JournalTOCs

Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung ZeFKo : Studies in Peace and Conflict
Number of Followers: 1

Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 2192-1741 - ISSN (Online) 2524-6976
Published by Springer-Verlag

[2468 journals]

Friedensbildung otherwise'
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  Abstract: Zusammenfassung Auf Basis dekolonialer Theorien wird in diesem Beitrag ausgelotet, ob und wie Friedensbildung eine dekoloniale Ausrichtung erfahren kann. Hierzu werden die Kontexte und Implikationen des decolonial turn in der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung und der Friedensbildung nachgezeichnet. Im Fokus des Beitrags steht die Konturierung einer dekolonial informierten Friedensbildung als Wegbereiterin für eine Friedensbildung otherwise. Eine dekolonial informierte Friedensbildung nimmt die Möglichkeiten und Herausforderungen von Friedensbildung in den Blick und beruht auf der Kritik des dominanten modern-liberalen Friedensbegriffes, auf der Erweiterung des Gewaltbegriffs um eine onto-epistemische Ebene, sowie auf einer Pluriversalisierung von Friedensverständnissen vor dem Hintergrund der Auseinandersetzung mit (De)Kolonialität. Die Analyse und Hinterfragung eines von kolonialen Herrschafts‑, Gewalt- und Machtverhältnissen geprägten Status Quo ist dabei grundlegend, um diese Verhältnisse in der Friedensbildung einer Bearbeitung zugänglich zu machen.
  PubDate: 2023-09-07
Mutual desecuritization as a model of détente' Foreign policy change in
the US-Cuban dyad
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  Abstract: Abstract In foreign policy dyads characterized by enmity, mutual desecuritization can serve as a crucial asset for détente. But how does “the way out of the emergency mode” function, considering mutual securitizations over decades' Embarking from theoretical insights provided by second generation scholars on securitization and desecuritization studies, the authors generate a theory-based model of détente for dyads. This analytical tool contributes to the study of the dissolution of historically grown, mutual (re-)securitization processes in interstate relations. By clarifying the impact and functioning of the four desecuritizing modes (replacement, silencing, change through stabilization, and rearticulation), our model allows us to trace dynamics of change and assess the sustainability of détente. Especially mutual desecuritization as rearticulation has the potential to substantially change the self-other relation with effects on the social structure of a foreign policy dyad. The heuristic case study of US-Cuban relations serves as a prime example of a complex dyad of enmity which became a subject of change due to the Obama–Castro diplomacy in 2014. The study on US-Cuban foreign policy issues before and after 2014 helps to sharpen our understanding of dynamic securitization and desecuritization processes. The overall analysis demonstrates that the modes of desecuritization during the Obama–Castro diplomacy lifted the process of détente to a new and unprecedented level.
  PubDate: 2023-08-25
The African Union’s Silencing the Guns: between stereotyping and
owning gender roles
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  Abstract: Abstract Following the motto “African Solutions for African Problems”, the African Union (AU) fosters its agency as a regional actor on gender policies. The Silencing the Guns campaign represents one example. Here, the AU attempts to link gender, peace and security policies. Taking the AU’s motto into account, this research explores to what degree Silencing the Guns is driven by the understanding of gender roles linked to African Feminisms, and to what degree gender assumptions of other feminist traditions are embedded. With the help of hypervisibility as a concept, stereotypes will be put into the context of Silencing the Guns. To answer the research question, a mixed-methods approach is applied for data collection. The results clearly indicate references to African feminist theories such as Womanism. In particular, these results help introduce a discussion around epistemological power hierarchies in feminist discourse defining what (harmful) gender stereotypes are for whom. Although there is a common understanding among most of the feminist researchers that gender is a social construct influenced by socio-cultural contexts, the socio-cultural context of the Global North seems to be the universal departure point to investigate gender stereotypes. However, leaving out the various socio-cultural contexts in the Global South that shape gender as a social construct distorts the knowledge about how gender stereotypes function in different societies. Consequently, the main output of this research is a call to rethink the universal claim on how gender stereotypes are defined and interpreted and to urgently encounter multiple decolonial approaches of epistemology, methodology and ontology.
