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Authors:Gregory Davies, Daniel Wincott Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. The Welsh Labour government occupies a unique position in UK territorial politics, favouring neither the status quo nor independence for Wales while advocating a new settlement for the whole state. This article provides a detailed examination of its policy, focusing on its position on the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Drawing from a range of documentary sources, we analyse the Welsh government’s constitutional proposals and its decision-making in the wake of the 2016 referendum on European Union membership. We argue that Welsh policy is defined by ambiguity. While it advances an alternative constitutional vision, it refrains from rejecting Westminster’s sovereignty outright. In the aftermath of the referendum, it sought to accommodate that sovereignty with its own constitutional claims through enhanced intergovernmental collaboration. In light of the Johnson administration’s centralising reforms, the strategy appears to have failed. Caught in the fractious politics of the Union, Welsh constitutional policy now faces an uncertain future. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-06-20T09:49:28Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221104334
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Authors:Michael Jacobs, Andrew Mark Hindmoor Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Since the Second World War, the Labour Party has alternated between periods in which it has been positioned further to the left and others when it has been further to the right. The standard explanation for those oscillations is electoral–ideological. Labour moves to the right (towards the political centre) when it prioritises electoral considerations, usually after a period in opposition. It moves to the left when it prioritises ideology, usually after periods in government. Against this we propose a political economy–policy explanation. Labour moves to the right and a redistributive economic strategy when the economy is performing reasonably well. It moves to the left and adopts a structural economic reform programme when the economy is perceived to be in crisis. We argue that the political economy–policy explanation offers a more satisfactory account of when and why Labour has changed its spatial policy positioning in this period. By acknowledging the role of what we term ‘policy reasoning’ in the processes by which political parties (and the public) adopt and change spatial policy positions, our approach provides an alternative to the mechanistic models deriving from Downsian rational choice theory. It suggests that, contrary to general expectation, the Labour Party under Keir Starmer does not need to react to its 2019 election defeat by shifting significantly to the right. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-06-20T09:46:24Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221099734
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Authors:Georg Löfflmann Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. The rise of nationalist populism, its challenge to representative democracy and the populist impact on the liberal international order have emerged as one of the most significant phenomena in international politics in recent years. This special issue brings together a group of researchers from a wide range of theoretical, disciplinary and epistemological backgrounds, including political science, populism studies, foreign policy analysis and critical security studies, to examine the international dimension of populism and the practical impact of populism on foreign policy and international security. Empirically and conceptually, it presents audiences in political science, international relations and related disciplines with a timely review of the scope of research on populism in international relations. Our specific aim is to explore and evaluate what challenges a populist mobilisation of anti-elitism and anti-globalism presents to both the contemporary study of international politics, and the structure of the international system and key actors within it. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-06-07T01:13:30Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221103116
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Authors:Corina Lacatus, Gustav Meibauer Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Populist leaders base their electoral appeal on underlying their agenda with claims to authenticity reflected both in the content and in the style of their political communication. Based on a conceptualisation of authenticity as discursive performance, we conduct a comparative analysis of the authenticity claims of two right-wing populist leaders, Boris Johnson and Donald Trump. We focus on authenticity claims associated with international politics. International issues are central to populist exclusionary narratives, but also difficult for populist incumbents to narrate authentically. We find that despite differences in their public personas, Johnson and Trump show considerable similarities in both content and style of their authenticity performances. In particular, they ‘domesticate’ international politics to reinforce domestic issues assumed closer to ‘ordinary’ voters, all the while employing rhetorical styles suggestive of their authenticity. These findings highlight the centrality of authenticity performances to populist politics and electoral appeal. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-05-27T09:16:23Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221089137
