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Authors:Aurelien Mondon Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. While mainstream elite actors with the ability to shape public discourse (politicians, academics, and the media) generally oppose far-right politics, it is widely argued that such politics represent democratic populist grievances, whether cultural or economic: ‘this is what the people want’ and the mainstream should listen. Building on discourse theoretical approaches, this article uses opinion surveys on immigration to argue that rather than following ‘what the people want’, elite actors play an active part in shaping and constructing public opinion and legitimising reactionary politics. This article thus interrogates how public opinion is constructed through a process of mediation, how certain narratives are hyped and others obstructed. What this highlights is that rather than the result of a simple bottom-up ‘democratic’ demand, the rise of the far right must also be studied and understood as a top-down process: public opinion is not only a construction but also an agenda shaper, rather than a simple agenda tester. This article ultimately finds that ‘the people’ can be misrepresented in four principal ways: a people to be followed; a people to be blamed; a people to legitimise reactionary and elitist discourse and politics; and a circumscribed people. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-06-23T10:01:43Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221104726
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Authors:Yaacov Yadgar Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. I argue here for the relevance and importance of the study of nostalgia for political analysis. Focusing on the case of Israel, I propose that a study of nostalgia can yield, at least in the case at hand, insightful views of political reality that other approaches to the study of politics may fail to expose. Specifically, I focus on a nostalgia prevalent among the dominant Ashkenazi ethno-class, accompanied by a Mizrahi ‘counter’ nostalgia. I argue that these nostalgias tell us volumes – like other nostalgias can do – about the ways people and their socio-political groups understand their world and their place within it in the present and formulate their hopes for the future. In this, nostalgia proves to be an important part of the toolkit of the study of politics, alongside the study of political myth and symbols. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-05-19T05:40:02Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221098028
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Authors:Danguolė Bardauskaitė Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. This study aims to unveil the nexus between the governments of the Baltic states and think tanks (TTs), which work on foreign and security policy. The article argues that the Baltic governments wish to use TTs as instruments of foreign policies, as they are highly interested in influencing well-known TTs abroad to further their national interests. The Baltic states undertake a good deal of effort to contribute to debates in the capitals of the powerful nations through the TT channel, hoping that some form of support can be gained for their positions in the international arena. Meanwhile, the governments expect domestic TTs to be visible internationally and influence policy debates by sending Baltic-favourable messages to foreign policy communities. On the other side of the nexus, TTs adapt to government expectations while also trying to maintain some level of independence. The process of using TTs as instruments to further the aims of governments is based mainly on the perceptions of government officials themselves, who are convinced that TTs should serve policy goals. Governments dominate the nexus because TTs depend on governmental support and/or wish to be helpful in furthering governmental goals. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-05-19T05:39:49Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221098019
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Authors:Bartek Pytlas Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. This article explores how different anti-establishment parties (AEPs) can themselves strategically enact an image of both distinctiveness and ‘normality’ behind their political offer. For this purpose, we directly measure and map diverse anti-establishment normalisation strategies by analysing 142 social media campaigns of radical right, left, and ‘centrist’ AEPs and their conventional competitors during 23 elections in Europe during 2010–2019. We find that while AEPs presented themselves as fundamentally distinct from ‘politics as usual’, they simultaneously attempted to normalise their contestation supply across and within two dimensions: mainstreaming and streamlining. Using regression analysis, we further find that the degree to which AEPs rhetorically normalised their supply was positively and significantly associated with their broader electoral appeal ceteris paribus, controlling for substantive issue positions, parliamentary experience and position in government. Concurrently, the effects of particular normalisation strategies and their specific calibration varied for the radical right and left. The findings deepen our comparative understanding of diverse anti-establishment strategies used in party competition. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-04-26T12:54:17Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221089219
