Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 1097 journals)
    - CIVIL RIGHTS (16 journals)
    - INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (148 journals)
    - POLITICAL SCIENCE (898 journals)
    - POLITICAL SCIENCES: GENERAL (35 journals)

POLITICAL SCIENCE (898 journals)            First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Showing 601 - 281 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
Polar Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Policy & Governance Review     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Policy and Society     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Policy Design and Practice     Open Access  
Polis : Investigacion y Análisis Sociopolitico y Psicosocial     Open Access  
Polisemia     Open Access  
Polish Political Science Review     Open Access  
Politai     Open Access  
Politeja     Open Access  
Política     Open Access  
Política común     Open Access  
Política y Cultura     Open Access  
Política y Gobierno     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Política y sociedad     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Política, Globalidad y Ciudadanía     Open Access  
Political Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 65)
Political Anthropological Research on International Social Sciences     Full-text available via subscription  
Political Behavior     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 29)
Political Geography     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
Political Insight     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Political Psychology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Political Research Exchange     Open Access  
Political Research Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 46)
Political Science Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 55)
Political Science Research and Methods     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 25)
Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Political Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Political Theology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Políticas de la Memoria     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Politics & Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Politics and Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Politics and the Life Sciences     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Politics in Central Europe     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Politics, Groups, and Identities     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Politics, Philosophy & Economics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Politics, Religion & Ideology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Politiikka     Open Access  
Politik     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Politika : Jurnal Ilmu Politik     Open Access  
Politique et Sociétés     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Politische Vierteljahresschrift     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Politologija     Open Access  
Polity     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Populism     Full-text available via subscription  
Post-Soviet Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Pouvoirs     Full-text available via subscription  
Presidential Studies Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Problems of Post-Communism     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Produção Acadêmica     Open Access  
Progress in Development Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Przegląd Politologiczny     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
PS: Political Science & Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 40)
PSAKU International Journal of Interdisciplinary Research     Hybrid Journal  
Public Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
Pyramides     Open Access  
Québec français     Full-text available via subscription  
Race & Class     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Raven : A Journal of Vexillology     Hybrid Journal  
Recherches féministes     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Recherches sociographiques     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Redescriptions : Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM     Open Access  
Reflexion Politica     Open Access  
Refuge : Canada's Journal on Refugees / Revue canadienne sur les réfugiés     Open Access  
Region : Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Regional & Federal Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Regional Formation and Development Studies     Open Access  
Regional Research of Russia     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Regional Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
Regional Studies Journal     Open Access  
Regional Studies, Regional Science     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Regulation & Governance     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 45)
Religion and Human Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Representation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Research & Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Resilience : International Policies, Practices and Discourses     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Review of African Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Review of Environmental Economics and Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Review of Evolutionary Political Economy     Hybrid Journal  
Review of Faith & International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Review of International Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
Review of International Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 25)
Review of Middle East Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
Review of World Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
Revista Ágora     Open Access  
Revista Agulhas Negras     Open Access  
Revista Amauta     Open Access  
Revista Ambivalências     Open Access  
Revista Aportes para la Integración Latinoamericana     Open Access  
Revista Argentina de Ciencia Política     Open Access  
Revista Brasileira de Ciência Política     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revista Brasileira de Desenvolvimento Regional     Open Access  
Revista Ciencias Humanas     Open Access  
Revista Compolítica     Open Access  
Revista de Administração IMED     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revista de Ciencia Politica     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Revista de Derecho     Open Access  
Revista de Direito Sociais e Políticas Públicas     Open Access  
Revista de Estudios Hispánicos     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Revista de Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas     Open Access  
Revista de Estudos Institucionais     Open Access  
Revista de Filosofía y Teoría Política     Open Access  
Revista de Humanidades     Open Access  
Revista de Investigações Constitucionais     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas     Open Access  
Revista del CESLA     Open Access  
Revista Desenvolvimento Social     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revista do CEAM     Open Access  
Revista dos Estudantes de Públicas : REP     Open Access  
Revista Economía y Política     Open Access  
Revista Educação e Políticas em Debate     Open Access  
Revista Eletrônica do Curso de Direito - PUC Minas Serro     Open Access  
Revista Epistemologias do Sul     Open Access  
Revista Española de Ciencia Política     Open Access  
Revista Espirales : Revista para a integração da América Latina e Caribe     Open Access  
Revista Finanzas y Política Económica     Open Access  
Revista Ibero-Americana de Estratégia     Open Access  
Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político     Open Access  
Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revista Latinoamericana de Antropología del Trabajo     Open Access  
Revista Maracanan     Open Access  
Revista Mexicana de Análisis Político y Administración Pública     Open Access  
Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales     Open Access  
Revista Mexicana de Opinión Pública     Open Access  
Revista Neiba, Cadernos Argentina Brasil     Open Access  
Revista Nuevo Humanismo     Open Access  
Revista Orbis Latina     Open Access  
Revista Política Hoje     Open Access  
Revista Política y Estrategia     Open Access  
Revista Processus de Políticas Publicas e Desenvolvimento Social     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Revista Psicologia Política     Open Access  
Revista Republicana     Open Access  
Revista Sinais     Open Access  
Revista Sul-Americana de Ciência Política     Open Access  
Revista SURES     Open Access  
Revista Textos Graduados     Open Access  
Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique     Open Access  
Revue Gouvernance     Open Access  
Revue Interventions économiques     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revue Sciences Humaines     Open Access  
Rhetoric & Public Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
RIPS. Revista de Investigaciones Politicas y Sociologicas     Open Access  
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej     Open Access  
RUDN Journal of Political Science     Open Access  
Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption Center Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Russian Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Russian Politics & Law     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
SAIS Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Scandinavian Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
School of Public Policy Publications     Open Access  
Scottish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Scottish Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Secrecy and Society     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Security and Defence Quarterly     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Security and Human Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Security Dialogue     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Security Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 44)
Seqüência : Estudos Jurídicos e Políticos     Open Access  
Serbian Studies: Journal of the North American Society for Serbian Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
SINTESA : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik     Open Access  
SİYASAL / Journal of Political Sciences     Open Access  
Slovak Journal of Political Sciences     Open Access  
Small Wars & Insurgencies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 253)
Small Wars Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 17)
Social Development & Security : Journal of Scientific Papers     Open Access  
Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Social Inclusion     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Social Movement Studies: Journal of Social, Cultural and Political Protest     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 29)
Social Philosophy Today     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Social Research : An International Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Social Science Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Social Sciences in China     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Social Service Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Socialism and Democracy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Socialist Studies / Études Socialistes     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Sociedad y Discurso     Open Access  
Society     Open Access  
Sociologie et sociétés     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Soft Power     Open Access  
Somatechnics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik     Open Access  
Soundings : An Interdisciplinary Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
South African Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
South East European University Review (SEEU Review)     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
South European Society and Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Southeast Asian Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Southeast European and Black Sea Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Southeastern Europe     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Special Operations Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
SPICE : Student Perspectives on Institutions, Choices & Ethic     Open Access  
Sprawy Narodowościowe     Open Access  
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne     Open Access  
Stability : International Journal of Security and Development     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
State Politics & Policy Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Statistics and Public Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Stato, Chiese e pluralismo confessionale     Open Access   (Followers: 1)

  First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Similar Journals
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Political Research Quarterly
Journal Prestige (SJR): 1.595
Citation Impact (citeScore): 2
Number of Followers: 46  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 1065-9129 - ISSN (Online) 1938-274X
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1174 journals]
  • A Moveable Benefit' Spillover Effects of Quotas on Women’s
           Numerical Representation

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      Authors: Komal Preet Kaur, Andrew Q. Philips
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      AbstractQuotas have helped women achieve greater numerical representation in government around the world. Yet do they have indirect effects on representation elsewhere' We take advantage of plausibly exogenous variation in when and which states enacted legislation mandating 50% women’s representation in the lowest level of government in India to analyze how quotas affect women’s candidacy, vote share, and winning probability at the state level of government. We find that women are more likely to compete and win for the higher political office when women reservation is implemented at the local levels of political governance. This suggests that gender quotas have spillover effects onto other levels in politics. As women continue to be under-represented in politics, this paper highlights the role of policy instruments in shaping political careers for women and building inclusive political institutions.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-06-20T09:53:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221108697
       
