Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 1097 journals)
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    - INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (148 journals)
    - POLITICAL SCIENCE (898 journals)
    - POLITICAL SCIENCES: GENERAL (35 journals)

POLITICAL SCIENCE (898 journals)            First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Showing 201 - 281 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
Eastern Review     Open Access  
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Economic and Regional Studies / Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne     Open Access  
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
El Banquete de los Dioses     Open Access  
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 44)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Encuentro     Open Access  
Entramados y Perspectivas     Open Access  
Environment and Planning C : Politics and Space     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 45)
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Estudios digital     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Ethics & International Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 18)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Éthique publique     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Eunomia. Rivista semestrale del Corso di Laurea in Scienze Politiche e delle Relazioni Internazionali     Open Access  
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
European Journal for Security Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal  
European Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal  
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 60)
European Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 62)
European Journal of Political Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 88)
European Journal of Political Research : Political Data Yearbook     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
European Journal of Politics and Gender     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
European Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 44)
European Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
European Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
European Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
European Union Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 56)
European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Evaluation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Evaluation and Program Planning     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Exchange : The Journal of Public Diplomacy     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Fascism     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Federal Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Federalism-E     Open Access  
Fédéralisme Régionalisme     Open Access  
FEU Academic Review     Open Access  
Financial Times     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 37)
Foreign Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 49)
Foreign Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
Foro Interno. Anuario de Teoría Política     Open Access  
French Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Frontiers in Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Gaceta Laboral     Open Access  
Genocide Studies International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Geopolitics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Geopolitics under Globalization     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
German Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
German Politics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Germinal : Marxismo e Educação em Debate     Open Access  
Gestão & Regionalidade     Open Access  
Ghana Journal of Development Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Ghana Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 15)
Global Affairs     Hybrid Journal  
Global Change, Peace & Security: formerly Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 274)
Global Discourse : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Global Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 44)
Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Global Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Global Public Policy and Governance     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Global Societies Journal     Open Access  
Global Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Global South, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Global Studies Quarterly     Open Access  
Göç Dergisi     Full-text available via subscription  
Good Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Government : Annual Research Journal of Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Government and Opposition     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 27)
Granì     Open Access  
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Hague Journal of Diplomacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Hegel Bulletin     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Hic Rhodus : Crisis capitalista, polémica y controversias     Open Access  
Histoire Politique : Revue du Centre d'histoire de Sciences Po     Open Access  
Historia i Polityka     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
History of Communism in Europe     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Hommes & Migrations     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
HONAI : International Journal for Educational, Social, Political & Cultural Studies     Open Access  
Horyzonty Polityki     Open Access  
Human Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 60)
Human Rights Law Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 70)
Human Rights Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 68)
Human Rights Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration     Open Access  
Idäntutkimus     Open Access  
identidade!     Open Access  
Identities : Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
IDP. Revista de Internet, Derecho y Politica     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ids Practice Papers     Hybrid Journal  
IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies     Open Access  
Indes : Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Index on Censorship     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
India Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Indialogs : Spanish Journal of India Studies     Open Access  
Innovation Policy and the Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Innovations : Technology, Governance, Globalization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Insight on Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
InSURgência : revista de direitos e movimentos sociais     Open Access  
Intelligence & National Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 45)
Interdisciplinary Political Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Interdisziplinäre Zeitschrift für Südasienforschung     Open Access  
Interest Groups & Advocacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Interfaces Brasil/Canadá     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 68)
International Area Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Communication of Chinese Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Critical Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Gramsci Journal     Open Access  
International Interactions: Empirical and Theoretical Research in International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Children's Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
International Journal of E-Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of East Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Electronic Government Research     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of Environmental Policy and Decision Making     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of Human Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 67)
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 416)
International Journal of Intercultural Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
International Journal of Law and Politics Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Peace Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
International Journal of Press/Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
International Journal of Refugee Law     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
International Journal of Social Quality     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Sustainable Development and World Ecology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
International Journal on Minority and Group Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Migration     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 38)
International Migration Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 63)
International Negotiation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
International Organization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 121)
International Peacekeeping     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 255)
International Political Science Abstracts     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
International Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 60)
International Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
International Quarterly for Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Regional Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 33)
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
International Review of Public Policy     Open Access  
International Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 86)
International Socialism     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Spectator : Italian Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Studies Perspectives     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
International Studies Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 53)
International Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
International Theory: A Journal of International Politics, Law and Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Irish Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Israel Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Italian Political Science Review / Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Italian Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
IZA Journal of Development and Migration     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Izquierdas     Open Access  
Japan Forum     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Japanese Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
JAWI     Open Access  
JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 48)
Jewish Culture and History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
JICSA : Journal of Islamic Civilization in Southeast Asia     Open Access  
JISIP-UNJA : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Fisipol Universitas Jambi     Open Access  
JKAP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Administrasi Publik)     Open Access  
Journal Exit-Deutschland. Zeitschrift für Deradikalisierung und demokratische Kultur     Open Access  
Journal for Deradicalization     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Journal for Peace and Justice Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament     Open Access  
Journal for the Study of Radicalism     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Journal of African Conflicts and Peace Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Journal of APF Command and Staff College     Open Access  
Journal of Borneo-Kalimantan     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Journal of Catholic Social Thought     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Journal of Chinese Governance     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Chinese Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Journal of Civil Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Journal of Cold War Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Journal of Conflict Resolution     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 68)
Journal of Conflict Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 22)
Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies     Open Access  
Journal of Contemporary European Research     Open Access   (Followers: 16)
Journal of Contemporary European Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Journal of Danubian Studies and Research     Open Access  