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Authors:James Strong Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. During the 2020/2021 academic year, I conducted a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the drivers of student engagement in the School of Politics and International Relations at Queen Mary University of London. My main finding was that students vary widely in their ability to manage the competing demands on their time. Those who are able to avoid scheduling conflicts between taught classes and off-campus commitments engage at higher rates and achieve better marks. Those who struggle – whether due to under-developed time management skills, a lack of confidence in asking for assistance, or both – miss out on vital learning opportunities, and their attainment suffers. While there is little a department can do about the broader socio-economic forces that require students to take on significant responsibilities beyond the classroom, my findings suggest there are things we can do to improve engagement among those who struggle. I conclude by recommending actions to help students resolve clashing commitments, to build their confidence in and ability to seek support from staff, and to develop positive peer networks. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-04-26T12:52:46Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221086879
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Authors:Flo Bremner Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. In the wake of the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on 25 May 2020, and the international uprisings which followed, racism moved to the forefront of public discourse. Yet, racism has no fixed interpretation and is a term used by different individuals and organisations for various functional and ideological purposes. This study provides an analysis of the ways that racism is discussed in four UK newspapers using a mixed-methods framework incorporating critical race theory, corpus linguistics, and the discourse-historical approach. It is argued that, as the protests were taking place, systemic racism began to be foregrounded over individualised forms of racism in newspaper discourse. However, journalists continued to use strategies of positive self-presentation to place racism outside of themselves and within racist ‘others’, leading them to stand against racism in the abstract, while potentially diminishing possibilities for structural change. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-04-25T12:40:23Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221083974
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Authors:Sharri Plonski Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. This article investigates Haifa Port’s carceral and mobile geographies by examining how Israel is being re-made, rebranded, and harnessed as ‘safe and secure space’ for the transits of global capital. The article contends with ports as key protagonists of empire, situated in an enduring and ongoing history of colonial routes and route-making that are raced and moving with/through the transits of colonised bodies and commodities. Haifa Port – and Israel itself – are examined as nodes in a matrix of global colonial-capitalist relations, moulded to an essential geographic rationale, in which everything moves and must continue circulating. Yet, in exploring the specific dense and durable materialities of Haifa Port – and the racial logics of the settler colonial state – the article also works to understand that which becomes contained and fixed in particular sites, spaces, bodies, and lives. This also helps point to whom and what sits outside them – vulnerable and threatening to Israel’s participation in global economic circuits and orders. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-03-02T09:24:03Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957211066278
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Authors:Markus Freitag, Alina Zumbrunn Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. For many, direct democracy is said to increase political interest. To date, however, empirical findings regarding this relationship remain inconclusive. In this article, we claim that this inconclusiveness can be partly ascribed to the diverse effects that direct democracy has on individuals. In other words, direct democracy influences political interest, but how and to what degree depends on an individual’s personality traits. Running hierarchical regression models with survey data from random samples of eligible American and Swiss voters, we arrive at the following three conclusions: First, in both countries, the use of direct democracy is not directly connected to political interest. Second, the Big Five personality traits affect the interest in politics. Third, neuroticism, in particular, alters the relationship between direct democracy and political interest, suggesting that a certain personality type is likely to be more sensitive to popular votes, and a vibrant democratic environment can help to inspire interest in politics for people who, because of their personality, tend to be detached from it. Quite intriguingly, these relationships hold irrespective of the country and research period. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-02-25T12:42:42Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221074897
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Authors:Shaimaa Magued Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. How would Islamists succeed to sustain their rule in spite of their lack of an Islamic blueprint for governance' I draw on an original fieldwork study conducted in Turkey and Egypt from 2010 to 2013 to advance a theory linking Islamists’ rule sustainability and political leverage vis-à-vis the state establishment. In contrast with post-Islamism, the results contended that Islamists sustain their rule if they have a high political leverage based on the adoption of a three-fold strategy comprising identification, differentiation, and alliance mobilisation. Based on 45 open-ended and semi-structured interviews conducted with members of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party and Egypt’s Freedom and Justice Party, findings significantly hold in authoritarian and hybrid regimes in the Middle East. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-02-23T12:06:39Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221077182