  • Thoreau’s Dialectic of Dissent and Contemporary Activism

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      Authors: Lisa Gilson
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Recent scholarship on Thoreau’s thought has pushed in two opposing directions: some have maintained that Thoreau’s withdrawals from political engagement were actually intended to serve democratic ends, whereas others have argued that Thoreau’s political engagement was a lapse in his better judgment. In this essay, I contend that neither interpretation of Thoreau’s thought fully captures the roles that political engagement and disengagement played in his life as a dissident. Instead, via an examination of Thoreau’s “Walking” and his reform papers, I argue that Thoreau modeled a dialectical approach to dissent, where the “antithesis” of withdrawal served as a specific antidote to the personal toll of the “thesis” of political action. As I show, Thoreau’s attention to the potential costs of radical dissent makes his dialectical model especially relevant for those for whom the costs are highest, including contemporary women activists of color. For these women, normalizing a practice of continual disengagement from activism might benefit them in ways that collaborative solidarity cannot.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-06-15T12:58:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221109152
       
  • The Social Subcontract: Business Ethics as Democratic Theory

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      Authors: Abraham Singer, Amit Ron
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      What does democracy demand of business' We argue that an answer to this question requires an understanding of the sorts of ethical obligations businesses have more generally. Against approaches that understand the duties of business in terms of citizenship or fiduciary obligation, we propose and develop the notion of subcontractor duties. We conceive of commercial activity as a social subcontract, in which businesses are empowered to exercise their judgment in pursuit of parochial interests, but for broader social reasons. Such license, however, puts businesses in a position to use this judgment in ways that unduly influence broader political processes. Given this, business ethics should be seen as indispensable for normative democratic theory, as it offers a conception of how business leaders should discharge their discretionary power in a manner least offensive to democratic principles. Drawing on a pragmatist understanding of democracy, we contend that businesses must respect, and avoid undermining, the formal and informal processes that characterize democratic politics. We conclude with rough sketch of what this looks like in practice, listing three broad sets of desiderata that a social subcontract seems to demand of businesses vis-à-vis democracy.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-06-11T02:15:11Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221108353
       
  • The Invisible Primary in an Agent-Based Model: Ideology, Strategy, and
           Competitive Dynamics

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      Authors: Zim Nwokora, Davy Brouzet
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Historical accounts of American presidential nominating contests suggest that candidates jockey over ideology and policy in ways that shape the outcomes of these races. Yet this aspect of competition has been difficult to analyze with the formal and statistical methods that dominate this research agenda. To address this gap, this article presents a computational agent-based model (ABM) of candidates’ ideological maneuvering during the invisible primary. We extend the framework developed by Michael Laver to study dynamic party competition in Europe, but recast it for the different context and to enable model fit to be more rigorously determined. Our analysis of data from the 2012 Republican invisible primary suggests the importance of ideological jockeying in this contest. Moreover, its dynamics can be well-explained by a basic version of the ABM in which candidates select between three strategies (aggregator, hunter or sticker) and then maintain that strategy over time. The fit of this model, particularly in the short run, can be improved by introducing a “momentum effect” that allows the candidates’ standing in the race to rise or fall without any accompanying ideological change.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-06-09T10:23:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221107567
       
  • Elite Selection in Single-Party Autocracies: Minimizing Protests and
           Counterproductive State Violence to Maintain Social Stability

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      Authors: Siniša Mirić, Anna O. Pechenkina
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Why are some but not other officials selected for promotion in single-party regimes' Understanding inner-elite dynamics of these regimes is important for explaining their resilience. Recent evidence suggests that these polities prioritize patronage connections over competence, when deciding who receives advancement at the top echelons of power hierarchy. By contrast, this paper proposes that, besides patronage, competence (demonstrated as an official’s ability to maintain social stability) also contributes to the promotion of top officials. While it is widely acknowledged that social stability is a key concern for autocracies, prior quantitative research on career outcomes of single-party elites has largely ignored this criterion for promotion. We argue that evaluating officials based on their ability to minimize protests demonstrates another dimension of competence (in addition to economic growth) that is designed to address the problem of authoritarian control, that is, managing popular discontent. We test this argument in the context of China, using a sample of 116 party secretaries in 2003–2017 who faced a total of 10,085 labor protests. Our findings are consistent with this argument.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-30T06:11:31Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221091576
       
  • Minority Language Recognition and Political Trust in Authoritarian Regimes

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      Authors: Jay C. Kao, Amy H. Liu, Chun-Ying Wu
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      While authoritarian regimes are often characterized by their civil liberty restrictions, some dictatorships acknowledge the ethnolinguistic diversity of their population. Are minorities in multiethnic authoritarian states more likely to trust the government when their language is recognized' In this paper, we argue while recognition of a group’s language improves trust in democracies through a substantive representation mechanism, the same cannot be said in authoritarian regimes. Instead, recognition is a mere symbolic gesture. Such window-dressing efforts call attention to the horizontal inequality between hegemon and minority groups—and such, minority language recognition is associated with negative political trust. We test our argument with the World Values Survey. By identifying which minority groups have been afforded linguistic recognition, we find evidence of a significant—but negative—link between recognition and political trust.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-30T01:30:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221097148
       
  • Severability Doctrine and the Exercise of Judicial Review

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      Authors: Garrett N. Vande Kamp
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      One of the most important doctrines a constitutional court must consider when exercising judicial review is severability. If a court decides that a statutory provision is unconstitutional, it must also decide whether that provision may be severed from the statute to allow the remainder to carry the full force of law. While the use of severability by constitutional courts has generated substantial controversy among legal scholars, there has been scant empirical analysis evaluating their claims of how courts employ severability doctrine. Relying on both legal and social science scholarship, I craft a series of hypotheses about how courts use severability. I test these hypotheses on the U.S. Supreme Court’s constitutional decisions on important federal statutes over the post-war period. The analysis shows that both political and legal considerations influence the Court’s severability doctrine, simultaneously fueling and allaying the criticisms of the legal community.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-27T05:49:44Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221082706
       
  • All of the Above: Lobbying Allied, Undecided, and Opposing Lawmakers in
           Committee and on the Floor

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      Authors: Adam Newmark, Anthony J. Nownes
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      This paper asks: When seeking to influence legislation in Congress, do organized interests target legislative allies, opponents, undecideds, or some combination of these' We address this question with data from a survey of 836 Washington lobbyists. Our findings point to several conclusions, including the following: (1) Organized interests almost always lobby their legislative allies, whether they support or oppose legislation, and whether the legislation is at the committee or floor stage; (2) Organized interests seldom lobby only their allies, very often targeting opponents and undecideds; (3) Organized interests lobby legislative opponents when their group opponents are relatively powerful; (4) Organized interests lobby legislative opponents and undecideds more in conflictual policy environments than they do in non-conflictual policy environments; (5) Resource competition from other groups causes organized interests to shy away from lobbying non-allied lawmakers; and (6) Coalition joining is associated with less allies-only lobbying.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-24T02:56:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221089346
       
  • Weather to Vote: How Natural Disasters Shape Turnout Decisions

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      Authors: William A. Zelin, Daniel A. Smith
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Natural disasters can uproot peoples’ lives in a matter of minutes, leaving behind immeasurable hardships on the people and places that they strike. We examine the impact on voter turnout of one such force majeure in the days leading up to a midterm election. Leveraging the randomness of a rapidly developing, unpredictable Category 5 hurricane, we assemble an original dataset to examine the effects of Hurricane Michael on voting in Florida in the 2018 General Election. Our study assesses whether counties damaged by Hurricane Michael—as determined by relief policies administered by local election officials—affected voter behavior in 2018. Utilizing Difference-in-Difference (DID) models, we test whether voters registered in counties that were affected by Michael voted at rates comparable to their neighbors that were not directly impacted by the Category 5 hurricane. We also test whether voters in affected counties were more likely to alter their usual methods of voting. Our findings—that turnout was lower among those directly impacted by the storm but that early in-person voting helped to mitigate the effects—lend insight into how election administration decisions can offset the deleterious effects of a catastrophic event.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-23T12:59:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221093386
       
  • Motivated Reasoning and Attitudes Towards Supreme Court Confirmation
           Hearings: Evidence from Five Nominations and an Experiment