  First | 1 2 3 4 5     

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European Journal of International Relations
Journal Prestige (SJR): 2.796
Citation Impact (citeScore): 3
Number of Followers: 60  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 1354-0661 - ISSN (Online) 1460-3713
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1174 journals]
  • The corruption of international society' General and complete
           disarmament from the perspective of the practitioners

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      Authors: Laust Schouenborg
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates whether practitioners argued that general and complete disarmament (GCD) would corrupt international society during the two major debates of this issue in the 20th century, namely in 1927–1928 and 1959. The purpose and value of this analysis is to learn more about the workings of international society. Following Bull and other English School scholars, GCD probably represents the most radical challenge to the traditional conception of international society and its institutions. The only challenge of similar magnitude would appear to be the creation of a universal state or world government, fundamentally removing anarchy from the ‘anarchical society’. The article thus investigates whether those concerns about corruption, raised by scholars, resonate with the expressed public opinion of practitioners – diplomats and statesmen – in the actual deliberation of GCD in international fora: the Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference, 1927–1928, and the United Nations, 1959. The main finding is that the corruption argument does appear in these public deliberations, and in intriguing and complex ways. The article thus offers a novel analysis of how practitioners publicly deal with a supposedly radical challenge to international society.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-06-10T10:24:37Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221102930
       
  • The shadow of sanctions: reputational risk, financial reintegration, and
           the political economy of sanctions relief

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      Authors: Benjamin Raynor
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Financial sanctions have become a major component of American foreign policy. Since 2015, the number of blacklisted actors has nearly tripled, coinciding with US financial campaigns against Iran, North Korea, and Russia. This paper centers an under-examined paradox of this proliferation: the complexity of lifting financial sanctions. Indeed, successful sanctions regimes necessitate both sticks (punitive sanctions) and carrots (economic incentives). Yet financial sanctions often limit the economic benefits promised to target states, as banks and other financial institutions risk hefty material and reputational costs if they are to cooperate with previously sanctioned actors. Thus, while financial sanctions are effective at producing negative market reactions against a target, they can be hugely damaging if market actors do not cooperate with the lifting of sanctions. To capture this dynamic, this paper leverages process-tracing to observe financial market reactions to sanctions relief in three key cases—Iran (2010–2015), North Korea (2002–2007), and Libya (1996–2008). It finds that in each case, the presence or absence of US Treasury blacklisting corresponds to the post-sanction willingness of financial actors to extend sanctions relief to targeted states. In doing so, this study identifies “reputational risk” as the primary causal mechanism limiting a target’s reintegration into the global economy.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-06-08T05:06:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221100540
       
  • The art of uncommitment: the costs of peacetime withdrawals from alliance
           commitments

