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Authors:Chiho Maruoka, Caroline Rose Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. Japanese prime ministers have traditionally been seen as consensus-builders, lacking flair, charisma and the skills to be anything other than reactive leaders, constrained by a political system which privileged a strong bureaucracy and Liberal Democratic Party structures. Recent literature has, however, begun to explore prime ministerial agency, considering the ways in which Japanese prime ministers have been able to demonstrate stronger leadership not only because of an expansion of their power resources in the core executive and the party, but also because of their individual leadership skills, style and personal attributes. Drawing on studies which have highlighted the impact of Japanese prime ministerial agency, this article uses the Leadership Capital Index (LCI) alongside insights from crisis management literature to explore the latter months of Abe Shinzō's premiership. It considers the ways in which personal factors interacted with institutional and situational factors in shaping Abe's political authority during the final year of his prime ministership, with a particular focus on the pandemic period. It asks why, when Abe had otherwise been considered one of post-war Japan's strongest and most decisive leaders, did he fall short during the Covid-19 crisis' To what extent did his personal skills and leadership style help or hinder his ability to lead during the crisis' The article suggests that the LCI offers insights into ways in which, and why, Abe's apparently strong leadership skills went missing in action during the global pandemic. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-06-24T05:17:39Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221104286
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Authors:Muhammad Afzaal, Swaleha Bano Naqvi, Gul Rukh Raees Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. The study investigates how Pakistani media discourses represented the populist political rhetoric of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) between 2016 and 2018. Applying the theoretical lens of corpus-based critical discourse analysis to a specially constructed corpus, the study examines how PTI's populist political rhetoric was co-opted by the media to garner public support for it prior to the 2018 elections and then to criticize its performance following electoral victory. The selected corpus comprised news, articles, and headlines published in English newspapers between 2016 and 2018. Based on the analysis, the study identifies linguistic devices and strategies in the media discourses covering PTI's run-up to the elections and ascent to power. It also sheds light on the types of populism exercised by the media in depicting political messages to move from promotion of PTI's vision and rhetoric to critique of its perceived post-election failure to fulfil its promises. Concordance lines and collocation analysis furnish evidence of a shift in the media discourses from pre-election optimism and ideological valorization of the PTI agenda to failure and loss of hope in the PTI government following its assumption of leadership. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-06-23T05:44:31Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221105726
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Authors:Zahid Shahab Ahmed, Munir Hussain Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. There is little research done on the social agenda of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). As an analysis of the organization's social agenda is relevant to the challenges and opportunities offered by COVID-19, this article aims to draw lessons for SAARC from the development model of the European Union (EU). Erstwhile literature on SAARC has not compared its progress in terms of social development with that of the EU. Hence, this study aims to answer the following questions: What are the key differences between the social development approaches of the two organizations, and what can SAARC learn from the EU's social model' The analysis in this research is largely based on an extensive review of official documents from the EU and SAARC. This article argues that collective social development is in line with SAARC's functionalist approach that prioritizes cooperation in non-controversial areas like human security. Based on the comparative analysis, this article proposes a three-tier social development approach for comprehensive social development across South Asia. This study argues that, despite its socio-economic and political challenges, SAARC has a lot to gain from adopting the EU’s social model. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-06-21T05:07:28Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221104275
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Authors:Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi, Nirmal Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. With the dawn of the 21st century, a global political paradigmatic shift was witnessed; no longer was Europe considered to be the focal point of geopolitics. Now, all eyes were on the Asian continent; with the brewing Afghan conflict, the arguably rising global hegemony contender China, the convoluted Iranian crisis, rapidly rising economic powers in South-East Asia, the key strategic power of the Indian Ocean and India and, amidst all, the dramatically increasing footprint of the United States. Consequently, as states with opposing interests were ferociously competing for regional dominance, a great degree of political polarization was induced in the regional geopolitical structure, which in turn forced political realignments. Old foes became friends (India and the United States), whereas decades old alliances broke (Pakistan and the United States). This dramatic regional political paradigm shift has forced Pakistan to completely transform its foreign policy, from a pro-western to an eastern/regional approach. This article explores how the changing regional geopolitical dynamics is affecting Pakistan’s foreign policy. It does so by critically analysing the geopolitical realignments in the region and the myriad regional conflicts/crises, while predominantly highlighting their implications for Pakistan. A mix-approach based on descriptive and critical analytical qualitative research methods has been adopted to conduct this study. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-06-17T05:54:26Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221103358
