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Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe
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  • Mere trust and the preconditions for it

    • Abstract: Hoe belangrik is vertroue vir menswees' Sedert die Verligting is dit mode in sekere kringe om menswees tot rasionaliteit te reduseer. Rasionalisme word daarvan verdink dat dit vertroue óf ombou om rasionaliteit te reflekteer, óf dat dit 'n mindere plek in menslike bestaan aan vertroue toeken. Daar is egter tekens in ons tyd van 'n toenemende besef dat rasionaliteit grense het en dat menswees veel meer prominente kruissnydende aspekte en faktore veronderstel as wat 'n rasionalisme sal wil toegee. Te midde van hierdie meer akkommoderende konteks vir vertroue is die fokus van hierdie artikel die stel van 'n standpunt dat vertroue as menslike aspek van ander aspekte onderskei moet word, dat vertroue verdien om met prominensie in die moderne kultuur behandel te word en dat die interaksie tussen vertroue en ander aspekte 'n belangrike plek in menslike bestaan inneem.There is a perception that our time shows a general and profound crisis of confidence in several essential areas. The seriousness of this trend can only be measured against the background of a view on how important trust is for being human. During and after the Enlightenment, it became fashionable to reduce being human to rationality. Thus, rationalism requires that trust be constructed primarily to reflect rationality or take a lesser place in human existence. We currently live in a time that increasingly realises that rationality has its limits and that being human presupposes far more aspects and factors than the dominant currents of thought the Enlightenment allows. This realisation will allow for a view that gives a more significant place to trust. An overemphasis on human reason can be seen in Kant's core statements about what the Enlightenment entails. Scepticism about a significant role for trust can also be surmised when he suggests that trust relations based on the church's confessions are not something that should inhibit the rational progress of mankind. For many reasons, resistance to rationalism is becoming a prominent trend in the current view of trust. This trend can be seen, among other things, in the prominent place that vulnerability is accorded in definitions of trust. This vulnerability has a background in the anxiety of modern human beings. This anxiety is the result of the numerous horrors humankind has committed, primarily through reason, over the past century. Although vulnerability is a popular focus in trust research, it is also controversial. It is argued that people who truly trust do not feel vulnerable. Instead, as far as anxiety and vulnerability are concerned, we deal with a context factor that needs to be taken seriously. However, it is not necessary for trust in itself (mere trust) to be reduced to vulnerability. Consequently, it is necessary to ask where trust should be positioned if we want to give it its rightful place' Nicholas Wolterstor ffpoints to another direction than rationalism (or an emphasis on vulnerability, for that matter). The search for the creator of the cosmos or what gave rise to the cosmos and its laws remains deeply shrouded in a rational twilight. The over-optimistic confidence in reason during and after the Enlightenment must make way for a worldview in which trust comes more into its own. Rationality does not have to disappear but must also reconcile itself with a strong link with trust. Therefore, current trust research that mentions antecedents of trust is on an enlightening path when it emphasises the reconsideration of a calculating trust and the consideration of other antecedents. Current research on trust assumes that the following two sets of antecedents should receive the most attention: rationality/expertise/calculation and integrity/benevolence/morality. The two "schools" that coincide with this can be divided between non-cognitivists who think cognitivists are not able to recognise trust - trust merely becomes the application of calculations. In their negative reaction to this, the earlier non-cognitivists run the same reductionist danger - in this case, a reduction of confidence to emotion. Therefore, recent non-cognitivists suggest that trust should be defined by referring to its unconscious but ubiquitous state. Cognitivists accuse this view of not being in touch with people's everyday existence and experience. In reaction, one could argue that trust is an abstraction and therefore not summarily visible in people's everyday lives. Biological health, rationality, and emotion should also be embedded in people's everyday lives in a similarly seamless way. Therefore, all these functions related to being human will mostly be invisible unless they are dysfunctional, under pressure or being investigated by scholars by means of abstraction from the totality of human existence. At the same time, however, it is clear that abstraction can only be understood if it is seen in interaction with other such abstractions. Back to the very first comment of the article: Data that support the perception of a crisis of trust in public institutions are widely available. According to such data, trust in most public institutions is seriously deteriorating. An exploratory analysis of the breach of trust's causal patron indicates that antecedents of trust in public institutions are also sought in aspects that fall outside the trustees' rational expertise, affection, and integrity. Trusters are increasingly relying on the willingness of trusted people to align with their identities, economic needs, lifestyle, and ideological beliefs. This means that the antecedents of trust and those already popular in trust research should also include the economic, biotic, and historically shaped identities, as well as worldviews of trusters and trustees. The critical point to note is that the list of antecedents for trust is broader than is generally accepted. Therefore, it is urgent to define trust not only in terms of some of the antecedents wherewith it is intertwined. Many...
       