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      Authors: Alex Badas
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Relying on theories of motivated reasoning, I hypothesize that individuals who favor a nominee will prefer a legalistic confirmation hearing, while those who oppose a nominee will prefer a politicized confirmation hearing. Analyzing survey data from five recent nominees and a survey experiment, I find support for this hypothesis. The results have implications for how the public interacts with the nature of the Court’s hybrid institutional structure. Specifically, I argue the results support the notion that the public engages in a political calculation when making judgements about the Court. When it serves their preferences, people will view the Court as a legalistic institution; however, when individuals believe there is an advantage in viewing the Court as a political institution, they are more likely to desire the Court to be evaluated in political ways.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-23T12:51:07Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221092781
       
  • Essential services, public education workers, and the right to strike

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      Authors: Cristian Pérez-Muñoz
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Essential services are commonly defined as those services whose interruption might inflict substantial harm on the population at large. Police, firefighters, and emergency medical professionals are paradigmatic examples of essential service providers. In recent years, some governments have resolved that formal primary education should be added to this list of essential services. The immediate practical implication of designating education as an essential service is that workers tasked with providing this service will face new limitations or even outright prohibitions on their freedom to strike. This paper analyzes the harm-based justification for declaring formal primary public education an essential service—that is, to consider if education is one service whose interruption might inflict substantial harm on the population at large. I argue that there is no compelling case to be made for changing the status of primary education from non-essential to essential and discuss why teachers' right to strike should be protected. On the one hand, it is unclear to what extent educators’ participation in strikes can produce a type of harm that justifies limiting their right to strike. On the other hand, restricting that right has costs that must be weighed in any plausible harm-based account.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-23T11:28:39Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221103483
       
  • Categorical Confusion: Ideological Labels in China

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      Authors: Jason Y. Wu
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      The idea of a left-right ideological dimension helps citizens and parties organize their thinking about politics. While the left-right dimension is traditionally organized around questions of inequality and change in democracies, its meaning under authoritarian rule remains uncertain. This paper uses two national surveys to investigate the policy, partisan, and symbolic content of the left-right dimension in China. The analysis of these surveys reveals that while many Chinese citizens are willing to locate themselves on the left-right scale, their placements are distorted by a variety of perceptual bias known as differential item functioning. The labels of left and right do not carry a consistent programmatic meaning, and the partisan and symbolic content of these ideological labels is limited. One implication of the absence of a shared ideological understanding is that it prevents Chinese citizens from developing the type of vocabulary necessary for exercising political agency.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-19T01:57:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221087264
       
  • Patronage and Presidential Coalition Formation

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      Authors: Katherine Bersch, Felix Lopez, Matthew M. Taylor
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Effective democratic governance rests on the executive’s ability to forge coalitions that can advance policy and sustain the government against challengers. Scholars have long focused on cabinet appointments to understand how executives build coalitions with their legislative allies. In many democracies, however, cabinet appointments at the ministerial level may only represent the tip of the iceberg. We show that administrative political appointees (APAs) beneath the ministerial level constitute one of the most important ways that cooperation between legislative and executive is forged. Leveraging a unique and comprehensive database of an average 2600 Brazilian APAs per year over two decades, we evaluate their effect on coalition unity in critical legislative votes. We demonstrate that these APAs, which we collectively term the “patronage coalition,” have a significant effect on legislative support and thus are a critical tool for presidents. Our results are particularly relevant to a new emphasis in the political science literature on the “toolbox” that presidents utilize to address the challenges of simultaneously maintaining legislative support while implementing policy. These results demonstrate that the patronage coalition is a fundamental tool that should be more widely integrated into models of legislative-executive bargaining.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-18T06:43:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221100830
       
  • Agree on How to Disagree: Aristotelian Ethics and Conversational Virtue

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      Authors: R. Lee McNish
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Partisanship and polarization lend themselves to the problem of demonizing, where citizens construct narratives about ideological opponents. These demonizing narratives pose a danger to democratic politics, as they can prevent consensus and compromise and possibly even invite violence. In thinking about how to combat demonization, I turn to Aristotle’s virtue ethics and the particular virtues of “friendliness,” “truthfulness,” and “wittiness.” These “conversational virtues” govern how we ought to interact within social contexts. By looking to these conversational virtues, we can determine how to leverage ethical principles not traditionally associated with political institutions.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-17T07:44:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221097146
       
  • Policy Influence of Delegates in Authoritarian Legislatures: Evidence from
           China

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      Authors: Dongshu Liu
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Can delegates in authoritarian legislatures influence policy outcomes' The existing literature provides extensive knowledge on how delegates behave but relatively little evidence on how government processes delegate policy participation and whether such participation changes policy. Based on a unique dataset of government responses to delegates’ policy proposals in China, this paper proposes a new distributive theory of authoritarian legislature and explains the conditions under which delegates can influence policy. The findings show that proposals requesting particularistic benefits are more likely to receive acceptance when they are made by delegates representing regime allies, whereas proposals requesting universalistic benefits are more likely to attain acceptance if they come from delegates representing the public. This finding can shed new light on authoritarian legislatures and their influence on policy. It also reveals a new theory of how autocrats make tradeoffs in allocating resources to accommodate competing policy demands and provide public goods.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-17T07:35:33Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221101390
       
  • US Sanctions and Foreign Lobbying of the US Government

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      Authors: Dursun Peksen, Timothy M Peterson
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Previous research has explored how US sanctions affect subsequent behavior by sanctioned states as well as third parties, with particular attention to whether states change the policies that led to US sanctions. In this paper, we argue that US sanctions also affect lobbying of the US government. States experiencing US sanctions over security and political issues will lobby the US government less than other states because this scenario suggests that lobbying is unlikely to influence US policies. States experiencing sanctions over economic issues, on the other hand, will lobby the US more as these targets would see a negotiated settlement as more feasible. We also maintain that third-party states that are similar to US sanction targets will lobby the US government more than dissimilar third parties, as lobbying in this scenario could be aimed at preempting future episodes of US sanctions—regardless of the issue that led to sanctions. We find support for our expectations in auto-regressive models spanning 1975–2005. Our findings suggest that sanctions in some cases lead states to find means other than policy concessions by which to satisfy US policy-makers.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-17T03:01:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221098109
       
  • Shaming in a Shameless World: The Broken Dialectic of the Self

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      Authors: Alin Fumurescu
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Until recently, shame culture was considered a powerful weapon for maintaining the status quo. Furthermore, it was also considered anti-democratic. Yet nowadays, in the hands of the weak, it has become a powerful weapon for challenging the status quo. It appears that the efficiency of shame has increased in an allegedly shameless society. This article seeks to clarify such conundrums by employing the largely forgotten dialectic of the self to highlight the difference between “being ashamed” within one’s inner self and “feeling shamed” in one’s outer self, as evinced in the usages of two different words for “shame” in Hebrew and Greek. By contrasting Socrates with Diogenes the Cynic, this approach shows not only why not being able to be ashamed within one’s inner self is a sign of a totalitarian self but also why such a self can become more vulnerable to external acts of shaming.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-16T09:12:19Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221089982
       
  • Political Hearings Reinforce Legal Norms: Confirmation Hearings and Views
           of the United States Supreme Court

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      Authors: Christopher N. Krewson
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Does the political nature of modern judicial confirmation hearings lead the public to think of the Supreme Court as a political body' Some political actors inevitably attack the institution during a confirmation hearing—which should lead to a decrease in support for it—but they attack the Court for acting extra-judicially. More generally, confirmation hearings send the American public an important and universal message: that the Supreme Court at least ought to be a legal institution. Based on original panel data closely surrounding the confirmation hearings of Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett, I find that confirmation hearings lead the public to place greater value on the non-political characteristics of a judge. While Supreme Court legitimacy reduced among Democrats over the course of the hearings, all respondents (including Democrats) became more likely to emphasize the importance of the legal qualities in a judge. For Democrats, the data suggests these two processes (reduced legitimacy and increased emphasis on a judge’s legal characteristics) worked independently. For Republicans—and consistent with positivity bias theory—enhanced legitimacy was predicted by a decrease in focus on the political aspects of a judge over the course of the confirmation hearing.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-16T09:10:28Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221094877
       
  • Freedom and the Machine: Technological Criticisms in Adam Smith’s
           Thought