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      Authors: Dov H. Levin, Tetsuro Kobayashi
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Are there significant domestic political costs for leaders who disengage from long-standing alliances, costs that discourage such disengagement' Leaders of major powers occasionally look for ways to disengage in non-crisis situations from some long-term commitments to other countries following the legal procedures laid out in the alliance treaty or commitment. However, leaders interested in disengagement from alliances sometimes fear that they will pay domestic disengagement costs, for example, a decline in domestic public support, if they try to withdraw from alliances in that manner in practice. To examine if such fears are justified, we conducted two survey experiments among representative samples of the US public investigating the effects of a presidential decision to end an alliance commitment through the legally prescribed means. We find that disengagement costs exist in general and that some characteristics of the country in question can increase their size and make them more long-lasting. For example, withdrawal from alliances with countries perceived as similar on some key criteria to the United States and as loyal allies, or widespread opposition by experts to this withdrawal, will all increase the size of the disengagement costs and make them more long-lasting. Leaving an existing alliance in peacetime will frequently be a politically losing proposition for American leaders in many plausible situations—one possible reason for the endurance of some US alliances.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-06-07T09:32:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221098221
       
  • Interests, ideologies, and great power spheres of influence

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      Authors: Evan N. Resnick
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Militarily aggressive actions by Russia and China in recent years have sparked a debate among foreign policy commentators regarding the utility of spheres of influence, even as International Relations (IR) scholars have continued to neglect the phenomenon. This article tests three rival theories that attempt to explain the spheres of influence behavior of great powers. Structural realism proposes that a great power will cede a small power to the sphere of a rival that possesses a stronger material interest in the small power and is a peer competitor, and that a consequent rupture or crisis in the sphere will lead the great power to engage in vigorous but restricted cooperation with the restive small power that maintains the previously granted sphere. Ideological distance theory (IDT) hypothesizes that a great power will steadfastly oppose ceding an ideologically homogeneous small power to the sphere of an ideologically divergent peer competitor, and that a rupture in a previously granted sphere will result in noncooperation between the great power grantor and restive small power if they are ideologically heterogeneous. I introduce a third approach, modified ideological distance theory (MIDT), which predicts that a great power will temporarily oppose ceding an ideologically homogeneous small power to the sphere of an ideologically divergent peer competitor, and will engage in delayed and attenuated cooperation with an ideologically heterogeneous small power following a rupture in a peer competitor’s sphere. Examination of the United States’ relationship with Yugoslavia (1948–1955) and the Soviet Union’s relationship with Cuba (1960–1962) demonstrates MIDT’s explanatory superiority.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-06-07T09:29:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221098217
       
  • Inequality and legitimacy in global governance: an empirical study

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      Authors: Hortense Jongen, Jan Aart Scholte
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This article undertakes an empirical investigation of the relationship between structural inequalities and legitimacy beliefs in global governance. Normative theory often emphasises inequality as a major source of injustice in global politics, but we lack empirical research that examines the implications of inequality for legitimacy in concrete situations of global governance. This paper draws on large mixed-method survey evidence regarding inequality perceptions and legitimacy beliefs at the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), a key site of global Internet governance that has given particular priority to issues of diversity and inclusion. Our analysis arrives at four main findings. First, participants in ICANN do perceive substantial structural power asymmetries and often find them to be problematic. Second, persons on the perceived subordinate side of these power stratifications tend to observe larger inequalities and to find them more problematic than persons on the perceived dominant side. However, third, these perceptions and concerns about inequality almost never associate with legitimacy beliefs towards ICANN, even among people in structurally subordinated positions and among people who express the greatest worries regarding power inequalities. Fourth, in forming legitimacy perceptions, participants at ICANN generally prioritise other aspects of institutional purpose, procedure and performance, unconnected with inequality. This lack of a relationship between perceptions of inequality and legitimacy beliefs suggests that, however sympathetic policy elites at ICANN might be towards greater equality in principle, they are unlikely to give it precedence in practice.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-06-07T09:21:03Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221098218
       