  PubDate: 2023-08-17
Why do warring parties enter negotiations during an ongoing war' Insights
from the 2022 Ukraine–Russia talks
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  Abstract: Abstract Why do warring parties enter negotiations during an ongoing war' This article builds on previous scholarship that has argued that the onset of wartime negotiations does not always exclusively represent a genuine will by belligerents to arrive at a settlement, but that alternative motives may also drive their decision to negotiate. The article identifies and distinguishes four alternative political and military motives and argues that belligerents may come to the table at times when they need to establish their status vis-à-vis an opponent, establish or safeguard domestic as well as external support, or when they need to buy time if they can no longer uphold levels of violence on the battlefield. This article examines the utility of this argument for the early round of talks between Russian and Ukrainian delegations, which took place during Russia’s ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine in February and March 2022. Triangulating information from semi-structured interviews with country experts, case studies, news sources, and statements by the warring parties, the analysis particularly underlines findings put forward by past research on the costs of war as a determinant for entering talks and shows that entering talks helped Ukraine’s government establish agency and status as a bargaining partner while also serving its broader strategic communication with external actors. There is no evidence, however, supporting proposed mechanisms on belligerents coming to the table in order to establish domestic political support or buy time on the battlefield for the case under analysis.
  PubDate: 2023-07-21
Preventing the escalation of cyber conflicts: towards an approach to
plausibly assure the non-involvement in a cyberattack
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  Abstract: Abstract While cyberspace has evolved into a commonly shared space vital to our individual lives and societies, malicious cyber activities by state actors as part of espionage operations, regarding defense strategies, or as part of traditional conflicts have strongly increased. In contrast, attributing the origin of such activities remains problematic. The ambiguity of digital data raises the problem of misinterpreting available information, increasing the risk of misinformed reactions and conflict escalation. In order to reduce this risk, this paper proposes a transparency system based on technologies which usually already exist for IT security measures that an accused actor in a specific incident can use to provide credible information which plausibly assures his non-involvement. The paper analyses the technical requirements, presents the technical concept and discusses the necessary adjustments to existing IT networks for its implementation. Intended as a measure for conflict de-escalation, the paper further discusses the limitations of this approach, especially with regard to technical limits as well as the political motivation and behavior of states.
  PubDate: 2023-05-17
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00099-7
Experts, activists, and girl bosses of the nuclear apocalypse: feminisms
in security discours
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  Abstract: Abstract Having long been regarded as irrelevant to the high politics of foreign affairs, feminism and gender equality have in recent years gained increased attention in international security debates, including discussions about nuclear weapons policy. Several governments have adopted official feminist foreign policy postures, international security institutions have launched inquiries into gender equity and representation, and a myriad of security actors have enthusiastically embraced the language of women’s empowerment. Mapping the various modes of purported feminist practice on display in the nuclear policy field, we find that being “pro women” has become a sought-after rhetorical asset on both sides of the nuclear weapons debate. Reflecting wider trends in the corporate world, constituents of the nuclear weapons industry have increasingly embraced liberal feminist language and workplace diversity goals. These practices, we suggest, have helped challenge the perception of the nuclear industry as overly masculine, aiding recruitment to, and overall political legitimation of, the nuclear weapons enterprise. This development is significant because it functions to undercut the association between feminism and opposition to nuclear weapons, thus complicating efforts to advance arms control and disarmament through feminist interventions.