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      Authors: Philip D. Bunn
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      In conversations surrounding technology and the future of politics, Adam Smith is a valuable resource for evaluating the subtle relationship between technology and freedom. Smith explores the tendency of specialization occasioned by the advancement of machines to cause “mental mutilation” where the worker’s human faculties are stunted through overspecialization or narrowing of scope of opportunities to judge. Smith’s treatment of the development of sympathetic judgment as necessary to the practice of liberty illuminates the depth of the harms caused by this mutilation; it is the very freedom of the worker that is at stake when the development and the exercise of judgment are restricted. Taken together, Smith’s discussion of the advancement of machines and free and independent judgment can aid contemporary thinkers in understanding the relationship between technology and freedom in commercial society, particularly if new technologies substitute for the judgment of the worker or prevent the development of their judgment.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-16T09:10:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221091579
       
  • Asking the Right Questions: A Framework for Developing Gender-Balanced
           Political Knowledge Batteries

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      Authors: Patrick W. Kraft, Kathleen Dolan
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Gender differences in political knowledge are a well-known empirical finding in public opinion research. Scholars working in this area have proposed various explanations for this phenomenon, often focusing on issues regarding the format and content of factual knowledge batteries. Yet, there are surprisingly few works that focus on how scholars might diversify the content of political knowledge measures to develop items that are less biased toward male areas of expertise. In this paper, we propose an inductive framework to develop more gender-balanced knowledge batteries by including political issues that are of particular relevance to women and women’s lives. Employing gender-balanced measures of political knowledge reveal instances where women and men demonstrate equivalent levels of political knowledge and higher levels of political interest and efficacy among women—engagement that is often masked by conventional measures of knowledge.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-16T09:09:59Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221092473
       
  • Youthfulness and Legislation: Rousseau on the Constituent Moment

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      Authors: Shuhuai Ren
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      In Of the Social Contract, Rousseau argued that, for successful political founding, the social spirit that is the product of the institutions must precede over the institutions. Scholars have interpreted Rousseau’s constituent moment as an unsolvable paradox that haunts modern constitutional theory. This article seeks to challenge this view by taking seriously Rousseau’s claim that only a young nation can receive laws. By reconstructing youthfulness as a necessary pre-institutional condition for legislation, I argue that successful constituent moments can be identified within Rousseau’s works, attention to which shows that his position is not paradoxical. Youthfulness nonetheless hinges on a tension between the innocence of a community that shares a robust social bond, and the maturity evident in its dangerous desire for prosperity. Youthfulness is therefore a moment of crisis and opportunity that calls for legislation to resolve this tension. Rousseau illustrates two youthful moments – natural youth and restored youth – both in the general human history set out in the Discourse on Inequality and in his analysis of the particular cases of Corsica and Poland. By emphasizing youthfulness, this article calls for greater attention to Rousseau’s political sociology, which cannot be separated from his principles of political right.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-16T04:33:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221097138
       
  • Explaining Perceptions of Climate Change in the US

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      Authors: Chiara Binelli, Matthew Loveless, Brian F. Schaffner
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      A significant proportion of the US population does not believe that climate change is a serious problem and immediate action is necessary. We ask whether individuals’ experiences with long-run changes in their local climate can override the power of partisanship that appears to dominate this opinion process. We merge individual-level data on climate change perceptions and the main determinants previously identified by the literature with county-level data on an exogenous measure of local climate change. While we find that local climate change significantly affects perceptions and in the expected direction, partisanship and political ideology maintain the strongest effect. We then field a randomized online experiment to test whether partisanship also drives support for pro-climate policies and the willingness to make environmentally friendly individual choices.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-13T08:33:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211070856
       
  • More than Mere Access: An Experiment on Moneyed Interests, Information
           Provision, and Legislative Action in Congress

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      Authors: Alexander C. Furnas, Timothy M LaPira, Alexander Hertel-Fernandez, Lee Drutman, Kevin Kosar
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Campaign donors and corporate interests have greater access to Congress, and the legislative agenda and policy outcomes reflect their preferences. How this privileged access converts into influence remains unclear because petitioner-legislator interactions are unobserved. In this article, we report the results of an original survey experiment of 436 congressional staffers. The vignette manipulates a petitioner’s identity, the substance of the request, and the supporting evidence being offered. We test how likely staff are to take a meeting, to use the information being offered, and to recommend taking a position consistent with the request, as well as whether they perceive the request to be congruent with constituent preferences. Donors and lobbyists are no more likely to be granted access than constituents, but staffers are more likely to use information and to make legislative action recommendations when the information source is an ideologically aligned think tank. Subgroup analysis suggests these effects are particularly strong among ideological extremists and strong partisans. And, information offered by aligned think tanks are thought to be representative of constituent opinion. Our results reveal the partisan and ideological predispositions that motivate legislative action that is more costly than merely granting access.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-13T07:39:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221098743
       
  • Finding the missing link' The impact of co-ethnicity, pan-ethnicity,
           and cross-ethnicity on Latino vote choice

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      Authors: Ivelisse Cuevas-Molina, Tatishe M Nteta
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Surveys show that Latinos more strongly identify with their ethnic identities (i.e. national origin) than their pan-ethnic identity as “Latino/Hispanic.” Given the primacy of ethnic identity among Latinos, what impact does shared ethnic versus pan-ethnic identity between candidates and voters have on Latino vote choice' Studies suggest that an “identity-to-politics link” exists among Latinos; however, we believe the measurement of “co-ethnicity” should be reexamined. Using a survey experiment embedded in a module of the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we randomize the ethnic, pan-ethnic, and partisan identification of a fictional male congressional candidate in a contest against a white non-Hispanic candidate to examine the role of shared ethnic identity on Latino vote choice. We find that Latinos, regardless of candidate partisanship, more strongly support co-ethnic candidates relative to candidates with whom they share a pan-ethnic identity. We also find that Latinos are significantly more supportive of a cross-ethnic Latino candidate compared to a pan-ethnic Latino candidate; and that Latinos are more likely to cross partisan lines to support a co-ethnic candidate. These results not only suggest that there exists a Latino “identity to politics” link, but that the extant scholarship has underestimated the size and scope of this electoral connection.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-04T11:15:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221097156
       
  • Mavericks or Loyalists' Popular Ballot Jumpers and Party Discipline in
           the Flexible-List PR Context

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      Authors: Michal Smrek
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Preference voting threatens the power of party leaders in PR contexts to enforce party unity and pursue policy by encouraging candidates to groom personal reputations. This study posits that party leadership might be able to enforce party discipline through other means at their disposal even as their control over candidates’ election ranks weakens. These include access to the party label and distribution of senior legislative- and party positions. Using original data from the Czech flexible-list PR context covering the period between 1996 and 2021, this study shows that the MPs who are elected thanks to preference voting are no more likely than their colleagues to individualize their legislative behavior or cast a dissenting roll-call vote. What is more, these popular MPs face a more restricted access to reelection and senior positions that come with agenda-setting power and exposure. This evidence suggests that political parties take active steps to limit the autonomy of the MPs who owe their positions to voters.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-21T05:57:09Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221087961
       
  • Selling them Short' Differences in News Coverage of Female and Male
           Candidate Qualifications

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      Authors: Nichole M. Bauer, Tatum Taylor
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      We draw on research from gender stereotypes and mass communication to develop and test an innovative theoretical framework of implicit and explicit gender framing. This framework delineates how and when coverage in newspapers will report on female candidates differently than male candidates. Implicit gender frames subtly draw on masculine stereotypes to reinforce patriarchal power structures through their coverage of political candidates. Explicit gender frames are the overtly sexist “hair, hemlines, and husband” coverage women receive more frequently relative to men. We argue that the print news media will be more likely to rely on implicit gender frames to elucidate differences between women and men running for political office. Using an exhaustive content analysis of Senate campaign news coverage, we find important differences in the coverage of women and men running against one another. We also find the use of explicit gender frames to be especially common in all-female races. These differences in coverage, especially in all-women contests, can perpetuate stereotypic beliefs that women lack the qualifications needed for political office among voters, and stymie women’s progress toward parity in representation.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-19T02:10:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221086024
       
  • Inclusivity and Centralisation of Candidate Selectoratesctional
           Consequences for Centre-Left Parties in Germany, England and the United
           States