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Authors:Julia Rone Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Despite the growing literature on Brexit, specifically, and conflicts of sovereignty, more generally, there has been insufficient research on how the concept of sovereignty has been used in citizen campaigns and street protests across the United Kingdom – a form of ‘counter-democracy’ through which people attempted to oversee the post-referendum political process. Combining qualitative content analysis of campaign websites with a discourse-network analysis of media articles on Brexit protests, this article shows that claims to sovereignty were mobilised not only in conflicts between the United Kingdom and the European Union, but also in conflicts between different institutions within Britain itself. Both ‘Leavers’ and ‘Remainers’ appealed to popular and parliamentary sovereignty at different points in time, pragmatically adapting their framing according to changing circumstances but also as a result of a dynamic series of interactions with each other, including denying, keying and embracing their opponents’ frames. Crucially, conflicts around different institutionalisations of popular sovereignty did not demand system change, a rhetoric familiar from other protests of the 2010s such as Occupy Wall Street with its emphasis on ‘We are the 99%’. To the contrary, pro- and anti-Brexit mobilisations remained firmly focused on Brexit policy itself. They problematised the split between ‘Remainers’ and ‘Leavers’ within the United Kingdom, between 48% and 52%, and thus, on a deeper level, the tension between the political principle of popular sovereignty and the sociological reality of a split country. Finally, the more Leavers opposed Remainers, the more movements and parties on each of these two sides aligned. Politicians featured prominently in campaigns and as speakers at protest events, contributing to close cooperation between protesters and parties, and precluding anti-systemic discourses around popular sovereignty that would target parties and institutions altogether. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-05-12T11:07:18Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221089136
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Authors:Zorzeta Bakaki, Tobias Böhmelt Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. The Brexit campaign was based on the idea that newly gained British sovereignty and flexibility in global trade governance would facilitate the quick negotiation of preferential trade agreements. We explore how long it may take for a state to negotiate bilateral preferential trade agreements to offset potential losses from International Organizations withdrawals. We address the question of ‘timing’, and discuss several mechanisms that delay or speed up the implementation of bilateral trade deals after exiting International Organizations. The empirical findings are based on quantitative data and models accounting for the likely simultaneous relationship between International Organizations exits and preferential trade agreements’ formation. We show that leaving economic organisations significantly lowers the likelihood of subsequent preferential trade agreements ratification. This effect wears out after about 1 year. This research has crucial implications for our understanding of International Organizations, state benefits’ stemming from their membership therein, bilateral trade deals, and international cooperation. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-03-19T07:00:50Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221082454
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Authors:Martha Kirby Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Attention given to the environment by the British public has fluctuated over recent decades. Having peaked in 2007 it declined, yet has recently risen dramatically. This raises questions about why public attention to the issue changes over time and to what extent this is driven by other actors and exogenous forces. This article examines these processes at the monthly level through a system of simultaneous equations. Methodologically, protest is an important confounding factor when analysing the relationship between media and public salience. Substantively, protest itself can be predicted by prior public attention, but in turn, can be successful in increasing broader environmental salience. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-03-09T11:20:38Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221080651
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Authors:Leonard August Schuette Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. This article analyses how and when institutional actors can shape overlap with other international organisations. Growing overlap either poses the threat of marginalisation to the incumbent organisation or offers opportunities for cooperation. Institutional actors should therefore be expected to try shape the relations with the overlapping organisation to protect their own. The article theorises that institutional actors can shape overlap if they possess sufficient institutional capacity and face a favourable opportunity structure. Whether institutional actors embrace or resist overlap, in turn, depends on their perception of the nature of the domain expansion of the other international organisation. Relying on 20 interviews with senior officials, the article probes the argument against the case of the growing overlap between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union resulting from the latter’s recent security and defence initiatives. Contrary to most expectations, it finds that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization actors played a consequential role in restructuring the relationship with the European Union. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-03-04T12:13:14Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221079188
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Authors:Sandra Destradi, Johannes Plagemann, Hakkı Taş Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Populists in power often resort to the politicisation of foreign policy to generate domestic support. This article explores this process. First, it conceptualises populist politicisation of foreign policy. Second, it develops expectations on how such politicisation will take place: the distinctive features of populism (the intensity of populist discourse, the relative weight of anti-elitism and people-centrism, and a transnational understanding of the ‘people’ or the ‘elite’) will have an impact on how foreign policy is politicised. The empirical analysis focuses on selected public speeches and tweets by two populist leaders from the Global South: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Narendra Modi. The analysis reveals huge differences: the more populist Erdoğan emphasises anti-elitism and extensively resorts to the politicisation of Turkish foreign policy by constructing foreign threats. Modi is less populist and his discourse emphasises people-centrism; as expected, he only marginally politicises foreign policy, highlighting the greatness of the Indian nation. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-02-28T05:50:04Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221075944