  PubDate: 2023-05-12
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00100-3
Correction to: Using digitally mediated methods in sensitive contexts:
a threat analysis and critical reflection on data security, privacy, and
ethical concerns in the case of Afghanistan
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  PubDate: 2023-05-08
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00101-2
Editorial
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  PubDate: 2023-04-13
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00097-9
Weniger Demokratie wagen' Möglichkeiten und Grenzen liberaler
Friedensstrategien nach der Zeitenwende
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  Abstract: Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag nimmt aktuelle Diskussionen um den Umgang mit Russlands Krieg in der Ukraine zum Anlass, um grundsätzlich die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen liberaler Friedensstrategien, die insbesondere in der deutschen Friedensforschung stark verankert sind, zu erörtern. Wir argumentieren, dass die Friedensforschung weiterhin an ihrem Anspruch festhalten sollte, Strategien für einen nachhaltigen Frieden aufzuzeigen, der über reine Abschreckung bzw. das Denken in Blöcken hinausreicht. Sie sollte deshalb ihre bisherigen Erkenntnisse zu Friedensbedingungen nicht vollends über Bord werfen und weiterhin auch die innere Verfasstheit der beteiligten Staaten und ihrer Gesellschaften im Blick behalten. Der russische Angriff auf die Ukraine verdeutlicht gerade, wie das Fehlen demokratischer Kontrollinstanzen und die Abschottung autokratischer Führungen die Eskalation militärischer Konflikte befördern und den Frieden unterminieren. Der Beitrag diskutiert, wie und inwieweit sich die Grundannahmen und zentralen empirischen Erkenntnisse liberaler Friedenstheorie weiterhin auf den Umgang mit Russland und anderen revanchistischen Autokratien anwenden lassen. Im Sinne einer kritischen Selbstreflexion der Friedensforschung erörtert er auch die Grenzen liberaler Friedensstrategien und bettet dies in Debatten über eine breitere Krise liberaler Ansätze und die Lehren internationaler Demokratieförderung der Vergangenheit ein.
  PubDate: 2023-04-06
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00096-w
Represented but not always heard: an analysis of the progress of gender
equality at the United Nations through the lens of the Treaty on the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons
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  Abstract: Abstract Gender inequality has always been a structural problem at the United Nations. The voices of women as well as those of non-binary people and marginalised communities have always been present but often never truly heard. The elevation of some female perspectives has not remedied the fact that the voices of most women and disadvantaged groups remain secondary to the traditionally male-oriented narrative of politics and power that is the foundation of the UN system. This paper interrogates the progress of incorporating feminist and humanitarian concerns in UN processes through the lens of the 2017 UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW)—heralded as the first “gender-sensitive” international nuclear weapons agreement. The paper will draw from different points of criticisms within feminist international relations theory to argue that women’s representation in multilateral negotiation processes does not constitute positive progress towards their interests if gender-sensitive disarmament policies are not implemented.
  PubDate: 2023-04-03
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00095-x
Zur Debatte über die Einhegung eines Cyberwars: Analyse militärischer
Cyberaktivitäten im Krieg Russlands gegen die Ukraine
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  Abstract: Zusammenfassung Der Überfall Russlands auf die Ukraine und der sich anschließende Krieg haben neben vielen anderen sicherheitspolitischen Gewissheiten auch zum ersten Mal die Rolle des Cyberspace in einem offenen Angriffskrieg demonstriert und bedenkenswerte Entwicklungen offenbart. Ziel dieses Beitrags ist es, die militärischen Aktivitäten im Cyberspace im Rahmen des Krieges Russlands gegen die Ukraine auf der Grundlage der öffentlich verfügbaren Informationen zu analysieren und im Hinblick auf die bis dato gängigen Vorstellungen eines Cyberwars zu bewerten. Darauf aufbauend werden mögliche Schlussfolgerungen betrachtet, zum einen mit Blick auf die zukünftige Bedeutung von Cyberaktivitäten für Russland, hinsichtlich des generellen militärischen Einsatzes von Cyberwirkmitteln und dessen weiterer Entwicklung, und in Bezug auf zukünftige internationale Debatten zur Einhegung von Cyberwars und des schädigenden Einsatzes von Cyberwirkmitteln.
