Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles) ISSN (Print) 1750-8916 - ISSN (Online) 1750-8924 Published by Oxford University Press[419 journals]
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Authors:Kaya A; Salah M. Pages: 1 - 26 Abstract: AbstractWhat are the institutional features that incentivize established powers to join rising powers’ new institutions' Going beyond alliance versus rivalry, this paper develops a novel theory in answering this question. We argue that the established power must address two primary design issues: 1. how to navigate the control and burden-sharing trade-off and 2. how to limit the potential diffusion of power by rendering the new institution “complementary” to the existing order. To the extent that these issues are resolved in line with the established power’s (EP’s) preferences, the EP is more likely to join the rising powers’ institutions. We support our theory with an in-depth case analysis of the Japanese-led Asian Development Bank, utilizing primarily archival materials. The relatively under-theorized core question has both historical and contemporary relevance. The paper also advances the history of US multilateral economic policy. PubDate: Sat, 05 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/cjip/poac005 Issue No:Vol. 15, No. 1 (2022)
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Authors:Fang S; Li X, Liu A. Pages: 27 - 46 Abstract: AbstractNumerous public opinion surveys have found that Americans’ views of China have become extremely negative in recent years. Much less is understood about the trends in Chinese views of the USA and the countries’ bilateral relations. As leaders in both countries have come under public pressure about their policy stances toward the other side, it is critical to fill the gap. This study develops a theoretical argument about how a concern for political legitimacy may allow public opinion to influence foreign policy making in authoritarian countries, and it presents findings from a two-wave public opinion survey in China conducted before and after the 2020 US presidential election. The results show that Chinese evaluations of the bilateral relationship and of the USA slumped during the Trump era but rebounded somewhat after Biden took office. In addition, the majority of Chinese respondents believed their country to be the world’s largest and leading economy and favored China being the world’s leading power, either by itself or alongside the USA. Furthermore, younger and more educated respondents held more negative views, although these were mitigated by personal connections with and experiences in the USA. These findings have important policy implications. PubDate: Mon, 14 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/cjip/poac001 Issue No:Vol. 15, No. 1 (2022)
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Authors:Duan X. Pages: 47 - 68 Abstract: AbstractChina’s recent use of rare earth (RE) as a tool in handling interstate crises has aroused global concern. However, popular narratives misinterpret China’s RE strategy, tending to exaggerate its assertiveness and possible ill effects on the international community. Pundits and scholarly works usually take China’s so-called weaponization of RE for granted, thus overlooking the domestic reasons for such policymaking. Using the advocacy coalition framework, this article examines the domestic sources of China’s policymaking, focusing on the academic, corporate, and policy practitioners that have frequently influenced the RE policy determination process. Three factors are highlighted, namely: (1) technical information concerning the minerals and the industry; (2) the system structure, characterized by state actors’ state-capitalist industrial integration, and certain actors’ resistance to it; and (3) the belief system implied by resource nationalism, which is also challenged. After weighing the pros and cons and examining the balance of competing domestic interests and beliefs, the analysis finds that China has been steering a middle course in its use of RE as a tool of economic statecraft. China’s RE strategy is found mostly to serve economic interests and, by extension, to help China gain the upper hand in great power high-tech competition. In foreign policy, RE provides a diplomatic signalling mechanism and a weapon of deterrence. However, Beijing is quite clear about the advantages and disadvantages of RE in the industry value chain, which, within domestic and international constraints, de facto preclude extreme trade restrictions, such as an embargo. PubDate: Wed, 09 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/cjip/poac002 Issue No:Vol. 15, No. 1 (2022)
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Authors:Yao L. Pages: 69 - 86 Abstract: AbstractChina’s transformation into the world’s largest energy consumer constitutes one of the most profound changes to the global energy system in recent years. In providing the low-carbon technology sector with financial assistance and technical solutions aimed at developing clean energy across the world, China has proactively contributed to global energy governance. China’s emergence as a global leader in renewable energy development and emissions reduction, therefore, carries positive implications for its future role in global renewable energy governance. In seeking to understand the structure and trends of China’s domestic renewable energy governance, this study analyses what role China can and will play in the global sphere. Specifically, by examining how its domestic renewable energy context shapes its global approach in this regard, the study analyses two aspects of China’s engagement in global renewable energy governance: the institutional aspect and the market aspect. The study concludes by making recommendations as to how China may play a more positive and active role in global renewable energy governance. PubDate: Tue, 01 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/cjip/poac004 Issue No:Vol. 15, No. 1 (2022)
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Authors:Gheorghe E. Pages: 87 - 109 Abstract: AbstractHow do unbalanced nuclear alliances provide extended nuclear deterrence (END) to their members' Why have nuclear alliances chosen certain types of END strategy and not others' Existing accounts regard END as a function of the inter-alliance balance of power, regime type, or institutional design. END strategies inspired by theories focused on regime type and institutional design have not yet materialised, while the inter-alliance balance of power does not suffice to explain the choice of END strategy. To elucidate variations in END strategy, this article puts forward an argument centred on the intra-alliance balance of power. Drawing on the history of the US-led and the Soviet-led alliances during the Cold War, namely North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact, it shows how the two superpowers changed their approach to defending their allies with nuclear weapons according to quantitative and qualitative shifts in the distribution of power within the alliance. PubDate: Tue, 01 Mar 2022 00:00:00 GMT DOI: 10.1093/cjip/poac003 Issue No:Vol. 15, No. 1 (2022)
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
[419 journals]
