus income from total GDP. Validation exercises demonstrate that SDP outperforms GDP at measuring the distribution of power resources. Though theoretically we expect states’ decisions to arm are influenced by the distribution of power; empirical models using GDP find mixed support for this expectation. Strikingly, using SDP reveals strong support for this proposition.
      PubDate: Fri, 24 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa013
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Leaders and Default
    • Authors: Shea P; Poast P.
      Pages: 406 - 418
      Abstract: AbstractSovereign default is a political decision. While previous research on sovereign credit markets focuses on economic causes, domestic constraints, or international reputation to explain why states default, we focus on leaders. We argue that leaders who come to power under irregular circumstances are more likely to default. Irregular leaders are themselves more vulnerable to turnover and therefore prioritize the short-term benefits of default rather than the long-term benefits of repayment. In addition, irregular regime transitions offer new leaders a way to obfuscate responsibility, thus limiting the reputational costs of default. Our analysis of sovereign defaults and leadership transitions from 1875 to 2015 support our claims. Across various model specifications, we find that irregular leadership change increases the odds of default onset by over 300 percent.
      PubDate: Thu, 20 Feb 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa003
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Civil Conflict and Agenda-Setting Speed in the United Nations Security
           Council
    • Authors: Binder M; Golub J.
      Pages: 419 - 430
      Abstract: AbstractThe United Nations Security Council (UNSC) can respond to a civil conflict only if that conflict first enters the Council's agenda. Some conflicts reach the Council's agenda within days after they start, others after years (or even decades), and some never make it. So far, only a few studies have looked at the crucial UNSC agenda-setting stage, and none have examined agenda-setting speed. To fill this important gap, we develop and test a novel theoretical framework that combines insights from realist and constructivist theory with lessons from institutionalist theory and bargaining theory. Applying survival analysis to an original dataset, we show that the parochial interests of the permanent members (P-5) matter, but they do not determine the Council's agenda-setting speed. Rather, P-5 interests are constrained by normative considerations and concerns for the Council's organizational mission arising from the severity of a conflict (in terms of spillover effects and civilian casualties); by the interests of the widely ignored elected members (E-10); and by the degree of preference heterogeneity among both the P-5 and the E-10. Our findings contribute to a better understanding of how the United Nations (UN) works, and they have implications for the UN's legitimacy.
      PubDate: Tue, 17 Mar 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa017
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Let's Justify! How Regime Complexes Enhance the Normative Legitimacy of
           Global Governance
    • Authors: Faude B; Groβe-Kreul F.
      Pages: 431 - 439
      Abstract: AbstractThis theory note develops a theoretical approach which integrates the negative spillovers that international institutions often impose on each other into our thinking about their normative legitimacy. Our approach draws on the political philosophy of Rainer Forst which revolves around the right to justification. It suggests that regime complexes facilitate the breakup of institution-specific orders of justification by prompting invested actors to justify negative spillovers vis-à-vis each other. Thus, regime complexes enable more encompassing justifications of negative spillovers than stand-alone international institutions. Against this backdrop, we submit that the proliferation of regime complexes represents normative progress in global governance.
      PubDate: Wed, 22 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa024
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Why Do Only Some Chairs Act as Successful Mediators' Trust in Chairs
           of Global Climate Negotiations
    • Authors: Walker H; Biedenkopf K.
      Pages: 440 - 452
      Abstract: AbstractTrust in the chairs of global negotiations is a decisive factor facilitating successful outcomes. When negotiators trust the chair, they allow her to go beyond her formal procedural role by acting as a mediator, fostering the reaching of agreement. Negotiating parties must consent to a chair assuming substantive mediation functions. They cede parts of their control over the process to the chair when they are confident that the chair is competent and acts in good faith and everyone's interest. In this article, we develop a detailed conceptualization of trust in chairs of global negotiations and demonstrate its impact in two cases of United Nations negotiations that aimed to deliver a universal deal on climate change: the failed 2009 round in Copenhagen, and the 2015 round that culminated in the adoption of the Paris Agreement.
      PubDate: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa018
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Illiberal Norm Diffusion: How Do Governments Learn to Restrict
           Nongovernmental Organizations'
    • Authors: Glasius M; Schalk J, De Lange M.