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      Authors: Mike Cowburn, Rebecca Kerr
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      In recent elections, ‘progressives’ in centre-left parties have advocated for more democratised processes of candidate selection. We test whether more inclusive and decentralised selectorates align with higher numbers of progressive candidates nominated in national legislative elections by centre-left parties across three advanced western democracies between 2017 and 2021. In the Labour Party, more centralised selectorates aligned with higher numbers of progressives selected. For the SPD, we report null findings, likely due to additional incentives for factional co-operation in a multi-party system. In our most decentralised case, the Democratic Party, selection of progressives was congruent with district partisanship rather than selectorate inclusivity, with progressives more commonly selected in safe rather than competitive or unfavoured districts. This relationship was not present in our other cases. These findings highlight the importance of the decentralisation dimension for the factional allegiance of legislative candidates nominated.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-19T01:43:15Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221081213
       
  • Interbranch Warfare: Senate Amending Process and Restrictive House Rules

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      Authors: Anthony J. Madonna, Ryan D. Williamson
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      While the U.S. House and Senate differ in many significant ways, perhaps the most important is the ability of House leaders to control the legislative process through the usage of special rules, which establish the terms of debate on a bill and can limit the number and content of amendments allowed. House members of both the majority and minority party have complained about their recent increased usage. In contrast, the Senate lacks a comparable tool and scholars have reported sharp increases in the number of floor amendments being proposed. In this paper, we examine the increase in proposed floor amendments in the Senate; arguing that, in addition to an increased value from electoral position-taking, the procedures employed in the House influence the floor behavior of senators. Specifically, we find that senators are more likely to offer amendments to bills that were passed under a restrictive rule in the House.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-11T04:34:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221082321
       
  • The Desperate Radicalism of Orwell’s 1984: Power, Socialism, and
           Utopia in Dystopian Times

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      Authors: Matthew B. Cole
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Though 1984 is often praised for its prescience, critics in Orwell’s time and ours have also condemned its pessimism. Orwell’s despair, the argument goes, undermines the power of his warning, representing a retreat from politics, a betrayal of socialism, and a repudiation of utopianism. This article draws on the text of 1984 and Orwell’s contemporaneous writings to reassess his thinking on power, socialism, and utopia and to reconsider 1984’s appeal to the political imagination. Characterizing Orwell’s late political sensibility as one of desperate radicalism, the article demonstrates that Orwell remained both a socialist and a steward of the utopian imagination and that he feared totalitarianism because it threatened to expunge utopian ideals from historical consciousness. 1984 depicts a world in which this effort has nearly succeeded, rendering Orwell’s present as a moment of choice between an egalitarian future and a future of permanent hierarchy.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-04T07:55:59Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221083286
       
  • Evaluating the Unequal Economy: Poverty Risk, Economic Indicators, and the
           Perception Gap

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      Authors: Timothy Hellwig, Dani M Marinova
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      How do citizens form evaluations of the economy' Defining features of advanced capitalism like income inequality and labor market dualization present a challenge for assessing the health of the economy based on a small set of macroeconomic indicators. This is particularly true for those whose proximity to poverty and precarious labor market position is not always reflected in the official unemployment rate. For those individuals, socio-economic segregation and the geographic concentration of poverty mean that information on poverty is more accessible and more salient than information on macroeconomic indicators which needs to be explicitly sought out. Poverty risk thus shapes how individuals evaluate the economy: at-risk individuals are less likely to rely on conventional indicators of growth and unemployment and more likely to allocate attention to the poverty rate. Analyses of public opinion data from 27 countries provide support for this argument. We further show that those at risk of poverty know less about economic performance by standard economic indicators but offer more accurate estimates of national poverty rates. These novel findings underline the need to depart from familiar indicators and address how unequal economies structure preferences and policy responses.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-28T06:09:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221075579
       
  • How Wide is the Arc of Racial Solidarity' People of Color and Middle
           Easterners and North Africans

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      Authors: Kaumron Eidgahy, Efrén O. Pérez
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Emerging work suggests that Blacks, Asians, and Latinos sometimes share a strong sense of solidarity as people of color (PoC), which unifies their political opinions on issues that strongly implicate some of these racial groups (e.g., Black Lives Matter). Yet much uncertainty remains about whether other non-White groups, beyond these traditional three, are compelled to engage in politics as PoC via this same mechanism. We investigate this with two studies focused on Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) individuals: a minoritized group with deep U.S. roots, but sparse theoretical and empirical attention in political science. Study 1 draws on in-depth interviews with MENA adults (N=20), who suggest that, insofar as they sense solidarity with other people of color, it is because they feel racially marginalized as foreigners. Study 2 builds on this insight with a pre-registered experiment on MENA adults (N=514), which randomly assigned them to read an article about Latinos, who are also marginalized as foreign (vs. control article). We find that exposure to treatment reliably heightens MENAs’ expression of solidarity with other PoC, which then significantly boosts support for flexible policies toward undocumented immigrants (which implicate Latinos, but not MENAs) and reduces belief in negative stereotypes of Latinos.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-28T05:58:07Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221076143
       
  • A Double-Edge Sword' Mass Media and Nonviolent Dissent in Autocracies

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      Authors: Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, Martín Macías-Medellín, Mauricio Rivera
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      It is often assumed that nondemocratic regimes will control mass media and suppress independent information, but in many autocracies the media are partially free and imperfectly controlled. We argue that partial media freedom can increase the prospects for mass nonviolent dissent. We develop a theory emphasizing how even less than perfectly free media outlets can increase the ability of individuals to coordinate and mobilize, and provide an informational endowment that can help non-state actors overcome collective mobilization barriers. We further argue that this informational endowment amplifies the effect of other influences spurring mass protests in autocracies, in particular protest contagion and elections. We find empirical support for our argument in an analysis of all autocracies between 1955 and 2013. A case study of the Georgian Rose revolution provides further support for the postulated mechanisms.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-27T11:14:11Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221080921
       
  • Domesticity and Political Participation: At Home with the Jacobin Women

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      Authors: Sandrine Bergès
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      The exclusion of women from political participation and the separation of private and public spheres seem anchored in human history to such an extent that we may think they are necessary. I offer an analysis of a philosophical moment in history, the early years of the French Revolution, where politics and domesticity were not incompatible. I show how this enabled women to participate in politics from within their homes, at the same time fulfilling their duties as wives and mothers. The republican home, on this interpretation, was a place of power and virtue, a merging of the public and the private sphere where political ideals and reforms could be born and nurtured. This conception of the home was derived in great part from a reading of Rousseau’s writings on motherhood. As the influence of French revolutionary women became more visible, they were severely repressed. The fact that they could not hold on to a position of power that derived naturally from the ideals they and others defended, I will suggest, was caused both by the fact that the framework used to allow women political power was insecure, and by the gradual replacement of republican ideals by liberal ones.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-26T10:49:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221079865
       
  • Gender Bias in Policy Representation in Post-Conflict Societies

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      Authors: Daniel M. Butler, Margit Tavits, Dino Hadzic
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Do politicians represent the policy preferences of men and women equally post-war' Gender inclusiveness has particularly high stakes in this context: research shows that it can help sustain peace. We use a series of survey experiments with politicians (N = 1389) and voters (N = 3049) to study gender bias in policy representation in a post-conflict setting: Bosnia. We find a significant pro-male bias in the policy responsiveness of local politicians (both men and women) to their constituency preferences. We do not find evidence that this is because men are more active and vocal about expressing their policy preferences. Instead, this bias is present in the post-war society more generally: politicians’ attitudes reflect the pro-male bias among voters, both men and women. These results have important implications for the study of gender and post-conflict politics.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-22T07:14:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211045020
       
  • Does Familiarity Breed Esteem' A Field Experiment on Emergent
           Attitudes Toward Members of Congress

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      Authors: Kevin M. Esterling, William Minozzi, Michael A. Neblo
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Canonical theories of democratic representation envision legislators cultivating familiarity to enhance esteem among their constituents. Some scholars, however, argue that familiarity breeds contempt, which if true would undermine incentives for effective representation. Survey respondents who are unfamiliar with their legislator tend not to provide substantive answers to attitude questions, and so we are missing key evidence necessary to adjudicate this important debate. We solve this problem with a randomized field experiment that gave some constituents an opportunity to gain familiarity with their Member of Congress through an online Deliberative Town Hall. Relative to controls, respondents who interacted with their member reported higher esteem as a result of enhanced familiarity, a mediation effect supporting canonical theories of representation. This effect is statistically significant among constituents who are the same political party as the member but not among those of the opposite party, although in neither case did familiarity breed contempt.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-18T08:43:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211073910
       