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Authors:Blake Lawrinson Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. This article examines the limits of state-led norm entrepreneurship in the case of the UK and the Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Initiative. The UK-led Preventing Sexual Violence in conflict Initiative emerged in 2012 and accelerated to the tipping point and beginning of the norm cascade by 2014. However, the Preventing Sexual Violence in conflict Initiative has since struggled to sustain similar levels of UK-led entrepreneurship where resources and institutional support have stagnated and declined. This article argues that the Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Initiative is evidence of how a norm that originally benefits from powerful state-led entrepreneurship to the point of cascading has to be maintained by consistent state support to prevent its progress from slowing, and potentially stagnating, at a significant moment in its evolution. The article contributes to research on norm entrepreneurship, the norm lifecycle, and analysis of the reasons why the UK’s entrepreneurship on the Preventing Sexual Violence in conflict Initiative has gradually stagnated when compared to its initial considerable investment in leadership and support. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-02-24T09:00:55Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221079174
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Authors:Richard Woodward, James Silverwood Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Selective industrial policy in the United Kingdom is conventionally believed to have vanished prior to the global financial crisis. This article, in contrast, argues that industrial policy remained an intrinsic, if seldom acknowledged, element of neoliberal statecraft. The basis of this is a subterfuge, conceptualised here as a ‘dual industrial policy’, which we explore via an empirical focus on the Thatcher governments. Throughout this time, actions explicitly endorsed by governments as industrial policy generally corresponded with neoliberalism’s hostility to intervention. These conveniently distracted attention from a second set of policies which, although never codified by government as industrial policy, were intended to affect the allocation of resources between economic activity. Analysis of official government publications and expenditure reveals that industrial policy expenditure under Thatcher was far higher than customarily reported. The United Kingdom’s approach has important implications for debates about neoliberal resilience, especially neoliberalism’s capacity to conscript apparently contradictory ideas. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-02-24T08:58:55Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221077854
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Authors:Catarina Kinnvall, Ted Svensson Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. This article is focused on the appeal of far-right populist politics in the everyday and how this appeal is related to continuity and change in the global order. Contemporary societies have witnessed an upsurge of populist movements and groups set on filling a political space by appealing to a population in search of solutions to an ever-changing political and economic landscape. Here, we specifically highlight the role of ontological insecurity, fantasy narratives, and emotional governance as critical for understanding far-right populist politics. The analysis consequently attends to the centrality of gendered and racialised narratives and to how these are fuelled by feelings of pride, shame, vulnerability, and insecurity. The aim is to show how structures and emotions work in tandem to create far-right support and how these developments are similar across Western and non-Western contexts. Particular attention is paid to far-right narratives that pertain to the Covid-19 pandemic. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-02-24T08:57:40Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221075925
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Authors:Donatella Bonansinga Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Left-wing populists are understudied in populism research and little is known on how enmity and insecurity narratives interplay in their rhetoric. Using a narrative framework to capture insecurity in the ‘enemification’ of elites, this article examines left-populist Jean-Luc Mélenchon and La France Insoumise. The analysis reveals a multifaceted construction of national, supranational and international elites as sources of insecurity, based on (a) the threats they pose, (b) the uncertainty they generate and (c) their failure to protect citizens. The article makes two contributions to the populism and International Relations literatures. First, it provides empirical evidence to contest the hypothesis that left populism promotes pluralist agonism rather than antagonism. Second, it shows how populists across the spectrum can use insecurity-centred narratives to delegitimise elites from speaking security and promote an agenda centred on popular sovereignty. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-02-16T10:21:12Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221078187