  PubDate: 2023-03-21
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00094-y
Kategoriale Dissonanzen. Russlands regressiver Weg in den Krieg und die
Historische Soziologie imperialistischer Außenpolitiken
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  Abstract: Zusammenfassung Russlands Angriff auf die Ukraine im Februar 2022 legt die Diagnose eines imperialistischen Eroberungskrieges nahe. Gleichzeitig fristen imperialismustheoretische Zugänge zur russländischen Außenpolitik ein widersprüchliches Nischendasein. So führen die kritischen Sozialwissenschaften Imperialismus maßgeblich auf kapitalistische Entwicklungsdynamiken und die Hegemoniebestrebungen der USA im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert zurück. Politologische und soziologische Ansätze hingegen fokussieren auf die ideologische Dimension des Imperialismus oder normalisieren imperialistische Außenpolitiken in transhistorischen Imperien-Typologien. Aufbauend auf einer Kritik bestehender Deutungsangebote unternimmt der Beitrag einen Bestimmungsversuch des russländischen Imperialismus seit den späten 2000er Jahren. Dabei wird das Argument entwickelt, dass sich in Russland vor dem Hintergrund einer Doppelkrise der Rentenökonomie und der politischen Legitimation seit 2008 ein regressives souveränistisches Projekt fomiert hat, das auf militaristische Politik zur eigenen Reproduktion angewiesen ist. Außenpolitisch kristallisierte sich diese Regression insbesondere um die Formulierung und versuchte Umsetzung imperialer Verfügungsansprüche über die Ukraine. Erklärungen, die auf das Axiom eines globalen oder russländischen Kapitalismus oder die atavistische Ideologie der russländischen Staatselite rekurrieren, bleiben jedoch defizitär. Alternativ greift der Beitrag auf jüngere historisch-soziologische Zugänge zur Außenpolitik sowie Konzepte der älteren Historischen Sozialwissenschaft in den deutschen Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) zurück und schlägt einen historisierenden Zugang zur Rekonstruktion von Außenpolitik vor. Dieser betont neben der fundamentalen Kontextgebundenheit internationaler Politik die prozesshafte Ko-Konstitution krisenhafter sozioökonomischer Entwicklung, strategischer Elitenprojekte der Herrschaftslegitimierung und Geopolitik.
  PubDate: 2023-03-13
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00093-z
‘Why haven’t you known'’
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  Abstract: Abstract This article critically examines the character and extent of transoceanic solidarity in feminist anti-nuclear activism. Drawing on archival research into a British-based solidarity network, Women Working for a Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (WWNFIP), the article centralises the rhetorical question ‘Why Haven’t You Known'’ demanded by Māori activist Titewhai Harawira of her British audience in 1986, and extends it to contemporary scholars of feminist anti-nuclear activism. The article makes three main empirical claims. First, the WWNFIP archive pushes Indigenous women from across the Pacific into the limelight as experts and teachers, with British-based counterparts playing a supportive role. Second, the archive foregrounds Indigenous knowledge claims about nuclear colonialism and correspondingly represents decolonisation as essential to nuclear abolition. Thirdly, solidarity is shaped in ambivalent ways by these knowledge claims, which simultaneously evoke sisterly closeness and the discomfort of potential white allies. Overall, WWNFIP’s relatively successful construction of transoceanic solidarity, notwithstanding some ambiguities and limitations, points to the crucial relationship between knowledge and solidarity. The case study not only offers some valuable lessons for contemporary efforts to forge anti-nuclear solidarities but also disrupts dominant accounts of feminist anti-nuclear activism, past and present.
  PubDate: 2023-02-23
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00091-1
With friends like these: the Sino-Russian partnership is based on
interests, not ideology
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  Abstract: Abstract Russia’s attack on Ukraine has not only shaken the foundations of the European security order, but will also have long-term repercussions on the future of international relations. While Ukraine is enjoying universal backing from Western states, Russia has received at least rhetorical support from its “strategic partner” China. Influential voices have cited this constellation as proof of a new global confrontation between democratic and authoritarian camps. Amidst the current “sea change” in German foreign and defense policy, calls are mounting to make this assumed systemic confrontation its new baseline. In this brief article, we aim to sketch a more complex picture of the Sino-Russian partnership, as revealed by the war in Ukraine. Based on an analysis of Chinese and Russian official statements and expert commentaries published since shortly before the beginning of the war, we find that it is fundamentally shaped by three factors: a partial and short-term overlap of interests, an underdeveloped normative basis further challenged by Russia’s belligerent behavior, and a pronounced reactivity towards US security agency. Accordingly, closer Sino- Russian alignment is not based on ideological fraternity or a symptom of renewed systemic bipolarity in global politics. Viewing it as such is also a bad guideline for practical policy, as it ignores the differences in both countries’ attitudes towards the status quo of global order, and risks pushing them closer together in further challenges against it.