  • Returns, political developments and economic forces: A historical
           perspective on the Johannesburg stock exchange (JSE), 2000-2010

    • Abstract: Om tot ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling by te dra, moet 'n aandelemark, as 'n toonaange-wende ekonomiese aanwyser, die makroekonomiese grondbeginsels van 'n land weerspieel. Die weerspieeling van politieke en ekonomiese ontwikkelings in opbrengste van genoteerde maatskappye dui op die risikoprofiel van maatskappye en die aandelebeurs. Die doel van hierdie artikel is om 'n historiese perspektief te verskaf oor die wyse waarop politieke en ekonomiese ontwikkelings gedurende die tydperk 2000-2010 in die opbrengste van die Johannesburgse aandelebeurs (die JSE Bpk.) weerspieël word. Die geskiedenis van die JSE gedurende hierdie tydperk kan in drie fases verdeel word: die fase voor die globale finansiële krisis (GFK), die GFK-fase, en die post-GFK-fase. In die studie is tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die JSE makroëkonomiese toestande, politieke veranderinge en wêreldgebeure gedurende die tydperk 2000-2010 weerspieël het. Die JSE het positief gereageer op hoër kommoditeitspryse en op 'n verbetering in ekonomiese en politieke vooruitsigte, maar het ook sy toenemende kwesbaarheid getoon vir aansteeklike internasionale gebeure en finansiële krisisse, soos die GFK en toe die dotcom-borrel gebars het.To contribute to economic growth and development, a stock market, as an important economic indicator, should reflect the macroeconomic fundamentals of a country. How political and economic developments are reflected in the returns of companies listed on a stock market indicates the risk profile of specific companies and the stock exchange. The objective of this article is to provide a historical perspective on how political and economic developments were reflected in the returns of the Johannesburg stock exchange (the JSE Ltd.) in the period 2000-2010. The history of the JSE for this period can be divided into three stages: the stage before the global financial crisis (GFC), the GFC stage, and the post-GFC stage. During the pre-GFC stage, the JSE recovered from the Asian crisis of 1998, and the global boom in information and technology stocks led to a surge in technology stocks and indices on the JSE. When the dotcom bubble burst in March 2000, a sharp decline in share prices on the JSE followed. The aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attack in the United States led to a temporary decline in JSE stock prices, but they had recovered - in international markets as well - by May 2002. The JSE responded to local political events, such as the introduction of black economic empowerment legislation and the National Credit Act, and to international political events, such as the formation of the Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) economic block. The commodity super cycle (2003-2008), low domestic interest rates and higher economic growth rates than in 2002 contributed to the continuous bull run in share prices on the JSE during this stage (2003-2008). The global financial crisis, regarded as the worst crisis since the Great Depression of 1929, had a severe impact on all economies globally and resulted in a worldwide recession. In South Africa, the effect of falling commodity prices had macroeconomic consequences in terms of employment levels, commodity exports, foreign fixed investment and the exchange rate. The risk premium for South Africa also increased, resulting in an outflow of foreign investor funds, a drop in the JSE stock market index, and a depreciating currency. The FTSE/ JSE All Share Index fell by 46% from an all-time high in May 2008 to a low in November 2008, before recovering by 39% in August 2009. Recovery in South African financial markets occurred relatively quickly, though, with the All Share Index rebounding by 30% during 2009. The resilience of the South African financial sector meant that South Africa largely escaped the most damaging effects of the global financial crisis. The global recession in 2009 and uncertainty regarding recovery in the global market resulted in the implementation of strong stimulating monetary and fiscal policy measures globally. Large fiscal deficits led to an escalation of government debts, while low interest rates and quantitative easing in developed countries resulted in a substantial inflow of funds to the South African share market in 2009 and the bond market in 2010. The FTSE/JSE All Share Index improved by 63% in 2009 and 2010, tracking international equity markets and higher commodity prices. Non-resident investors returned, particularly from 2009 onwards, as sentiment improved and risk appetite recovered. The momentum on the stock market was interrupted by the European debt crisis. The European sovereign debt crisis, which started in Greece in 2010 and spilled over to other European countries, prompted the European Union and the International Monetary Fund to establish an emergency facility. Despite the nervousness resulting from the European crisis, share prices on the JSE trended higher, tracking global equity markets and commodity prices. The current study concludes that the JSE reflected macroeconomic conditions, political changes and global events during the period 2000-2010. The JSE responded positively to higher commodity prices and improved economic and political prospects, but also reflected its growing vulnerability to contagious international events andfinancial crises, such as the dotcom bubble and the global financial crisis.
       