      Pages: 453 - 468
      Abstract: AbstractRecent decades have witnessed a global cascade of restrictive and repressive measures against nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). We theorize that state learning from observing the regional environment, rather than NGO growth per se or domestic unrest, explains this rapid diffusion of restrictions. We develop and test two hypotheses: (1) states adopt NGO restrictions in response to nonarmed bottom-up threats in their regional environment (“learning from threats”); (2) states adopt NGO restrictions through imitation of the legislative behavior of other states in their regional environment (“learning from examples”). Using an original dataset on NGO restrictions in ninety-six countries over a period of twenty-five years (1992–2016), we test these hypotheses by means of negative binomial regression and survival analyses, using spatially weighted techniques. We find very limited evidence for learning from threats, but consistent evidence for learning from examples. We corroborate this finding through close textual comparison of laws adopted in the Middle East and Africa, showing legal provisions being taken over almost verbatim from one law into another. In our conclusion, we spell out the implications for the quality of democracy and for theories of transition to a postliberal order, as well as for policy-makers, lawyers, and civil-society practitioners.
      PubDate: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa019
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • The Importance of Correct Measurement: A Response to Palmer, et al
    • Authors: Gibler D; Miller S, Little E.
      Pages: 476 - 479
      Abstract: AbstractPalmer, D’Orazio, Kenwick, and McManus (PDKM) review a minority of changes we made to the CoW MID data, agree with most of those changes, but then argue that no scientific findings will be influenced by these or the thousands of changed values they ignore. We respond in two ways. First, we point out that principles of good science dictate that we discard dispute cases that either cannot be substantiated by the historical record or that do not meet dataset coding rules; we also discuss the ten-thousand-plus changed values PDKM still have not examined. Second, contrary to PDKM, we demonstrate how data differences greatly affect previous studies by returning again to the replications. There were substantial errors in both of PDKM’s replications, and these errors led them to incorrect inferences.
      PubDate: Wed, 01 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa011
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • The Militarized Interstate Dispute Dataset: Putting Things in Perspective
    • Authors: Palmer G; D'Orazio V, Kenwick M, et al.
      Pages: 480 - 481
      Abstract: AbstractIn their latest research note in our ongoing dialogue about the Militarized Interstate Dispute (MID) dataset, Gibler, Miller, and Little (GML) reiterate their concerns about a high error rate in the MID dataset and challenge our prior replication studies, which showed that GML's recommended changes to the dataset caused few substantive changes in the core findings of two published studies. In this rejoinder, we offer further explanation of our decision-making, put GML's claims about the error rate in context, defend our replication methodology and results, and offer advice for MID dataset users.
      PubDate: Wed, 22 Apr 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa022
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Stylized Facts and Comparative Statics in (Social) Science Inquiry
    • Authors: Narang N; LeVeck B.
      Pages: 482 - 485
      Abstract: AbstractIn a recent article, David Blagden (2019) critiques our research published in the International Studies Quarterly (LeVeck and Narang 2017a), in which we draw on the well-known “wisdom of crowds” phenomenon to argue that, because democracies typically include a larger number of decision makers in the foreign policy process, they may produce fewer decision-making errors in situations of crisis bargaining. As a result, bargaining may fail less often. Blagden's critique focuses on two supposed flaws: first, that “[d]emocracies may have a larger number of more diverse policymakers, of course, but this relationship is not necessary,” and second, that “weighing against the superior ability of large groups to average towards accurate answers, meanwhile, is a substantial drawback of larger groups: the diminishing ability to take and implement decisions” due to additional veto players. In this article, we demonstrate the ways in which we believe Blagden's critique to be misguided in its approach to social science inquiry. In particular, we argue that much of his critique requires that we reject two hallmarks of scientific inquiry: the use of stylized facts in theory building; and the use of comparative statics to generate testable hypotheses.
      PubDate: Mon, 24 Feb 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa006
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
  • Corrigendum to “Settling Resistant Territorial Disputes: The Territorial
           Boundary Peace in Latin America”
    • Pages: 486 - 486
      PubDate: Mon, 03 Feb 2020 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqaa005
      Issue No: Vol. 64, No. 2 (2020)
       
 
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