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Authors:Spyros Blavoukos, Giorgio Oikonomou Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. The European Union is broadly considered a benign reform actor, encouraging and supporting reforms in member states and beyond. However, European Union-induced reforms do not only generate the intended effects; they can also trigger unintended consequences for other reforms. These unintended consequences occur primarily through the impact of European Union-induced reforms on the resources available. The scope and size of the unintended effects will be conditioned by the domestic cycles in economic and public policy-making. Here, we apply our analytical framework to study the resilience of governance reforms in Greece during the period of fiscal consolidation (2010–2015), highlighting the unintended consequences of the European Union’s ‘reform actorness’. We find that the distinction between financial and non-financial resources is critical in unpacking the unintended consequences of any exogenously driven reform. Depending on the current stage in the cycles, the impact on non-financial resources can generate positive side-effects that help prevent other ongoing domestic reforms being derailed. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-02-11T11:21:23Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481221077842
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Authors:Rebecca E Schiel, Bruce M Wilson, Malcolm Langford, Christopher M Faulkner Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Democracies are commonly thought to provide greater levels of public goods than autocracies. Given that many public goods are provided locally, higher levels of local democracy are further thought to result in better rates of provision in both autocratic and democratic systems. However, several studies have cast doubt on democratic superiority in public goods provision both nationally and locally. We re-examine these contested relationships, investigating a locally provisioned public good: access to basic water. To determine what, if any, effects democracy has on public goods provision, we analyse the effects of both national and local democratic institutions, in conjunction with economic development. In cross-national regression analyses, we examine a global sample of 140 states from 2000 to 2015, arriving at three findings. First, access to basic water varies little by national regime type once accounting for development. Second, the existence of local elections and the degree to which they are free and competitive are positively correlated with basic water access rates in poor states. Finally, the positive effects of local democracy on water access in poor states increase with democratic institutional longevity. The findings of this study suggest two necessary additions to future research. First, more nuance is needed in the study of public goods provision beyond resources or a theoretical rationale for increased provision related to national regime characteristics. Second, considering the conditional influences of local institutional characteristics, development metrics could help illustrate the complicated circumstances determining access to basic public goods. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-31T08:14:00Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211070176
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Authors:Daniel F Wajner Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. This article aims to contribute to the growing academic debate on the transnational drivers and patterns of contemporary populism. As populist leaderships expand both politically and geographically, the very nature of the populist phenomenon is changing, as it is increasingly being projected on the international stage. Contemporary populist leaders show a growing willingness to transfer the discursive construction of a struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘the elites’ to the regional and global levels as a way of obtaining internal and external legitimation. In so doing, they exploit the symbiotic two-level game that links national and international (de-)legitimation dynamics, seeking to gain ‘abroad’ the kind of legitimacy that they cannot obtain ‘at home’. This article suggests three mechanisms that explain the populist ‘way out’ from various legitimation traps based on the traditional distinctions between input, throughput, and output legitimacy. The article’s argument is illustrated with reference to prototypical cases of populism in Europe, the Americas, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. The incorporation of the literature on international legitimacy enhances our understanding of the strategic activation of populist attitudes through the transnational articulation of empty signifiers, the global diffusion of this phenomenon, and the possibilities for its contestation and mitigation. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-27T10:46:43Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211069345
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Authors:David Howarth, Konstantinos Roussos Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Set against theoretical and strategic debates about theories of radical democracy, left populism and the commons, this article analyses and evaluates everyday struggles in Greek politics after the global financial crisis. It focusses on the cases of Vio.Me – the first workers’ recuperated factory in Greece – and the Metropolitan Community Clinic at Helliniko, which is the largest social solidarity health clinic in Greece. Viewed from the perspective of commoning practices, the article identifies the logics that sustain the beliefs, values, infrastructures and institutions developed at an everyday grassroots level, finding traces of an incipient radical democratic ethos and rationality at work. The new initiatives highlight crucial and often neglected organisational, prefiguring and subjective prerequisites for radical democracy, while challenging elements of left populist political strategy. Our evolving perspective also problematises their political limitations and strategic dilemmas as they struggle to constitute a viable hegemonic alternative to neoliberal rationalities and governance. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-27T10:43:49Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211067147