  • Priming Norms to Combat Affective Polarization

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      Authors: Kevin J. Mullinix, Trent Lythgoe
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      The American public has affectively polarized such that partisans increasingly dislike the “other side,” and this may have deleterious consequences for a representative democracy. Yet, efforts to reduce partisan hostility arrive at mixed results. We propose a new approach that involves strategically priming civic norms with language tailored to a target audience. We argue that emphasizing group-based civic norms that invoke an “obligation to others” can reduce out-party animus. We test this approach on an important subgroup: U.S. military service members. Like the broader American public, service members have unfavorable feelings toward the opposing party, and these feelings appear to have become more negative in recent years. We use a survey experiment to demonstrate that priming an obligation to others civic norm attenuates affective polarization. Our study advances public opinion research on an understudied subgroup of the population, but more importantly, the theoretical argument has implications for addressing polarization and partisan discord among the mass public and other subgroups.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-18T01:20:26Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211073319
       
  • The Impact of Racial Representation on Judicial Legitimacy: White
           Reactions to Latinos on the Bench

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      Authors: Susan Achury, Jason P. Casellas, Scott J. Hofer, Matthew Ward
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Despite evidence that racial diversification has increased support for the judiciary, political scientists know little about the heterogeneous effects of diversification across different population segments. Previous research illustrates that including Black judges increases judicial legitimacy among the Black population, but it decreases the legitimacy of the courts among the White population. We expand on this knowledge by examining the impact of adding Latinos to the bench. Our survey experiment compares White respondents’ perception of the courts based on differing levels of Latino representation in the ruling panel. Does descriptive representation in the racialized issue area of immigration signal fairness and legitimacy to White respondents' Or does the inclusion of Latino jurists in immigration cases trigger racial animosity and decreasing support for the courts' We find that when the court rules against the White respondent’s preference, they tend to penalize all-White judicial panels that rule against the perceived interest of Latinos. Additionally, we find that when presented with a Latino majority panel, White respondents who disagree with the ruling are more likely to punish the anti-Latino decisions as their levels of group consciousness increase. Ultimately, our findings illustrate how judicial diversity may affect the countermajoritarian capacity of the judiciary.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-14T12:09:15Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211066875
       
  • You Think; Therefore I Am: Gender Schemas and Context in Oral Arguments at
           the Supreme Court, 1979–2016

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      Authors: Shane A. Gleason, EmiLee Smart
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Attorneys’ ability to secure justice-votes is shaped by gender schemas, subconscious expectations which hold women should use more emotion than men. This poses few problems for male attorneys since men and attorneys are both expected to avoid emotion. But, women are placed in a double-bind with competing professional and personal expectations. We argue gender schemas are not static rather they change with the context of the Court. Introducing a new dataset inclusive of all oral arguments from 1979 to 2016, we utilize quantitative textual analysis and find gender schemas predict securing justice-votes as the Bar becomes more diverse and justices become more conservative. Our results raise normative concerns about female attorneys’ ability to substantively contribute to the Court’s case law.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-14T10:01:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211069176
       
  • Guardians of Democracy or Passive Bystanders' A Conjoint Experiment on
           Elite Transgressions of Democratic Norms

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      Authors: Inga A.-L. Saikkonen, Henrik Serup Christensen
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Emerging literature shows that citizens in established democracies do not unconditionally support central democratic principles when asked to weigh them against co-partisanship or favored policy positions. However, these studies are conducted in highly polarized contexts, and it remains unclear whether the underlying mechanisms also operate in more consensual contexts. Furthermore, it is unclear whether “critical citizens” or satisfied democrats are more eager to support democratic principles. We study these questions with evidence from a conjoint experiment conducted in Finland (n = 1030), an established democracy with high levels of democratic satisfaction and a consensual political culture. We examine how transgressions of two central democratic norms, the legitimacy of political opposition and the independence of the judiciary, affect leader favorability. We also explore how these differ across ideological and policy congruence and across levels of political disaffection. Our results show that some segments of the Finnish population are willing to condone authoritarian behavior if this brings them political benefits. Furthermore, we find that satisfied rather than “critical” citizens are more likely to sanction such behavior. These findings suggest that dangers of democratic deconsolidation may appear even in consensus democracies with relatively low levels of political polarization.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-14T02:37:37Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211073592
       
  • Understanding the Factors that Affect the Incidence of Bellwether
           Counties: A Conditional Probability Model

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      Authors: Bernard Grofman, Haotian Chen
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      We update previous work on bellwethers in U.S. presidential elections. Comparing the most recent elections (2000-2020) to those in earlier periods (1960-1980), we see a striking decline in the proportion of bellwethers. We provide a model linking this decline to conditional probability calculations that recognize that (a) a county’s predictive success likelihood varies depending upon whether the winning candidate is going to be a Democrat or going to be a Republican; (b) as polarization rises, the number of potential bellwethers declines; and (c) election competitiveness can matter, but closer elections do not guarantee a greater likelihood of bellwethers. Indeed, we now have very close elections but a very low likelihood of bellwethers.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-06T05:32:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211057601
       
  • John Locke: The “Jocose Problem” and the Theoretical
           Foundation of Toleration

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      Authors: Rafael Major
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Two years after the publication of Locke’s An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, he sought advice from his Irish friend, William Molyneux, concerning improvements for the second edition. This discussion resulted in the most substantial alterations of the Essay. Among these changes, Molyneux proposed a “Jocose Problem”—a 17th Century “brain-teaser”—concerning the ability of a formerly blind person to recognize the simple difference between the appearance of a cube and a sphere. Molyneux’s jocose riddle eventually awakened “the greatest philosophic interest” and became the “common center” of attention for 18th Century thinkers like Berkeley, Voltaire, and Diderot (Cassirer 1951, 108-9). The following is meant to reintroduce Molyneux’s Problem by suggesting its origin in the thought of Thomas Hobbes and its bearing on the role of religion in public life. After examining Molyneux’s Problem and its importance for understanding the Essay, I conclude with a brief comparison to Locke’s Letter Concerning Toleration in order to stress its bearing on theoretical and practical considerations for a wide range of political scientists.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-03T02:32:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211070320
       
  • Youth Advantage Versus Gender Penalty: Selecting and Electing Young
           Candidates

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      Authors: Jana Belschner
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Young people are under-represented in formal politics. While this may be a mere projection of their lack among voters and party members, the article investigates whether being young is a disadvantage in election processes, and if age effects differ by gender. Bridging the literature on gender & politics and political behavior, the article draws on an innovative sequential mixed-method design. Studying the 2019 Irish local elections, it uses 33 interviews to build hypotheses, which are subsequently tested on an original candidate-level dataset (n = 1884). The findings suggest that, when controlling for party affiliation and political status, being young can provide a net electoral advantage to male candidates. In contrast, young female candidates appear to be advantaged by their age but penalized by their gender. The article thus contributes to our understanding about the conditions right at the start of political careers and the emergence of intersectional representational inequalities.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-28T03:11:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211072559
       
  • Detecting Diverse Perspectives: Using Text Analytics to Reveal Sex
           Differences in Congressional Debate About Defense

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      Authors: Mary Layton Atkinson, Reza Mousavi, Jason H. Windett
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Scholars interested in substantive representation for women have primarily focused on whether women vote for and prioritize “women’s issue” legislation. It is now well established that female lawmakers do vote for and introduce bills on issues like reproductive rights, childcare, and women’s health at rates higher than men. With this finding widely accepted, scholars have more recently investigated levels of female involvement on a wider range of topics and find that women are just as active as men—sometimes even more active—on an array of policy topics other than “women’s issues.” Several studies show women are more active sponsors of defense-related bills than are their male colleagues. We provide a case study that investigates whether female lawmakers offer distinct perspectives on these topics. We use structural topic modeling to explore sex and party differences in floor speeches delivered in the House of Representatives. Our analysis of these floor speeches given in the 109th Congress reveals that women and men do focus their attention on distinct facets of defense issues—focusing on the implications of war for women, civilians, and communities—and that these differences are conditioned by party.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-25T10:30:28Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211045048
       