  • Civil war as a social process: actors and dynamics from pre- to post-war

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      Authors: Anastasia Shesterinina
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      What accounts for overarching trajectories of civil wars' This article develops an account of civil war as a social process that connects dynamics of conflict from pre- to post-war periods through evolving interactions between nonstate, state, civilian, and external actors involved. It traces these dynamics to the mobilization and organization of nascent nonstate armed groups before the war, which can induce state repression and in some settings escalation of tensions through radicalization of actors, militarization of tactics, and polarization of societies, propelled by internal divisions and external support. Whether armed groups form from a small, clandestine core of dedicated recruits, broader networks, social movements, and/or fragmentation within the regime has consequences for their internal and external relations during the war. However, not only path-dependent but also endogenous dynamics shape overarching trajectories of civil wars. During the war, armed groups develop cohesion and fragment in the context of evolving internal politics, including socialization of fighters, institution-building in the areas that they control, which civilians can collectively resist, competition and cooperation with other nonstate and state forces, and external influence. After the war, armed groups transform to participate in continuing conflict and violence in different ways in interaction with multiple actors. This analysis highlights the contingency of civil wars and suggests that future research should focus on how relevant actors form and transform as they relate to one another to understand linkages between conflict dynamics over time and on continuities and discontinuities in these dynamics to grasp overarching trajectories of civil wars.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-06-06T09:20:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221095970
       
  • Challenging anti-Western historical myths in populist discourse:
           re-visiting Ottoman Empire–Europe interaction during the 19th century

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      Authors: Senem Aydın-Düzgit, Bahar Rumelili, Alp Eren Topal
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      In this article, we conceptualize and demonstrate how historical International Relations (IR) can be employed to critically engage with the populist uses of history at present. In this endeavour, we focus on myths as analytical nodal points. We revisit the rich interdisciplinary literature on myths to conceptually connect historical research that unsettles myths with political critiques of myths in terms of their naturalizing effects at present. We also expand the critical agenda of historical IR research into targeting the prevalent historical myths of Self and Other that are employed to promote antagonism in contemporary politics. We illustrate the potential that historical IR research holds in illuminating and debunking the contemporary populist uses of history through the case of the relations between Europe and the Ottoman Empire and its relationship with present-day anti-Western populism in Turkey. Via the notion of myth, we combine a critical discourse analysis of the ample historical references in Erdoğan’s populist discourse with original historical analysis of the varied interactions between the Ottoman Empire and European states in the period invoked in those references. In doing so, we shed light on the relatively neglected Tanzimat (1839–1877) period in Euro-Ottoman history by drawing on pioneering secondary literature as well as our own analysis of primary sources. We demonstrate how the developments of this period debunk the myths of ‘Eternal Antagonism’ and ‘Europe the Protagonist’ and how they can inform less antagonistic Self/Other relations that are conducive to a more cosmopolitan co-existence in contemporary Turkey–Europe relations.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-06-01T07:20:30Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221095945
       
  • From alien land to inalienable parts of China: how Qing imperial
           possessions became the Chinese Frontiers

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      Authors: Andy Hanlun Li
      First page: 237
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Scholarship on the origins of modern territoriality and the modernist conception of territory has largely been confined to Europe and its colonial histories. Few attempts have been made to understand modern territoriality from an alternative epistemic starting point. This article moves beyond critiques of Eurocentrism by examining the territorial metamorphosis of the Qing Empire to modern China. Like the United States and Russia, China has retained its early modern continental colonial possessions. In order to explain the territorialisation of the multi-ethnic Qing empire, this article engages empirically with cartographic and textual representations of China from Confucian literati scholars, European Jesuit cartographers and the Manchu imperial court from the 17th to the early 19th centuries. The empirical study shows that by the early 19th century, a new territorialised conception of ‘China’ closely resembling that of modern territoriality had emerged. This ‘modern’ and Sinocentric form of territoriality encompassed areas that were hitherto seen as foreign and non-Chinese. In opposition to the extant Eurocentric historiography, this article traces the emergence of modern territoriality in imperial China to a nexus of European cartographic techniques, Qing imperial conquests and the literati synthesis of Manchu imperial and Sinocentric forms of territoriality. By showing the deep historical processes and global entanglements behind the emergence of modern China as a territorial state, the article makes a case for a polycentric account of modern territoriality
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-04-07T09:36:25Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221086486
       
  • Aikido and world politics: a practice theory for transcending the security
           dilemma