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Authors:Muhammad Umar, Naeemullah Khan Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. Sectarian activists in Pakistan are occasionally arrested by law enforcement agencies in sectarian-terrorism crimes but very rarely convicted by the courts. Contemporary research mainly relates slow convictions in sectarian crimes to defects in the state's criminal justice system. But this article connects anti-terrorism courts’ (ATCs) slow convictions and large-scale acquittals in sectarian-terrorism crimes to vague anti-terror laws, judges’ and witnesses’ security concerns and the incompetence of the prosecution and judges. The article applies the mixed method of research by using data from personal interviews, online sources, newspapers, research journals, articles and books. It argues that undefined anti-terrorism laws, judges’ security concerns and sectarian activists’ terrorization of judges and eyewitnesses add to the ATCs’ slow convictions in sectarian-terrorism crimes in the Punjab. Moreover, prosecution and judges’ incompetence and their inclination towards Islamic principles in judgements show bias in the application of sectarian-terrorism related laws that have been causing large-scale acquittals in the ATCs. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-06-16T05:43:17Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221103441
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Authors:Hoyong Jung Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. A momentous democratic protest against an authoritarian regime can affect individuals’ social attitudes. This study empirically examined the impact of democratic movements on anti-authoritarian attitudes by focusing on the June Struggle of 1987 in South Korea, which was one of the most successful democratic uprisings in Korean history. Using representative survey data, we compared cohorts who started college before and after the year of the June Struggle. Because the year of college enrollment itself can act as an endogenous variable, we applied the fuzzy regression discontinuity method, using birthdate as an instrumental variable. We found that individuals who began attending college after the successful democratic movement tended to demonstrate stronger anti-authoritarian attitudes in their late thirties. A battery of robustness tests supported the results. This study's results reaffirm the argument that historical events can have enduring effects on social attitudes, helping us to understand one potential mechanism explaining anti-authoritarian attitudes in Korean society. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-06-07T05:14:41Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221103641
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Authors:Vipin Kumar Chirakkara Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. The question of region dominated the 2021 West Bengal elections in a way it did not in states where elections were held alongside. Subsequently, the victory of the Trinamool Congress has been hailed by commentators and scholars as a successful instance both in regional politics and in the defence of federal polity. However, this article contends, the implications of this mandate for the politics of region and federalism cannot be grasped with reference to its own details, but only in a comparative reading of a series of assembly elections held in the recent past and the general elections of 2019. Considering how regional politics gets constituted and elections produce results today, this paper makes an argument that the emergent pattern of mandates indicates rather a problem – that of neutralization of regional politics and federal structure into a devolution of power instead of their elaboration as domains of contestation of an expansionist regime. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-05-06T11:03:16Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221099076
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Authors:Noory Okthariza Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. While predominant views within party fragmentation literature suggest the importance of the sociological and institutional hypothesis, the Indonesian case provides a new perspective on the issue at hand. Using district-level elections, this article recognizes the weight of existing perspectives, but posits the need to empirically assess the effect of certain seat apportionment methods in the proportional representation system—a much under-explored argument within the literature. This article shows that Indonesia’s methods for allocating seats, the Hare and Sainte-Laguë methods, have been relatively benign in creating party fragmentation. Yet the latter method has been more favorable for small parties due to its deeper bent toward the disproportionality of votes. Additionally, given that major parties often perform unevenly across district elections, the nature of party competition at local politics has greatly diverged from that of the national arena. This article argues that this diversity has been driven partly by the strong influence of ethnic and geographical dispersion, making it hard for major parties to preside over local politics. Thus the concept of party nationalization hardly exists, and party fragmentation could be the default of the party system at local politics in Indonesia for years to come. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-04-18T09:01:36Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221094090