  • Value Disagreement and Partisan Sorting in the American Mass Public

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      Authors: David J. Ciuk
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Decades ago, research described American political culture in terms of consensus. Contemporary research, however, reaches opposite conclusions, arguing that the “culture war” that now defines American politics stems from value disagreements among partisan and ideological groups. What factors are at work in this transition from consensus to dissensus' This manuscript pulls from two literatures—one on American core political values and another on partisan-ideological sorting and affective polarization—and argues that the term dissensus best describes value preferences among individuals whose partisan and ideological identities are aligned. Among others, however, preferences on core political values are largely in consensus. First, using data from 2006 and 2019 and fitting geometric models of value preferences, I show that strong value disagreements exist primarily among sorted partisans. Next, I explore possible implications of such alignments and find that relationships among value preferences, political attitudes, and political behaviors are significantly stronger in sorted partisans. I close with a discussion of how theories undergirding affective polarization and partisan-ideological sorting can help the discipline better understand value conflict in the American mass public.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-24T07:38:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211072558
       
  • Imperative Patriotism and Minority Candidacies: Examining the Role of
           Military Status in Racial Evaluations of South Asian Candidates

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      Authors: Neil Visalvanich, Shyam K. Sriram
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      South Asians have seen an increase in representation at all levels of US government, from Congress to the Vice Presidency, yet a paucity of work has been done examining South Asian candidates in America. The distinct nature of South Asian candidacies allows us to examine the intersection between race and religious identity and how emphasizing different social and political identities impact minority candidate evaluations. We theorize the potential effects of racial-political stereotyping of South Asians, focusing specifically on how a Hindu or Muslim background may negatively influence candidate evaluation. Additionally, we consider whether military service has any effect on evaluations of South Asian candidates as dangerous or deficient. We test this theory with a survey experiment that varies both South Asian religious identity, political ideology, and military service. Our findings indicate that white respondents are more hostile to South Asian candidates when compared to white candidates with similar biographies, and that respondents are particularly hostile to Muslim candidates. Cueing military service alleviates this handicap for Muslim candidates, but further analysis reveals that military service only improves perceptions among Democratic respondents.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-22T03:15:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211069175
       
  • Laboratories of Politics: There is Bottom-up Diffusion of Policy Attention
           in the American Federal System

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      Authors: Alex Garlick
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      A persistent question in the study of American federalism is if the states actually serve as “laboratories of democracy” for the country as a whole. I argue that political attention to policy areas can diffuse upwards, from state legislatures to Congress. National and state legislators share a party brand and can learn from policy debates in other levels. In particular, we should expect to see the diffusion of messaging legislation, or bills that were introduced without the intention of becoming law, after members of Congress observe their political effects in the states. Using an original dataset of introduced bills in all 50 state legislatures in 22 policy areas since 1991 drawn from LexisNexis, I show a positive association between changes in the number of state legislative bills introduced in 12 policy areas and the number of Congressional bills introduced in the next session, which is taken as evidence of “bottom-up” diffusion. This relationship is more prevalent between Republican state legislators and members of Congress, within state delegations, and in issue areas where the interest group community lobbies before both the states and national government. To the extent that states are laboratories for the nation, they may be political laboratories.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-22T01:51:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211068059
       
  • Between Two Fires: The Institutional and Public Constraints to Unilateral
           Policy Change

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      Authors: Sharece Thrower
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Though the US presidency literature widely examines how Congress limits executive power, recent discourse argues the public is the more effective restraint. This paper develops a theory explaining when inter-institutional relations and public constraints influence the alteration of unilateral directives. Both are important for curbing substantial policy changes that likely provoke congressional and public response. Using data on when executive orders are amended and revoked between 1955 and 2013 to measure policy shifts, I find orders are less likely to be altered under presidents facing oppositional or cohesive congresses and high public disapproval. Both types of constraints are strongest for large policy changes, that is, revocations or targeting ideologically distant orders. This study advances the unilateralism literature by examining interactions between multiple constraints and degrees of policy change, while also contributing to studies of policy duration.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-17T01:58:37Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211069579
       
  • When Bad News Becomes Routine: Slowly-Developing Problems Moderate
           Government Responsiveness

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      Authors: Derek A. Epp, Herschel F. Thomas
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Established theories of the policy process recognize the challenges governments face in processing information. We examine how the ways in which public problems develop over time condition subsequent policy actions. We contend that policymakers will become routinized to and consequently under-respond to the accumulating signals of slowly-developing problems (i.e., those featuring long runs of relatively small changes). Event history analyses leverage variation across the United States in the development of the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent implementation of social distancing policies. Looking across the 50 states and Washington DC, we find that regions that saw protracted deterioration in their health situation were slower to respond with social distancing than those that saw an abrupt deterioration to the same point. These results highlight the risks associated with problems that worsen only gradually over time.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-14T04:32:55Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211070306
       
  • Attitudes Towards LGBT Individuals After bostock v. Clayton County:
           Evidence From a Quasi Experiment

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      Authors: Jack Thompson
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Do United States Supreme Court decisions on LGBT rights shape attitudes towards LGBT individuals among the mass public' In this paper, I conduct an empirical test of the effect of quasi-random exposure to the announcement of Bostock v. Clayton County—a landmark case which held that an employer who fires their employee because of their sexual orientation or gender identity violates Section VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—on favorability towards LGBT individuals. Relying on data from Phase 2 of the Democracy Fund/UCLA Nationscape survey, I find that quasi-random exposure to the announcement of Bostock engendered increases in favorability towards LGBT individuals among the wider American public. Subgroup analyses also indicate that the largest increases in favorability were among Democratic partisans and the religiously unaffiliated, while minimal changes in favorability were detected among those who are among the most likely to oppose LGBT rights, including Republicans and Evangelical Protestants. The findings speak to the validity of the legitimacy model and highlight the limitations of the backlash model in the post-Obergefell era of public opinion towards LGBT rights.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-12T11:54:59Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211068052
       
  • The Appointment of Men as Representatives to the United Nations Commission
           on the Status of Women

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      Authors: Elizabeth L. Brannon
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) was one of the first international bodies devoted to gender issues and has played a foundational role in the promotion of gender equality globally. In this article, I explore representational patterns at the CSW and question when and why states choose to send men representatives. Novel data shows that while the commission was composed entirely of women representatives in its early decades, men’s representation has steadily increased—reaching parity in 2000. This paper argues that appointment choice can be explained by domestic levels of women’s political empowerment. The empirical results demonstrate a non-linear relationship between women’s political empowerment and appointment. States with higher levels of women’s political empowerment are more likely to appoint women representatives, until a threshold. At the highest levels of empowerment, states become again more likely to appoint men. I argue that this reflects a positive trend, in which men are taking a more active role in deconstructing pervasive gender inequalities. This paper has relevant implications for understandings of women’s representation in international institutions.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-09T08:47:00Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211066124
       
  • Scaling Authoritarian Information Control: How China Adjusts the Level of
           Online Censorship

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      Authors: Rongbin Han, Li Shao
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Autocracies can conduct “strategic censorship” online by selectively targeting different types of content and by adjusting the level of information control. While studies have confirmed the state’s selective targeting behavior in censorship, few have empirically examined how the autocracies may adjust the control level. Using data with a 6-year span, this paper tests whether the Chinese state scales up control over citizenry complaints in reaction to a series of socio-political events. The results show that instead of responding to mass protests and major disasters as previous studies have suggested, the state tends to adjust the control level because of political ceremonies, policy shifts, or leadership changes. The findings help refine the strategic censorship theory and offer a granular understanding of the motives and tactics of authoritarian information control.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-07T01:18:30Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211064536
       
  • In Defense of Intentionally Shaping People’s Choices

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      Authors: Viki M. L. Pedersen
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      In defense of nudging policies, proponents have pointed out that choice architecture is inevitable. However, critics have objected that shaping people’s choices in an intentional way is not inevitable and involves an objectionable substitution of judgment, with the choice architect imposing his will on others. Accordingly, the inevitability of choice architecture in general does not provide reason to accept intentional nudges. In contrast to this view, the paper argues that precisely because the choice architects will unavoidably contribute to people’s choices, it is permissible for them to consider the content of the choices that their choice architecture promotes. Specifically, I argue that it is often within choice architects’, including states’, own legitimate sphere of control whether they want to contribute to other people’s behaviors through their organization of the choice architecture. It is argued that such intentional choice architecture does not involve objectionable substitution of judgment.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-02-02T06:50:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211069974
       
  • Subnational Elections and Media Freedom in Autocracies: Diffusion of Local
           Reputation and Regime Survival