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Authors:Louise Thompson, Mitya Pearson Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. The Greens in the United Kingdom have benefitted from the fragmentation of the party system and the creation of devolved institutions, achieving consistent representation at multiple levels of British politics in recent years. However, we know little about what they have done in these positions. This study uses interviews with Green legislators to investigate how they have interpreted the task of opposition at Westminster, Holyrood and Stormont. We show that Green legislators’ approaches to opposition have been influenced by their party identity, and that differences in approach between the institutions have largely been determined by contrasting political opportunity structures, rather than parliamentary rules. These findings highlight the importance of party as a factor shaping opposition strategy and the varied roles which opposition parties can play within the UK political system. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-24T09:05:44Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211069791
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Authors:Russell David Foster, Xander Kirke Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. This article explores an emerging strategy by sections of the British radical right towards the LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) community, who the radical right claim are existentially threatened by the alleged violent homophobia of Islam and their ostensible betrayal by ‘the left’. Consequently, parts of the radical right present themselves as the ‘true’ protectors of LGBTQ+ individuals through what we term alter-progressivism. By analysing recorded speeches, discussions and interviews by and with key British radical right figures, we demonstrate three themes: (1) the broad radical right discourse of a ‘Great Replacement’ specifically tailored towards LGBTQ+ anxieties, (2) a narrative in which the radical right portray themselves as the defenders of (some) minorities and (3) an emerging distinction between the far-right and radical right concerning LGBTQ+ rights. We conclude that these themes represent a significant rhetorical shift and reveal the flexibility of radical right narratives in an attempt to appeal to diverse communities. This represents a serious challenge, which compels social scientists to adapt their understandings of radical right ideologies, objectives and strategies. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-24T09:04:54Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211069346
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Authors:Sam Warner, Darcy Luke Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. When faced with complex public policy challenges, policymakers grapple with a dilemma between assuming direct political control (politicisation) or creating ‘distance’ through arm’s length, often market-orientated governance arrangements (depoliticisation). We contend that both processes co-exist and operate simultaneously though empirically speaking, little is known about how they interact over time to inform policy change. We compare how the Heath and Wilson-Callaghan governments responded to this ‘recurrent dilemma’ in the Nationalised Industries during the 1970s. Drawing on new archival material, our research reveals that a desire to retain political control was repeatedly supplemented by attempts to embed depoliticising, quasi-market disciplinary mechanisms. Our focus on the ‘intercurrence’ of politicisation and depoliticisation, understood as the simultaneous operation of older and newer governance arrangements, reveals the long, complex lineage of privatisation, adding nuance to accounts that present it simplistically as part of a paradigm shift in the 1980s. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-20T05:20:42Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211069786
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Authors:Christopher Linebarger, Andrew J Enterline Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. Why do third-party states continue interventions in support of governments fighting civil wars even when continuing to do so appears futile from a military standpoint' To answer this question, we focus on third-party state domestic politics, theorising that institutional characteristics condition the likelihood that the third party will terminate support to a civil war government before a conflict ends. When a third-party state’s legislature and executive branches are controlled by opposing political parties, the third party’s executive is more likely to remain committed to an intervention in order to deny political opponents the opportunity to seize on the withdrawal as a basis for political advantage. To test this expectation, we assemble a data sample of third-party interventions in support of civil war governments during the period 1975–2009. The analysis suggests that the third-party divided government reduces the likelihood of an early termination of its support for a civil war government. Our analysis underscores the role of third-party domestic politics in understanding the dynamics of internationalised civil conflicts. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-19T09:17:34Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211070172
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Authors:Arno Van Der Zwet, John Connolly, Christopher Huggins, Craig McAngus Abstract: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Ahead of Print. This article examines the ways in which third countries can engage with, and respond to, European Union policy-making processes. A novel analytical framework based on the concept of network resilience which consists of an institutional, political and policy dimension is operationalised to understand third country access to European Union policy-making. Empirically, the article examines the experiences of three non-European Union countries, Iceland, the Faroe Islands and Norway in the context of the European Union’s Common Fisheries Policy. The article concludes by presenting a research agenda based on an in-depth analysis of network resilience and reflects on what the findings mean for future research, particularly within the context of understanding the development of UK–EU post-Brexit relations. Citation: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations PubDate: 2022-01-11T09:09:57Z DOI: 10.1177/13691481211067146
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