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Authors:Mun’im Sirry, Bagong Suyanto, Rahma Sugihartati, Medhy Aginta Hidayat, Koko Srimulyo Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. This article highlights various forms of uncivil behavior among Indonesian students which may become the seed of conflict, including bullying, which reflect how fragile youth civility is. Civility and incivility are different yet linked concepts that manifest with complexity in schools and beyond. Anecdotal evidence of incivility among young people is present in various forums, including social media and news coverage. Based on a mixed-methods design of quantitative and qualitative research, this study shows that incivility, bullying, intolerant, and aggressive behavior are prevalent both within and beyond the school environment in Indonesia. However, these uncivil behaviors have not been addressed with a sense of urgency in the country. It is hoped that this article will shed some light on the seriousness of uncivil behavior among Indonesian youth, which requires close attention on the part of schools, policy-makers and society at large. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-04-13T06:58:42Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221091327
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Authors:Thanapan Laiprakobsup Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. This research aims to establish an analytical framework for the policymaking process of Thai political parties from the 2001 general election to the present. Having reviewed theories on political parties and empirical research on finding the relation between the political and economic contexts, the political parties, and their organizations, the article finds that the policymaking process of political parties consists of: 1) centralization, 2) emphasis on solving everyday life’s economy, 3) being consistent with state policy and plan, and 4) similarities with the policies of political parties with success in elections. According to analysis of political parties’ policy structures and interviews with academicians and the informants from political parties, the article finds that the executive committee of political parties plays an enormous role in the policymaking process and concentrates on solving the problems of everyday life’s economy for low-income people. Moreover, political parties are likely to make policies in accordance with the state plan and the Thai-Rak-Thai Party’s policies. The implication is that the policymaking process of Thai political parties is vertically structured and rarely open to the rank-and-file to participate in. The participatory policymaking process becomes key to improving the quality of Thai democracy in the long run. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-04-06T05:54:46Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221090289
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Authors:Guan Huang, Rosemary Pang Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. By exploring the operation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since its rise to power in 1949, this article demonstrates how a non-democratic regime maintains its legitimacy. While previous studies have shed light on the CCP’s sources of legitimacy, few abundantly and comparatively discuss the different forms of legitimacy and how legitimacy changes over time in a non-democratic state. This study addresses these gaps by analyzing how the CCP’s operational principles change over time, including changes in sources and forms of legitimacy. This study uses different frameworks of legitimacy to facilitate the comparison of changes in legitimacy of different leadership generations, and also demonstrates the specification of legitimacy of the CCP from different perspectives. By comparing the sources and forms of legitimacy of different generations of regime leaders, this study demonstrates that after the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, the CCP regime lacked substantial legitimacy based on political participation, and thus emphasized instrumental legitimacy based on economic development instead. Using process tracing to analyze policy changes, this study argues that different CCP leadership generations employed different sources and forms of legitimacy to maintain regime support. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-02-18T03:29:42Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221078030
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Authors:Muhammad Afzaal, Chenxia Zhang, Muhammad Ilyas Chishti Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has received both praise and criticism within global settings. American stance, however, has been interesting sounding diplomatically more intricate. BRI’s opponents view it being hampered by impediments rather than facilitated with opportunities, while its advocates see opportunities instead of challenges because of its being in global limelight. While all parties have valid justifications for their express or tacit positions, they emphasize on the legitimacy of the status quo. To investigate these significant researchable inquiries, the study exclusively aims at examining the inherent ideologies and inconsistencies witnessed in the presentation and re-presentation of China's Belt and Road Initiative in US public diplomacy media outlets. Our findings reveal that China's image has been constructed differently at US diplomacy public media outlets hence establishing it as a major dimension worth inquiry. The study also shows that media attention and direct responses to the BRI in the United States view it through a lens of politically engineered problems. However, the diplomatic logic of the United States differs from the entire philosophy behind the BRI project as the BRI image has observed a drastic change from positive in re-presentation to being neutral rather somewhat negatively perceived. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-01-31T10:45:17Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911211069709