  • The lack of proper sanitation and access to water in South African
           schools: How an ethics of responsibility can help

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel fokus op die fundamentele mensereg van toegang tot voldoende water en, daaruit voortvloeiende, sanitasie, en kyk meer spesifiek na hoe die stand van sake in hierdie opsig in Suid-Afrikaanse skole lyk. Dit fokus op die Suid-Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie se verslag oor die sanitasie-infrastruktuur en waterverskaffing in skole in al nege Suid-Afrikaanse provinsies. Dit wys ook daarop dat dringende aandag daaraan nodig is, omdat 366 skole tans steeds sonder watertoevoer is, en 'n verdere 3 297 skole steeds van puttoilette gebruik maak. Hierna word daar stil gestaan by die Suid-Afrikaanse filosoof Anton van Niekerk se etiek van verantwoordelikheid, wat dan kortliks geintegreer word met die Suid-Afrikaanse teoloog Etienne de Villiers se benadering tot 'n etiek van verantwoordelikheid. Daar word gekyk wat die waarde daarvan kan wees vir die oplos van die probleme rakende sanitasie en watervoorsiening in skole. Laastens volg enkele slotgedagtes oor sekere kenmerke van 'n (toegepaste) etiek van verantwoordelikheid. Alhoewel laasgenoemde voor die hand liggend en effens kunsmatig mag voorkom wat hierdie problematiek in skole betref, kan die verantwoordelikheid wat op die staat in hierdie opsig rus, nie genoeg beklemtoon en teoreties begrond word nie.The right of access to sufficient water is enshrined in the Bill of Rights of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996; that this implies a right to basic sanitation as well is borne out by section 3(1) of the Water Services Act 108 of 1997, which provides that "[e]veryone has a right of access to basic water supply and basic sanitation". In this regard there are many challenges, not only in South Africa, but throughout Africa. This article focuses on the situation in South Africa only, and in particular on how it applies in South African schools. According to the South African Human Rights Commission, it is the duty of all spheres of government to ensure that water and sanitation services are provided in an efficient, fair and sustainable manner. This raises the question of which theoretical approach to this duty one should take. In answering this question, the article looks at an ethics of responsibility that is not restricted to purely theoretical insights but seeks to bring about real change in everyday life. The focus is on the Human Rights Commission's report,1 (2021a) in particular, which deals with the matter of sanitation and water resources in South African schools - in all nine provinces of the country. Although the government has taken significant steps since 1994 to provide a relevant, effective, inclusive and sustainable teaching and learning environment, there are still serious shortcomings, especially with regard to the sanitation infrastructure and water supply in schools. Detailed information on this situation provided by the different provincial education departments and included in the report of the Human Rights Commission, is discussed. According to this report, there are still 366 schools with no water supply, and a further 3 297 schools that still use pit toilets. 37 858 teachers and 1 039 117 learners are affected by this situation. These statistics reveal a dire situation that should be addressed most urgently so that the dignity of and respect for the teachers and learners involved can be restored, and the United Nations' sustainable development goals 4 and 6 for education, water and sanitation can be achieved. It should be central to the policy of the Department of Basic Education and should be one of its key priorities. Achieving the above-mentioned requires not only political will but also ethical leadership. In the light of this, an ethics of responsibility is considered in order to see how it can contribute to and provide motivation for meeting the above-mentioned sanitation and water challenges in the country's schools. More specifically, the Stellenbosch philosopher Anton van Niekerk's ethics of responsibility is discussed. The aim is to determine whether this theoretical framework can be effective in helping the responsible persons - in this case the government and all the departments concerned - to resolve the problems referred to above. Particular attention is paid to three key ideas in Van Niekerk's approach to an ethics of responsibility, namely fallibility, an ethics for the future (or what Hans Jonas refers to as an "ethics of futurity"), and phronesis or practical wisdom - the last-mentioned as found in Aristotle's reasoning. Van Niekerk's approach is then integrated with the South African theologian Etienne de Villiers' approach to an ethics of responsibility, and how it can be applied in order to address the problems of sanitation and water supply in South African schools. De Villiers focuses on, among other things, the actions, strategies and policies that seek to promote and strengthen an ethical life as effectively as possible. He emphasises that such an ethic should be "contextually appropriate", promote "peaceful coexistence and cooperation", and be democratic. Finally, some important characteristics of an ethics of responsibility are addressed, namely that it should optimally facilitate human flourishing; should be contemporary and have normative value; should be able to make social-scientific analyses of relevant societal contexts; should recognise the so-called "thick" and "thin" or maximal and minimal moralities in our contemporary society; and, finally, that no ethical conviction can claim that it is universally valid for all people. It should furthermore focus on not only the responsible handling of a set of values but also ethical decision-making. Sometimes certain situations require us to act in an activist and prophetic way, and when a certain matter is neglected - in this case the sanitation infrastructure and water supply in schools - society should demonstrate resistance and outrage.
       