  PubDate: 2023-02-02
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-023-00090-2
Using digitally mediated methods in sensitive contexts: a threat analysis
and critical reflection on data security, privacy, and ethical concerns in
the case of Afghanistan
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  Abstract: Abstract Given the lack of empirical examples of how research can be conducted via digital means in sensitive contexts, this paper provides a threat model using Afghanistan, where the Taliban took power in August 2021, as an example. Both technical and non-technical research-related risks are analyzed, paying attention to research ethics, data security, and privacy. We argue that any threat model and risk analysis is highly context-dependent. Our analysis reveals that in certain research processes, human security does not necessarily coincide with data security and that an ambivalence exists between privacy and usability. In addition to the concrete threat analysis, the paper identifies some general technical solutions (e.g., encryption methods, communication software) for different research steps to foster secure and ethically justifiable research.
  PubDate: 2023-01-10
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-022-00088-2
Rethinking the beginning of the ‘nuclear age’ through telling
feminist nuclear stories
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  Abstract: Abstract Bringing a feminist perspective to the global politics of nuclear weapons not only allows us to expand who and what counts as worthy of study in nuclear politics, but also contests core ideas and narratives that have shaped the literature to date. This paper asks how telling feminist nuclear stories rooted in an understanding of the everyday impacts of nuclear weapons challenges the traditional nuclear history. The standard history of ‘the bomb’ focuses on the military-industrial development of the Manhattan Project in the context of World War II, focusing on the figure of the elite male scientist as embodying the unique moral dilemmas of a new ‘nuclear age’. Feminist stories of the development of the first atomic weapons can instead illuminate the marginalised bodies and expansive, everyday harms of the development of nuclear weapons technology, altering both the timeline and the space of nuclear politics.
  PubDate: 2022-12-29
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-022-00082-8
Abolition, not arms control: against reinforcing nuclear weapons through
“reform”
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  Abstract: Abstract Despite decades of persistent threats and harms caused by nuclear weapons, arms control continues to be the dominant paradigm through which to address the bomb, rather than disarmament. Drawing parallels with police and prison “reforms,” this article explores how arms control operates as a system of reform that reifies rather than liberates us from nuclear weapons. The article outlines how arms control steps that provide further support for and investments in nuclear weapons lead us away from disarmament, not toward it. It will also look at how diversity-related reforms co-opt communities into the nuclear-industrial complex, rather than work to transform that complex. The article posits that the abolition of nuclear weapons is the only adequate answer to the dangers posed by nuclear weapons, and suggests drawing upon the lessons from feminist, queer, and antiracist struggles against other institutions of state violence to achieve nuclear abolition.
  PubDate: 2022-12-01
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-022-00080-w
Still Loving the F-Word
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  Abstract: Zusammenfassung Intersektionale feministische Theorie unterschiedlicher disziplinärer Provenienz hat wichtige Vorarbeit für heute diskutierte post- und dekoloniale Theorie geleistet. Feministische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung kann als Vermittlerin zwischen diesen Perspektiven und der eigenen Disziplin fungieren. In meinem Beitrag schlage ich vor, das für das Konzept der kolonialen Moderne zentrale Begriffspaar des epistemischen Rassismus/Sexismus, das von früheren marxistisch-feministischen Arbeiten geprägt ist, zum Ausgangspunkt für eine herrschaftskritische Wiederbelebung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung zu machen. Ausgehend vom post- und dekolonialen Befund, dass der Zustand der Kolonialität bis heute anhält und das kapitalistische Weltsystem und seine vielfältigen Gewaltpraktiken aufrechterhält, muss die Friedens- und Konfliktforschung ihren eigenen Euro- und Androzentrismus bearbeiten und ihre Verortung auf dem epistemischen Territorium der Moderne einer Kritik unterziehen. Ausgehend davon kann sie globale Macht‑, Gewalt- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse wieder in einen glaubwürdigen herrschaftskritischen Blick bekommen. Feministische Perspektiven, die im Zentrum meiner Argumentation stehen, leisten für diese Grundlagenforschung einen wichtigen Beitrag.