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Authors:Julio R Fernández, Inés Gallego, Andrés Jiménez-Losada Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. The main goal of this article is to study, from a game theory perspective, the composition of the Spanish Parliament according to Article 68 of the Spanish Constitution, although the proposed model is applicable to the reduction of other representation chambers. It even allows for the sporadic design of the chamber in periods of crisis such as those we are currently experiencing. We use power indices to analyse feasible allocations of seats among the circumscriptions, modifying the size of the Parliament and considering different minimum initial numbers of seats per province. We propose two modifications of the composition following the cubic root rule of the de jure population. Finally, we compare the results of the general elections of December 2015 and June 2016 for the election of the members of the Congress of Deputies (Spanish Parliament) with the current system, which distributes a total number of 350 deputies among the provinces, with an initial minimum of two deputies (system 350/2), with another distribution system that distributed 360 deputies with an initial minimum of one deputy per province (system 360/1). Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-01-28T12:45:26Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221076342
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Authors:Zubair Ahmad Dada, Mehraj Din Wani, Shamim Ahmad Shah Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. The present article aims to analyse the impact of pilgrim tourism on bilateral relations and to identify the mediating effect of people-to-people contact. It further proposes to test the framework empirically in the neighbouring context of India and Nepal. To achieve the objective, random sampling is used, and 380 usable questionnaires are taken for testing the theoretical framework. Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) is used to assess the framework's fit and analyse the impact of pilgrim tourism on bilateral diplomatic relations while using people-to-people contact as a mediating variable. The study findings reveal that pilgrim tourism has a direct impact on improving the bilateral diplomatic relationship between India and Nepal. It also shows that people-to-people contact between India and Nepal acts as a mediating variable between pilgrim tourism and bilateral diplomacy. In a vast country like India, which shares a border with many nations, pilgrim tourism and people-to-people contact have great potential to remove barriers and increase bilateral treaties for better development of the nation. The present research developed a measurement instrument about bilateral relations from the stakeholder's perspective. It also proposed a structural model to elucidate the relationships between pilgrim tourism, people-to-people contact and bilateral diplomacy. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-01-27T01:33:23Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221076234
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Authors:Syed Rashid Munir Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. How do minor states protect themselves against coercion from their major power allies' Asymmetric security cooperation is often reduced to tradeoffs between security and autonomy, but coercion is another factor that minor states fear while cooperating. Coercing partner states can take the form of major powers threatening or undertaking regime change, and minor states must weigh the benefits of cooperation against this risk. To this end, I suggest that minor states with anti-major power political oppositions cooperate more extensively with their major power partners than minor states with pro-major power oppositions. A pro-major power opposition provides opportunities for major powers to threaten or replace the incumbent regime; therefore, such minor states limit their cooperation out of fear of coercion. I employ original data on opposition characteristics to present evidence from security relations between the United States and 65 minor states during 1950–1991 to support the hypothesis. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-01-27T01:33:10Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911221076222
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Authors:Christopher B Primiano, Dana Rice, Alma Kudebayeva Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. China's growing involvement in Central Asia economically, culturally, politically and even militarily has been a contentious topic for people from the region. While some view China's involvement as offering Central Asian countries an opportunity for advancement, others view it in more negative ways, with China having tremendous influence in the affairs of their country. In this article, we present our findings from a survey that we conducted at the American University of Central Asia in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Our questions elicited responses that focus on perceptions of trade with China and China's actions regarding COVID-19, which are both polarizing issues in Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia overall. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-01-25T12:47:35Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911211070870
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Authors:Thanabalasingam Vinayagathasan, Ramasamy Ramesh Abstract: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Ahead of Print. The article intends to investigate the relationship between corruption and poverty based on the panel data of SAARC countries over the period 1996–2019. We employed the panel ARDL of pooled mean group (PMG) technique to analyze the data and focus on capability poverty, using the human development index (HDI) as a proxy for poverty. The empirical findings of PMG of the ARDL model suggest that an increase in corruption score (COC) (i.e. decrease in corruption) and increase in women’s labor force participation rate (WLFPR) seem to have a significant impact either in eradicating poverty or increasing social welfare in the long run as well as in the short run. A random effect (RE) model also identified a significant positive relationship between corruption score and HDI, and WLFPR and HDI. A Dumitrescu-Hurlin pairwise panel Granger non-causality test detected a bilateral causality relationship between COC and HDI, and WLFPR and HDI, while unilateral causality ran from WLFPR to COC. The article contributes to examining the dynamics between corruption and poverty from the governance aspect, taking South Asia as a case study. Citation: Asian Journal of Comparative Politics PubDate: 2022-01-10T12:39:39Z DOI: 10.1177/20578911211069496
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