  • A comparative study regarding support services for teachers in public
           schools in the BRICS member states

    • Abstract: Onderwyserondersteuningsdienste is 'n element van die komponent ondersteuningsdienste van 'n effektiewe onderwysstelsel. In hierdie studie word die BRICS-lidlande ondersoek, en die fokus word op onderwysers in openbare skole geplaas. Die BRICS-lidlande is Brasilie, Rusland, Indie, China en Suid-Afrika. Die BRICS-organisasie streef daarna om 'n goed georganiseerde en ondersteunende organisasie te wees in terme van ekonomiese groei deur effektiewe onderwys en opleiding. Die BRICS-lidlande is vir hierdie studie gekies omdat daar 'n gebrek aan navorsing oor hierdie onderwerp is. Hierdie studie toon dat daar 'n leemte in die BRICS-organisasie is in terme van onderwysers wat die nodige ondersteuningsdienste ontvang om goeie onderrig te verseker. Die doel van die navorsing was om te bepaal hoe ondersteuningsdienste aan onderwysers in openbare skole in die BRICS-lidlande verskaf word. Die studie fokus op die verskille en ooreenkomste wat geidentifiseer kan word op grond van ondersteuningsdienste wat aan onderwysers in openbare skole in die BRICS-lidlande verskaf word. Die vergelykende navorsingsmetode is gebruik om beste praktyke te identifiseer en te vergelyk met betrekking tot ondersteuningsdienste wat aan onderwysers binne die BRICS-lidlande gebied word. Die volgende temas is geidentifiseer waar beste praktyke voorgekom het binne die plaaslike konteks van die individuele BRICS-lidlande: ondersteuningsdienste in media-ondersteuning, ondersteuning in die pensioenfonds, regsadviesdienste en dienste wat die vakbonde verskaf. 'n Eenvormige raamwerk vir ondersteuningsdienste vir opvoeders is belangrik om effektiewe ondersteuning aan opvoeders te bied. Sodoende kan ondersteuningsdienste van 'n beter gehalte aan onderwysers verseker word. Dit is egter belangrik dat die konteks van elke land in ag geneem word voordat so 'n raamwerk geformuleer word. Die verbetering van samewerking tussen die BRICS-lidlande kan ook betrekkinge tussen die lande versterk. Die bewusmaking van internasionale organisasies se betrokkenheid by enige finansiele bydrae tot die onderwys-stelsels in die BRICS-lidlande kan daartoe lei dat onderwysers meer ondersteuningsdienste ontvang. Sodoende kan 'n positiewe bydrae tot die onderwysstelsel gemaak word. Tydens die BRICS-lidstate se vergaderings moet klem geplaas word op beste praktyke wat geidentifiseer is om ander lidlande te help om onsuksesvolle praktyke te verander. Klem is gele op mediadienste, pensioenfondse, regsadviesdienste en vakbonde. 'n Inter-pretatiewe navorsingsparadigma is as vertrekpunt gebruik, en 'n kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetode is gevolg om die inhoud van bestaande artikels en regeringspublikasies te ontleed en data daaruit te onttrek. Die data is verwerk en ontleed om beste praktyke te identifiseer. Die algehele bevinding van hierdie studie is dat ondersteuningsdienste beskikbaar is vir onderwysers in die BRICS-lidlande, alhoewel die mate van ondersteuning binne die verskillende lidlande verskil. Die beste praktyke wat tydens die navorsing geidentifiseer is, kan elkeen van die BRICS-lidlande bevoordeel. Verskeie hulpbronne is geraadpleeg om die ondersteuningsdienste wat aan onderwysers in elke land verskaf word, sowel as die voorsiening van onderwys in hierdie lande, te verbeter.Teacher support services are an element of the component support services of an effective education system. In this study, the BRICS member countries are investigated, and the focus is placed on teachers in public schools. The BRICS member countries are Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. The BRICS organisation strives to be a well organised and supportive organisation in terms of economic growth through effective education and training. The BRICS member countries have been selected for this study because there is a dearth of research on this topic. This study shows that there is a gap in the BRICS organisation in terms of teachers receiving the necessary support services with a view to ensuring effective teaching. The aim of the research was to determine how support services are provided to teachers in public schools in the BRICS member countries. The study focuses on the differences and similarities that can be identified based on support services provided to teachers in public schools in the BRICS member countries. The comparative research method was used to identify and compare best practices with regard to support services offered to teachers within the BRICS member countries. The following themes were identified where best practices occurred within the local context of the individual BRICS member states: support services within media support, support in the pension fund, law advice services, and services that the unions provide. A Uniform framework for support services for educators is important to provide effective support to educators. In this way, support services of better quality to teachers can be ensured. However, it is important that the context of each country be considered before formulating such a policy. Improving cooperation between the BRICS member countries can also strengthen relations between the countries. Raising awareness of international organisations ' involvement in making a financial contribution to the education systems in the BRICS member countries could lead to teachers receiving more support services. In this way, a positive contribution can be made to the education system. During the BRICS Member States ' meetings, emphasis should be placed on best practices of assisting the other Member States in attempting to change unsuccessful practices. Emphasis was placed on media services, pension funds, legal advice services, and trade unions. An interpretive research paradigm was used as a starting point, and a qualitative research method was followed in analysing the content of existing articles and government publications in order to extract data. The data were processed and analysed in tabular form to identify best practices. The overall f...
       