  PubDate: 2022-10-01
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-022-00075-7
Reparationen für Kolonialverbrechen – die Ambivalente Rolle des Rechts
am Beispiel der Verhandlungen zwischen Deutschland und Namibia
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  Abstract: Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der ambivalenten Rolle des Völkerrechts bei der rechtlichen Aufarbeitung von Kolonialverbrechen. Einerseits spielte das Recht in seiner jeweils hegemonialen, europäischen Auslegung eine Schlüsselrolle bei der formellen Legitimierung der systematischen und massiven Gewalt, die seitens der Kolonialmächte gegenüber „ihren“ Kolonien ausgeübt wurde. Andererseits gab es immer schon auch Auslegungen des Rechts, die dem entgegenstanden und die es „wieder zu entdecken“ gilt. Letzteres ist ein Bestandteil dekolonialer Rechtstheorie. Im Wesentlichen geht es darum, Recht zu dekolonisieren, um die koloniale Gewalt offenzulegen und die komplexen Folgen des Kolonialismus rechtlich adäquat aufzuarbeiten. Des Weiteren soll so die aus den Kolonialverbrechen resultierende transgenerationale soziale, wirtschaftliche, politische und kulturelle Exklusion der vormals Kolonisierten abgemildert und substanzielle Gleichheit angestrebt werden. Am Beispiel der Reparationsforderungen der Ovaherero und Nama zeichnet der Beitrag nach, inwiefern sich die Anwendung des rechtlichen Grundsatzes der Intertemporalität inmitten dieses Spannungsfelds zwischen der Reproduktion kolonialen Rechts und der Dekolonisierung unseres retrospektiven Blicks auf Recht befindet. Die Art und Weise, wie die deutsche und die namibische Regierung die Verhandlungen über die Aufarbeitung der kolonialen Vergangenheit führten ist dafür symptomatisch. Gleiches gilt für den Umstand, dass die Bundesrepublik Deutschland letztendlich Reparationsleistungen verweigerte. Dieses Verhalten steht für einen hegemonialen staatszentrierten Ansatz, der Transparenz gegenüber den Zivilgesellschaften verweigert. Diese Haltung ignoriert die völkergewohnheitsrechtlich anerkannten Menschenrechte betroffener Communities/Gemeinschaften. Die Verletzung der Beteiligtenrechte ist völkerrechtswidrig. Abschließend wird ein Ausblick gegeben, welche rechtlichen Mindeststandards in zukünftigen Verhandlungen oder Nachverhandlungen über Reparationen für Kolonialverbrechen jedenfalls eingehalten werden müssen.
  PubDate: 2022-10-01
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-022-00076-6
Zur Schnittmenge von Informatik mit Friedens- und Sicherheitsforschung:
Erfahrungen aus der interdisziplinären Lehre in der Friedensinformatik
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  Abstract: Zusammenfassung Interdisziplinäre Forschung und Lehre zwischen Informatik sowie Friedens- und Sicherheitsforschung ist vor dem Hintergrund der Bedeutung möglicher Konflikte im Cyberspace unabdingbar. Auch wenn sowohl in der einen als auch der anderen Disziplin zahlreiche etablierte Lehrveranstaltungen und Lehrbücher existieren, gilt dies nicht für deren Schnittmenge. Dieser Beitrag reflektiert die Einführung der in Bezug auf Thematik und Hörerschaft interdisziplinären Lehrveranstaltung „Informationstechnologie für Frieden und Sicherheit“ für Studierende der Informatik, IT-Sicherheit und Wirtschaftsinformatik der Technischen Universität Darmstadt sowie Friedens- und Konfliktforschung der TU Darmstadt in Kooperation mit der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt. Hierbei werden Herausforderungen und Lösungsansätze der interdisziplinären Lehre dargestellt und die Bedeutung dieser Lehre hervorgehoben.
  PubDate: 2022-09-20
  DOI: 10.1007/s42597-022-00078-4