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      Authors: Linus Hagström, Niklas Bremberg
      First page: 263
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      In the final analysis, is the security dilemma inescapable' Or can the protagonists in world politics learn to live with never-ending insecurities and the risk of attack without producing precisely the outcomes that they wish to avoid' This article explores this fundamental problem for International Relations theory by performing a thought experiment, in which it applies lessons from aikido to world politics. A form of Japanese budo, or martial art, aikido provides practitioners with a method for harbouring insecurities, and for dealing with attacks that may or may not occur, by empathically caring for actual and potential attackers. The article builds on practice theory in assuming that any social order is constructed and internalised through practices, but also capable of change through the introduction and dissemination of new practices. Although an unlikely scenario, aikido practice could serve as such a method of fundamental transformation if widely applied in world politics. Empirical examples ranging from international apologies and security cooperation to foreign aid and peacekeeping operations are discussed, suggesting that contemporary world politics is at times already performed in accordance with aikido principles, albeit only imperfectly and partially.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-01-27T11:28:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661211070145
       
  • State recognition and dynamic sovereignty

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      Authors: George Kyris
      First page: 287
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This study reflects on sovereignty as dynamic, whereby associated conditions, like recognition, fluctuate in quality and quantity within a unit and over time, and adds to existing discussions that concentrate on changes in the meaning of (rather than associated conditions with) sovereignty or more static approaches to partial sovereignty relative to other actors in international relations (e.g. in the context of hierarchical relations). I do so by reflecting on different degrees of recognition, as associated with external sovereignty, such as extensive but not general recognition (e.g. Kosovo); different types of recognition, such as recognition of a right to (as opposed to the presence of) statehood (e.g. Palestine); as well as change in recognition over time, such as with those witnessing significant fluctuations in their recognition (e.g. Taiwan, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic). Towards explaining these changes and theory development, I argue for historicising sovereignty, and by doing so, I contribute to a literature that has focused more on changes in the meaning of sovereignty across time rather than changes in its within-unit practical manifestations. I also offer some preliminary theoretical assumptions on how internal and external dimensions of sovereignty might interplay over time in processes of state emergence and on issues of agency, particularly on how recognisers define what we understand as sovereignty but also how some statehood claimants navigate or even embrace their lack of recognition to advance their sovereignty. With this range of conceptual and theoretical propositions presented, the study seeks to facilitate the development of further analysis of statehood, recognition and sovereignty.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-02-22T10:47:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221077441
       
  • International functionalism and democracy

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      Authors: Tobias Theiler
      First page: 312
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      International functionalism as proposed by David Mitrany envisions non-territorial functional agencies to supplant the states system. Mitrany makes no provision for democracy in functional agencies. Instead, he assumes that the policies of international technocrats would be ‘technically self-determined’ and uncontested – a stance several critics deem antidemocratic and naive. A second, related criticism holds that even if functional agencies were formally democratic, democracy could not operate effectively since functional polities would be too ‘thin’ and fragmented to sustain democratic commitments among their members. The article qualifies the first charge and rejects the second. First, defined as an institutional decision-making principle, ‘technical self-determination’ is Mitrany’s add-on to the underlying functionalist logic, not an inseparable part of it. That logic instead holds that institutions work best if their form and scope of authority follow their function and that function-specific agencies therefore could meet some needs better than the state. Contra Mitrany, this does not privilege technocratic over democratic decision-making and it does not imply that functional agencies would be free from political conflict. Nor, second, would functional agencies necessarily be unsuitable for democracy in practice. Several strands of democratic theory suggest that even people who do not share a ‘thick’ communal identity can develop a commitment to meet shared needs democratically. If one accepts this, it loosens functionalism’s technocratic stigma, highlights its potential as a democratically viable alternative to both state-centric and supranational models of international order and broadens our conception of possible democratic futures.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-02-08T11:29:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661211073081
       
  • Justifying force: international law, foreign policy decision-making, and
           the use of force