  • The use of rewards to enhance the experiences of academic self-efficacy
           and motivation of foundation phase learners in a special-needs school

    • Abstract: Eienskappe soos volharding, kreatiwiteit en aanpasbaarheid is 'n mens se hele lewe lank van kardinale belang. Navorsing het getoon dat hierdie eienskappe aangeleer kan word deur 'n kombinasie van intrinsieke motivering en 'n hoe selfdoeltreffendheidsiening. Daar word dikwels gebruik gemaak van belonings om leerders in skole te motiveer om te presteer, maar akademici het teenstrydige menings oor die rol wat belonings speel in leerders se intrinsieke motivering en selfdoeltreffendheidsienings. Navorsing toon dat leerders in spesiale skole dikwels weens vorige ervarings van herhaalde mislukking en terugslae lae sienings van hul eie vermoens het. 'n Studie oor die rol van belonings in die selfdoeltref-fendheidsienings van grondslagfaseleerders in spesiale skole was dus nodig, sodat onderwysers in spesiale skole belonings op so 'n manier kan aanwend dat dit leerders se selfdoeltreffendheid op 'n positiewe manier beinvloed. As vertrekpunt vir hierdie studie is Deci en Ryan (1985) se selfbeskikkingsteorie gebruik. In die milieu van 'n spesiale skool is vyf grondslagfaseleerders doelgerig gekies om aan die navorsing deel te neem, en die bevindings was soos volg: Leerders ervaar en waardeer akademiese belonings op 'n individuele vlak en daarom moet onderwysers belonings doelgerig selekteer en toeken. Ook moet die onderwyser deur die gebruik van belonings op die leerproses fokus om leerders se selfdoeltreffendheidsiening te verhoog.Throughout a person's life, characteristics such as creativity, adaptability and perseverance are needed. Research has shown that these characteristics can be cultivated through a combination of high self-efficacy and intrinsic motivation. Self-efficacy, or the belief one has about one S own ability, has a direct influence on how motivated one is to participate in a specific task or activity. An interrelationship therefore exists between the two, and can be influenced by an overall mindset regarding ability or intellect. Teachers often use rewards in the classroom to motivate learners to reach high performance standards; however, heavy debates about the influence of rewards on learners' self-efficacy and motivation are ongoing among academics. These debates are often due to different views or points of departure concerning motivation, such as the behaviouristic and cognitive approaches. The behaviouristic approach to motivation focuses mainly on three components, namely a driving force, learned motives, and incentives to "push" someone into participating in a task or activity. As opposed to the behaviouristic approach, the cognitive approach focuses on cognition, a personal, social, and cultural incentive that "pulls" a person towards participating in a given task or activity. According to the cognitive approach, motivation depends largely on the task or activity, on how interesting it is or what its perceived value is, on a person's abilities (or perceived abilities), and on the reason for success or failure in similar activities in the past. Past experiences are of crucial importance when people judge their own abilities (self-efficacy). Other criteria used to evaluate one's own abilities include social comparisons, verbal feedback, and physiological reactions. Research has shown that learners in special-needs schools often have low self-efficacy beliefs about their academic ability due to repeated experiences of failure. A study to investigate the role ofrewards on these learners' self-efficacy was therefore imperative. Teachers could use the findings to inform their decisions on how to use rewards in the classroom. Deci and Ryan's (1985) self-determination theory (SDT) was used as theoretical framework for this study. This theory strives to develop learners' self-efficacy beliefs through fulfilling three basic human needs for optimal functioning, constructive social development, and personal wellbeing. These needs are identified as 1) the need to feel capable, 2) the need to be in control (autonomy) and 3) the need for relatedness. As far as rewards are concerned, the self-determination theory covers issues such as how rewards can be used as informative feedback for learners, scaffolding them into becoming more effective in a task or activity. The theory further distinguishes between autonomous and controlled motivation providing opportunities for extrinsic motivation to become intrinsic motivation through integration. Five participants were purposefully selected from a special-needs school in the northern suburbs of Cape Town where they took part in a collective case study design that investigated their experiences of rewards and self-efficacy. It was found that learners value and experience different types of academic rewards on an individual basis and that the classroom teacher should therefore carefully select and award rewards. The types of rewards vary from abstract rewards like verbal praise to concrete rewards such as stickers or sweets. The awarding of rewards should furthermore focus on the learning process, and not on product or outcome, in order to increase learners' self-efficacy. The process of rewarding the learning process can be visualised as a staircase where each step is a learner's individual learning goal, with the overarching learning outcome (or product) at the top. As the learner climbs each step, he or she is in fact reaching a learning outcome. Rewarding for process and outcomes thus becomes integrated and the process becomes the product. This study's findings contribute to the increasing repository of literature on the use of academic rewards, focusing on how, and not if, rewards should be used.
       