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      Authors: JunHyeok Jang
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      What is the effect of subnational elections on autocratic regime survival' The existing literature suggests that holding subnational elections help foster autocratic regime stability. I argue that the benefit of subnational elections for regime survival is conditional on a lack of media freedom: As the level of media freedom increases, the positive influence of holding subnational elections on regime survival decreases. This is because subnational elections provide local politicians with opportunities to build good reputations, and when good reputations formed at the local level spread to other jurisdictions via relatively free media, citizens can use them as a focal point to coordinate against the regime. Using the quantitative analysis of Time-Series Cross-Sectional data, I find empirical support for my theory.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-01-31T03:11:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211066895
       
  • The Case of Donald Trump and the Goldwater Rule: Politics and Professional
           Ethics Intertwined

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      Authors: Justin T. Piccorelli, R. McGreggor Cawley
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      In 1964, after a group of psychiatrists questioned Barry Goldwater’s mental health during the presidential campaign, the Goldwater rule became part of American Psychiatric Association’s medical ethics. The events surrounding the Goldwater rule indicate changes in the practice of psychiatry, but also politics. More recently, thirty-seven psychiatrists were compelled to question the mental health of President Donald Trump believing their greatest responsibility is to the well-being of the citizenry. These psychiatrists point to the intertwining of politics and professional ethics, a relationship, which our paper attempts to better understand.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-01-24T10:15:00Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211004785
       
  • Viewed from Different Engels': Differences in Reactions to
           “Socialism” as a Policy Label

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      Authors: Adam L. Ozer, Brian W. Sullivan, Douglas S. Van
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      The supposed popularity of socialism among young Americans has been a trending topic in American political media and campaigns. While evidence from public opinion polls disagrees as to whether socialism is truly gaining in popularity, the use of the term “socialism” has had a profound impact on policy discussions in the media and has featured as a prominent Republican Party strategy in the 2020 election cycle. This gives rise to important questions: How do individuals react to the socialist label' Does the socialist label serve as an ideological or affective signal' Are attacks that frame policies as socialist effective in decreasing policy support' Using original observational and experimental survey data, we find that individuals have strong polarized affective reactions to the socialist label. However, framing popular social welfare policies as socialist is ineffective in undermining popular support. Implications suggest that while framing political policies as socialist may trigger affective polarization, it is likely an ineffective means of political persuasion. As a result, oversaturation of the term in the media may lead to misleading conclusions about both political ideology and individual political behavior.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-01-24T10:14:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211037402
       
  • “Good-Bye to Nonviolence'”

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      Authors: William E. Scheuerman
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      John Rawls and other liberals from the 1960s and ’70s are usually interpreted as having refurbished the idea of nonviolent civil disobedience, as practiced by Gandhi, King, and many others. That standard reading has recently provided a launching pad for a growing body of critical theoretical reflection that challenges strictly nonviolent civil disobedience’s privileged normative status. Here I offer a revisionist account of both liberal (and especially) Rawlsian nonviolent disobedience and recent attempts to supersede it. Recent critics occasionally miss their targets: the main differences separating Rawls from the critics revolve around competing empirical assessments of contemporary liberal societies and rival accounts of political violence. Rawls and other liberals, in fact, provided normative space for limited forms of “violent” lawbreaking, when resulting typically not in injuries to other persons but perhaps damage to property. The debate about nonviolent vs. violent political illegality needs to pay closer attention to the difficult issue of how best to understand and define political violence. Although we may need to provide normative space under unjust conditions for limited types of violence (e.g., property damage), substantial grounds remain for principally favoring lawbreaking that avoids injuring or violating persons.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-01-24T05:35:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129211038611
       
  • Diploma divide: Educational attainment and the realignment of the American
           electorate

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      Authors: Joshua N Zingher
      First page: 263
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      The divide between college graduates and non-college graduates is an increasingly important political cleavage. In this paper, I document the rise of the diploma divide on the micro and macro levels. First, I use ANES and CES data to assess the relationships between educational attainment, partisanship, and vote choice. I find that post-2000, educational attainment is an increasingly strong predictor of partisanship and, in turn, vote choice. I demonstrate that differences in racial and culture war attitudes between college graduates and non-graduates drive the diploma divide. I then show that the increasing salience of education at the individual level has reshaped the macro-level political alignment. Between 2000 and 2020, the percentage of a county’s population with a BA is one of the strongest predictors of changes in vote share, with highly educated counties becoming more Democratic and less educated counties becoming more Republican. Finally, I demonstrate that county-level educational context conditions the effect of degree-holding on individual-level behavior. Having a college education is a stronger predictor of Democratic partisanship in counties where a larger proportion of the population holds a college degree. Overall, these results demonstrate the diploma divide is one of the dominant political cleavages in contemporary American politics.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-24T05:34:38Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221079862
       
  • Introduction to the Symposium on “America in the 2020
           Elections”

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      Authors: Seth C. McKee
      First page: 458
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-13T11:51:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221100999
       
  • From Home Base to Swing States: The Evolution of Digital Advertising
           Strategies during the 2020 US Presidential Primary

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      Authors: NaLette M Brodnax, Piotr Sapiezynski
      First page: 460
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      Political advertising on digital platforms has grown dramatically in recent years as campaigns embrace new ways of targeting supporters and potential voters. We examine how political campaign dynamics have evolved in response to the growth of digital media by analyzing the advertising strategies of US presidential election campaigns during the 2020 primary cycle. To identify geographic and temporal trends, we employ regression analyses of campaign spending across nearly 600,000 advertisements published on Facebook. We show that campaigns employed a new strategy of targeting voters in candidates’ home states during the “invisible primary.” In contrast to earlier studies, we find that home state targeting is a key strategy for all campaigns, rather than just for politicians with existing political and financial networks. While all candidates advertised to their home state, those who dropped out during the invisible primary tended to spend disproportionately more than the candidates who outlasted them. We also find that as the first wave of state caucuses and primary elections approach, campaigns shift digital ad expenditures to states with early primaries such as Iowa and New Hampshire and, to a lesser extent, swing states.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-14T07:49:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221078046
       
  • Police Violence and Public Opinion After George Floyd: How the Black Lives
           Matter Movement and Endorsements Affect Support for Reforms

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      Authors: Cheryl Boudreau, Scott A. MacKenzie, Daniel J. Simmons
      First page: 497
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      What factors shape public opinion about government solutions to address police violence' We address this question by conducting a survey in which respondents express their opinions about actual proposals to reform police practices. Within the survey, we randomly assign respondents to receive the positions of traditional advocates (Black lawmakers) and/or opponents (law enforcement) of police reform efforts. Our results reveal broad bipartisan support for the proposals, but that information about groups that support or oppose these proposals polarizes partisans’ opinions. However, Democrats and even Republicans who support Black Lives Matter (BLM) express high levels of support for the proposals regardless of the information they receive. These results suggest that partisanship in the mass public is not necessarily a barrier to police reform efforts. A bipartisan majority of the public supports meaningful reforms, and any polarizing effects of elite signals are muted by Democrats’ and Republicans’ support for BLM.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-04-06T04:16:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221081007
       
  • Online Incivility in the 2020 Congressional Elections

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      Authors: Michael Heseltine, Spencer Dorsey
      First page: 512
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.
      This paper explores the prevalence and correlates of political incivility among Congressional candidates in the 2020 election cycle, focusing specifically on which types of candidates were most likely to use uncivil language in their online communications and the self-reinforcing nature of incivility between candidates. Based on a comprehensive analysis of more than two million tweets sent by major party candidates in the 2020 House and Senate races, we conclude that several individual and electoral factors were influential in driving candidate incivility. Specifically, Republicans, challengers, and candidates in less competitive races were more likely to use uncivil rhetoric. Women, racial minorities, and candidates running in open seat races were less prone to incivility. We also find that incivility begets incivility, with candidates whose opponents used higher rates of incivility also being more likely to use incivility themselves. Uncivil tweets were also found to generate significantly more likes and retweets, suggesting that incivility is a viable means of driving engagement for candidates. These results shed light on the factors behind incivility among political elites, as well as highlight the feedback effects which contribute to a self-reinforcing rise in political incivility.
      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-03-21T10:58:28Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221078863
       
  • Announcements

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      First page: 527
      Abstract: Political Research Quarterly, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Political Research Quarterly
      PubDate: 2022-05-13T06:12:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/10659129221100998
       
 
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