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      Authors: Kyle Rapp
      First page: 337
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      What is the role of international law in foreign-policy decision-making' In particular, why do leaders justify policy decisions with appeals to international law and why do these appeals make the references that they do' This paper combines scholarship on the role of justifications and the permissive power of international law, theorizing that decisionmakers will seek out international legal justifications over justifications that reference non-legal claims. These justifications are seen as particularly important in the contemporary world, reflecting the legalized nature of international relations today. In particular, decision-makers will especially prefer to reference codified international agreements over customary international law, seeing a particular value to referencing a written text even if it is not as directly connected to the issue at hand. These more general justifications are, in turn, preferred over non-legal justifications. This reflects the importance of international law in international relations—in a deeply legalized system actors feel compelled to portray their behaviors as legal, even if these justifications are tenuous or if pursuing them is time and resource consuming. The United Kingdom’s 1956 intervention in the Suez and the United States’ 1983 intervention in Grenada—are used to test these assumptions. Both cases support the theory: decision-makers prefer legal justifications, pursuing these over other options. In addition, decision-makers appear to prefer legal arguments built on codified law, keeping with the theoretical predictions. These findings deepen our understanding of how actors understand and use international law, its role in justifications, and the legalized nature of international relations today.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-02-17T06:10:39Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221077162
       
  • Do UN peace operations lead to more terrorism' Repertoires of rebel
           violence and third-party interventions

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      Authors: Jessica Di Salvatore, Sara M. T. Polo, Andrea Ruggeri
      First page: 361
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Recent research suggests that UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) reduce conventional violence. However, rebel groups have been increasingly using a combination of conventional and non-conventional violence, for example, terrorism. Little is known about whether and under which conditions PKOs shape rebels’ incentives to resort to more terrorism. At the same time, existing research on the use of terrorism in civil wars primarily focuses on domestic factors, thus overlooking the impact of external shocks such as the deployment of PKOs. We argue that PKOs can have critical unintended consequences inducing tactical adaptation in rebel violence as they alter the government-rebels balance of power. Particularly, rebel groups that are militarily strong prior to the UN arrival are incentivized to escalate terrorist violence to overcome the physical barrier imposed by PKO forces and improve their bargaining position vis-à-vis the government. Weaker groups, which in the absence of PKOs are more likely to use terrorism, have not only limited capacity but also fewer incentives to escalate terrorism when PKOs deploy. Leveraging new disaggregated data on rebel terrorist attacks during civil wars, we provide the first global actor-level analysis of the relationship between PKO deployments and changes in rebels’ tactical preferences for terrorist violence. We find that, conditional on initial government-rebels power relations, PKOs can make terrorism the weapon of the strong. Our study sheds light on the unintended effects of peacekeeping, the causes of terrorism, and offers important policy implications for several current PKOs deployed in the midst of violence.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-02-02T05:42:52Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661211072714
       
  • Committed sponsors: external support overtness and civilian targeting in
           civil wars

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      Authors: Arthur Stein
      First page: 386
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Does the overtness of external support to rebels affect civilian targeting in civil wars' Conflict studies increasingly scrutinize how insurgent sponsorships shape rebels’ behavior. However, the influence of external sponsors’ decisions to publicly acknowledge or deny their support on rebel conduct is largely neglected. This article introduces a new dataset on the overtness of external support to rebels in civil wars between 1989 and 2018. It then assesses whether the overtness of support is correlated with insurgents’ propensity to target civilians. I hypothesize that overtly supported rebels are less likely to target civilians than covertly supported rebels. This hypothesis stems from how supply-side factors—the way state sponsors expectedly act after having allocated their support—impact insurgents’ structure of incentives around relations with non-combatants. Statistical analyses yield strong support for my hypothesis. Moreover, further analyses show that support overtness influences civilian targeting independently from sponsors’ characteristics, such as political regimes or foreign aid reliance. Thus, in addition to the type of material aid insurgents receive, variation in whether support is covert or overt shapes how rebels treat civilians.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-03-27T07:13:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221084870
       
  • Democracies’ support for illiberal regimes through
           sovereignty-protective regional institutions: the case of UNASUR’s
           electoral accompaniment missions