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Authors:Aris Trantidis Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. Social inequalities fuel a debate about the meaning of political equality. Formal procedural equality is criticised for reproducing discriminatory outcomes against disadvantaged groups but affirmative action, particularly in the form of group quotas, is also contested. When opposing conceptions of substantive equality support divergent views about which procedural rule genuinely respects political equality, democracies cannot identify a standard or rule of procedural fairness to be widely accepted as fair. This dispute over procedural fairness can carry on indefinitely and could challenge democracy’s legitimacy claim. I argue that democracies can renew their legitimacy claim by embracing this debate and by accommodating it through constitutional deliberation that must be as impartial and meaningful as possible. Impartiality ideally requires the presence of every citizen in this process because each of them has a unique and evolving experience of inequality. Meaningful deliberation is about offering periodic opportunities for constitutional reform, allowing for continuous feedback, reflection, and learning. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-02-23T12:03:46Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221074899
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Authors:Lucas Perelló, Patricio Navia Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. Studies on party system collapse or individual-party breakdowns view programmatic inconsistency or convergence as necessary for abrupt party system change. In theory, a new or fringe contender can suddenly emerge and disrupt the party system under such circumstances. We test that claim by examining Nayib Bukele’s 2019 presidential election victory in El Salvador. With data from the AmericasBarometer, we estimate probit models and predictive margins to examine the individual-level determinants of disruption in an institutionalised and ideologically polarised party system. The empirical results reveal that Bukele won amid salient ideological differences between traditional parties and that critical views towards democracy fueled his core support. Therefore, we conclude that a significant disruption in an institutionalised party system can occur notwithstanding robust ideological differences between leading contenders. Critical attitudes towards democracy can represent a driving force behind a party system’s disruption. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-02-12T12:33:51Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221077181
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Authors:Lydia Ayame Hiraide Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. Against the background of climate scepticism and raging anti-immigrant sentiments across Europe, the politics of climate change and the politics of migration are fraught with tension. The two converge over discussions about ‘climate refugees’. But what merit does the term ‘climate refugee’ have, and are there potential problems associated with it' This article pays attention to how racialised discourses underwrite the concept of climate refugees in ways that further exclude already marginalised populations. In place of ‘climate refugees’, it proposes ‘ecological displacement’ as a notion which stresses how and why people are displaced within or across borders. While, indeed, anthropogenic climate change is a real threat to the livelihoods of humans (among other species), it is not the only environmental driver of displacement. By using the term ‘ecology’, this article argues that we allow for a description which encompasses other potential displacement drivers beyond climate change, such as volcanic eruptions, landslides, and political violence. Citing ‘displacement’ makes the term available to populations who are displaced by damaged ecologies both within and across borders, in and outside of Europe. The notion of ‘ecological displacement’ and ‘ecologically displaced people’ tries to rehumanise those carrying the heaviest social and climate burdens on a burning planet. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-02-10T08:57:57Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221077257
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Authors:Lisa Tilley, Max Ajl Abstract: Politics, Ahead of Print. In this article, we draw attention to similarities and synergies between eco-fascist and liberal forms of populationism which encourage reproductive injustices against Indigenous women and women of colour globally, increasingly in the name of climate change mitigation. Calls to intervene in the bodily and social autonomy of racialised women, at best, distract from ecological crisis and, at worst, encourage violent forms of reproductive injustice. We urge instead for an honest reckoning with the root problem of ecologically unequal exchange (EUE) as the system of global extraction, which enacts environmental harm and reproductive injustice. Finally, we call for an anti-imperialist eco-socialist move towards equal exchange on a world scale to end the flow of undervalued resources from the South and to limit the contaminating activities these enable. We also stress that an anti-imperialist eco-socialism needs to be attuned to the teachings of reproductive justice movements and resistant to creeping liberal eugenicism, as much as to the overt eco-fascism which has proved so deadly in recent years. Citation: Politics PubDate: 2022-02-04T10:17:55Z DOI: 10.1177/02633957221075323
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