  • China's long, unfinished twentieth century and its possible
           implications for Africa

    • Abstract: In hierdie bydrae word ondersoek ingestel na die ongeewenaarde ekonomiese vooruitgang en gepaardgaande grootmoondheidambisies van China. In die besonder word gevra wat die moontlike gevolge van hierdie epogverskuiwende ontwikkeling vir die vasteland van Afrika sou wees. China se strewe na grootmoondheidstatus in die 21ste eeu word gewoonlik aan die hand van of realisme of idealisme verduidelik, maar ek wil graag daarna kyk vanuit 'n geskiedkundige invalshoek, wat blyk 'n unieke oogpunt te wees. Ek ondersoek die invloed wat die houvas van 'n geskiedkundige gesindheid op die Chinese psige het in hul naarstige soektog na grootmoondheidstatus. Die sogenaamde "Chinese Droom" offuqiang ("welvaart en mag") word gerugsteun deur die retoriek van die "honderd jaar van vernedering" (18421949). Daar is egter ook ander faktore wat 'n bydrae lewer tot die vermoede dat beweegredes eie aan die twintigste eeu die aansporing mag wees tot die ongekende industriele, militere en ekonomiese groei in China. My gekose metodologie is die poststrukturalisme, wat my in staat stel om met vrug benaderings in ag te neem wat selfs teenstrydig met mekaar is. Ek kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat China se rol in Afrika se welvaart van die 21ste eeu genuanseerd is. Nie net is daar talle rolspelers (soos Rusland en die Verenigde State) wat 'n belang by Afrika het nie, maar Afrika is vanuit 'n Chinese oogpunt maar van geringe belang. Die Chinese invloed op Afrika blyk grotendeels voordelig vir die vasteland te wees, maar daar moet ook gelet word op die beperkings wat China se geneigdheid tot outokrasie het op die land se ontwikkelingsvooruitsigte.In this contribution, China S unprecedented economic achievements and great power ambitions are considered; in particular, what the implications of this epoch-making development on the world-stage could be for the continent of Africa. China's seeking to be reckoned as a great power is normally explained by way of either realism or idealism (and less commonly, constructivism), but with the gap in the extant knowledge, I attempt to identify and address the uncanny role that history has also had in influencing this. Put differently, the question posed is: what is the role of a historical consciousness in terms of China's feverish striving for great power status' In this regard, I take Orville Schell and John Delury's important text Wealth and power: China's long march to the twenty-first century (2014), as my point of departure. I also employ a poststructuralist methodology within a historical theoretical framework in order to take advantage of both nuanced and contradictory approaches. The so-called "Chinese Dream" of fuqiang (wealth and power) is fed by the rhetoric of the "hundred years of humiliation" (1842-1949), which is considered to span the years between the conclusion of the First Opium War in 1842 and the declaration of the Peoples ' Republic of China in 1949. But this line of thought is not the only factor which brought about an iron cast of historical consciousness in the Chinese psyche. The role of language within the Chinese family of languages, education and the general tendency of the Chinese state to veer towards autocracy are also examined. The motives which drive the Chinese Dream originate in the Chinese twentieth century (humiliation, Marxism, industrial development, wealth and power, among others) and these concerns are accordingly ongoing. After concluding that the Chinese Dream is likely to end in considerable disappointment for the West in that the Chinese are bound to reject Western values and priorities in favour of their own thinking (such as autocracy, reverence for authority and the importance of history in shaping their destiny), I move on to consider Allison's review of the Thucydides trap scenario within the context of the Peloponne-sian War (431-404 BCE). Despite criticism which has been levelled at this academic model, it remains valuable to analyse China's possible economic and great power trajectory into the 21st century. In the context of the Chinese Dream, I also make reference to Xi Jinping's Maoist embrace of hero worship, his renewed friendship with Putin's Russia and Xi's emphasis on the role of the Chinese Communist Party in pursuing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) since its inception in 2013. Biden's recent visit to Asia in May 2022 in order to promote his Asia-Pacific Economic Framework to the United States ' remaining friends and allies in the area (such as Japan and India), as a counter to China's increasing economic influence in Asia and the Pacific Islands, is also considered. Russia's ongoing war in the Ukraine is an example of the complexity of international relations at a time when world power is transitioning from a system of unipolarity (where the United States is a sole superpower) to that of multi-polarity (where power is shared between the US, China and Russia). China's idiosyncratic approach to so-called "zero-Covid" and its impact on employment and immigration vis-à-vis Africa is also briefly highlighted. Against this background, I finally turn to a consideration of the possible implications of China's twentieth-century scramble for Africa continuing into the 21st century. A number of recent Chinese development projects are discussed as well as the narrative of the so-called debt trap diplomacy within the context of Africans' generally positive views regarding Chinese engagement. I conclude that China's role in Africa's economic prosperity in the 21st century is indeed nuanced. Not only are there a number of role-players vying for influence in Africa (notably Russia and the United States), but, from a Chinese perspective, Africa ranks very low on its list of priorities. On the whole, the Chinese influence on the African continent has been received positively, but caution must be advised as to what impact the Chinese tendency towards autocratic governance might have on the Chinese developmental trajectory in the...
       