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      Authors: Giovanni Agostinis, Carlos Closa
      First page: 417
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Why do democracies agree with contested illiberal regimes on the creation of regional institutions for election monitoring' This article tackles this puzzle by analyzing the creation of the Union of South American Nations’ (UNASUR) Electoral Council (ECU) and its electoral “accompaniment” missions. The case of the ECU is particularly relevant, since its missions allowed for the legitimization of illiberal electoral practices in a region predominantly populated by democratic states that have pursued democracy consolidation through regional cooperation. We show that the emergence of the ECU resulted from the interaction of the following conditions: Venezuela’s leadership; the mobilization of the transgovernmental network of South American electoral authorities; and the interaction between different sets of state preferences regarding election observation, which reached an equilibrium around an institutional design that did not impose a diminution of sovereignty on the contracting states. The article sheds light on the genesis of sovereignty-protective institutional designs, showing how they allow for the reconciliation of non-coincident preferences even in a sensitive field like election observation. The article also contributes to the literature on international election observation by explaining why democratic states may favor the emergence of monitoring mechanisms that contribute to the erosion of democracy in a region. In so doing, the article adds to the literature on regime-boosting regionalism, illuminating the conditions under which democratic regional organizations (ROs) create institutions that can boost illiberal regimes’ legitimacy. In particular, our findings show that secondary powers, like Venezuela, can strategically exploit transgovernmental networks’ mobilization to pursue their domestic and geopolitical interests (including illiberal ones) within ROs.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-03-30T11:13:30Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221084871
       
  • The democratic embargo: regime type and proxy war

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      Authors: Ryan Grauer, Dominic Tierney
      First page: 444
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Democracies rarely fight interstate wars against one another, but democratic dyads frequently engage in hostile acts short of war, such as militarized interstate disputes and the backing of coups. Do democracies wage proxy war against other elected regimes by aiding rebels with weapons and other assistance' Scholars have found that democracies generally avoid doing so—a phenomenon we term the “democratic embargo.” However, the democratic embargo remains under-theorized. Using both datasets and close examination of purported instances of democratic aid to rebels fighting other democracies, we show that the democratic embargo is stronger than first thought. In addition, we explain the democratic embargo by arguing that strong democratic institutions prevent elected leaders from engaging in proxy war against sister regimes, and embargo violations tend to occur when democratic institutions are weak. We test our theory in two ways. First, using large-N qualitative analysis (LNQA), we examine all potential exceptions to the democratic embargo between 1945 and 2011 to establish the external validity of our claim. Second, we use case studies of the Irish decision not to aid rebels fighting the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland and Pakistan’s decision to support rebels fighting India in Kashmir to assess the internal validity of our theoretical logic. The results provide clear support for our institutional explanation of the democratic embargo. Our argument has significant implications for the democratic peace theory, the study of proxy wars, and the capacity of democracies to fight rebellions.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-04-14T09:46:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221089489
       
  • Making sense of citizen desire for IO democracy: an analysis of public
           opinion across 44 countries

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      Authors: Hyo Won Lee, Sijeong Lim
      First page: 471
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Why do some citizens across the globe prioritize the democracy of international organizations (IOs), while others place more emphasis on their effectiveness' We suggest that this difference in attitude may reflect two distinct perspectives on the subjects of IO democracy: (1) a citizen-centered perspective focusing on substantive citizen representation and IO accountability to citizens and (2) a state-centered perspective centering on fair state representation and IO accountability to member states. We examine these two perspectives among citizens worldwide and determine how these perspectives shape preferences for IO democracy and effectiveness. Our empirical analysis uses the latest wave of the World Values Survey, which covers more than 50,000 individuals across 44 countries for the period 2017−2020. We find that citizens’ democratic activism and the perceived democratic deficit in domestic governance, which we believe to be associated with a citizen-centered perspective in international governance, do not lead to the prioritization of IO democracy. Instead, the underrepresentation of their country in major IOs and confidence in the national government have a significant and positive association with the prioritization of IO democracy. These results suggest that the prioritization of IO democracy expressed by the public primarily reflects a state-centered perspective of international governance rather than a citizen-centered one.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-04-20T11:38:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221091361
       
  • Ultimatums, bargaining, and the duty to preserve alternatives to war

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      Authors: Thomas M. Dolan
      First page: 495
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      When can states justly make ultimatums' How should the recipients of ultimatums respond to them' This manuscript argues that because bargaining behavior like ultimatums and redlines causes war by generating bargaining failure, these behaviors should be scrutinized in the same ways that overtly aggressive acts like invasion are examined. It then argues that parties have a general duty to avoid eliminating alternatives to war. Ultimatums can only be justified if they satisfy the just war criteria of just cause, necessity, and proportionality. Likewise, the decisions to reject ultimatums can impair later claims that a state is fighting justly if they do not reflect the same criteria.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2022-02-11T11:33:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/13540661221077172
       
 
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