  • Carmine Petronii by Arnold van Wyk (1916-1983)

    • Abstract: Die beeld van Arnold van Wyk as liedkomponis berus op sy liedsiklusse Vier weemoedige liedjies en Van liefde en verlatenheid, asook enkele losstaande liedere. Die beeld behoort uitgebrei te word deur kennis te neem van die ongepubliseerde Petronius-liedere, waarvan die komposisiesketse en outograwe bewaar word in die Arnold van Wyk-versameling by die Universiteit Stellenbosch. Die Petronius-liedere is 'n liedsiklus vir bariton en klein instrumentale ensemble (fluit, altviool, tjello, Franse horing, perkussie, harp en klavier) op vyf Latynse tekste uit die Satyricon van Petronius Arbiter (c. 27-66 GE). Die komposisieproses, begin gedurende 1957-1959, is toe onderbreek en is eers in 1964 voltooi. Die onderskeie liedere toon Van Wyk se vermoe om gedigte verbeeldingryk te toonset en om 'n oortuigende vormeenheid te gee aan elke lied en die siklus as geheel. Hy ontgin die instrumente se klankkarakter in die ensemble op vindingryke wyse en gebruik die begeleiding tegelyk as middel tot klankskildering en vormgewing. Saambindende elemente in die siklus is die eensoortige sentiment van die tekste, die klavier se deurlopende teenwoordigheid, die wisselnootmotief, en die gebruik van die tritonus in verskillende toonsoorte, asook pedaalpunte. Akkoordsamestellings lees dikwels moeilik weens die dubbele spelling van note. Nadat elke lied individueel bespreek word, word gewys op die moontlike invloed van Benjamin Britten se werk op die Petronius-liedere.Arnold van Wyk's reputation as a composer of art songs rests on his two song cycles Vier weemoedige liedjies and Van liefde en verlatenheid as well as several single songs. The Petronius songs, a cycle of five songs for baritone and small instrumental ensemble (flute, viola, cello, horn, percussion, harp and piano), are still unpublished and thus unknown to the wider public. The songs offer rich research material and deserve to be published and performed. The texts of these songs, in Latin, are taken from the Satyricon by Petronius Arbiter (c. 27-66 CE), a member of the inner court of the Roman emperor Nero around 62 CE. Petronius describes Roman life of that era in a simple but colourful way. The mood of the chosen five poems is nocturnal and, in some cases, borders on the melancholic. The topics do not shy away from the occasional eroticism or even homoeroticism. Van Wyk began working on the song cycle during 1957-1959 but, following an interruption, only completed it in 1964. Factors that contributed to the slow compositional progress included the composer's heavy workload at the College of Music, Cape Town, his preoccupation with other compositional projects, such as the orchestral work Primavera, and his unstable health, depression and periodic compositional droughts. During February 1960 Van Wyk resigned as senior lecturer at the College of Music and in October that year became a lecturer at Stellenbosch University's Department of Music. Like Van liefde en verlatenheid, the Petronius cycle is cast in a symmetric form: the first and fifth songs balance each other in respect of sentiment and style, as do the second and fourth, while the third song displays a character of its own. The first and last songs (Qualis nox and Sit nox) are lyrical, while the second and fourth ones (Lecto compositus and Somnia quae mentes ludunt) represent a more narrative approach. For the third song, Foeda est, the accompaniment was restricted to piano, giving a unique character to the song and emphasising its singular position at the centre of the cycle. In discussing the various songs, this article draws attention to Van Wyk's ability to set words to music in a highly imaginative way, and to his sensitivity for the feelings expressed in the texts. His compositional proficiency is highlighted, especially his extraordinary skill in creating atmosphere and "painting" with musical sounds. The article highlights how the accompaniments - through recurring motives, varying textures, changes in tempo, the frequent use ofpedal points and the continuous presence of the piano - not only underline the songs' formal structure but contribute to the music's evocative character. Because of their length and picturesque content, Lecto compositus and Somnia quae mentes ludunt posed a special challenge to the composer. Van Wyk succeeded in representing colourful scenes by means of an imaginative use of the timbre of the accompanying instruments. In each song one instrument is accorded prominence, to capture and represent the poem's essence. Complex chord structures, double spelling of notes in a chord, some abrupt modulations and frequent use of the tritone in different keys, as well as the already mentioned pedal points, characterise the harmonic content of the songs. The taxing vocal part requires a skilled baritone voice. Considering the wider context of this Van Wyk song cycle, one should not overlook the possible influence that some of Benjamin Britten's works may have had on it. Although Van Wyk's songs exhibit their own characteristic style there are several areas where marked similarities with Britten's works are noticeable. Worth mentioning are the original high tessiture and lyrical sound of Van Wyk'sfirst attempts at setting Qualis nox and Sit nox to music. These characteristics remind one of Britten's Les illuminations and Serenade for Tenor, Horn and Strings. The B-section ofVan Wyk's Somnia quae mentes ludunt could be compared with many examples of explicit word painting in Britten's songs, such as Rats Away! from Our Hunting Fathers, as well as Below the thunders of the upper deep and Midnight's bell goes ting, both from Nocturne. Even the use of descriptive melismas on words like ludunt (tease), sanguine (blood) and quatit (shake) can be compared with Britten's treatment of l'ecume (the foam) and tourbillons (whirlpools) in Marine from Les illuminations and lulling in Sonnet from Serenade. The aim of this article is to bring this extraordinary song cycle to the attenti...
       
  • The Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument in Paarl: 80 years of
           controversy

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel ontleed kontroversies oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl oor 'n tydperk van 80 jaar sedert die eerste oproep om die oprigting van 'n Afrikaanse taalmonument op 14 Augustus 1942 gedoen is. Die ontleding toon aan dat die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die aanloop tot die oprigting, gedurende die konstruksie, omstreeks die opening en daarna omstrede gebly het. Die huidige twispunt gaan oor die naam van die Afrikaanse Taalmonument en die beplande samesmelting van monumente en museums tot vlagskipstrukture. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie in dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die twee instellings maak saam die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) uit. Die Monument word wyd bespreek, terwyl die Museum grotendeels uit die openbare oog bly. Die Monument in die Paarl is nie die enigste Afrikaanse taalmonument nie, maar wel die bekendste en opvallendste. Om hierdie rede bly die Monument in die openbare oog. In die aanloop tot die oprigting van die Monument was die plasing, funksie en simboliek daarvan omstrede. Besluite oor die openingsgeleentheid van die Monument in 1975 het tot heelwat politieke spanning gelei en het sekere mense van die Monument vervreem. Ongelukkig duur die politieke diskoers oor die Monument voort. Die voortbestaan van die Monument het opnuut in die gedrang gekom nadat die Minister van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur die naam daarvan, naamlik die Afrikaanse Taalmonument, in Maart 2022 bevraagteken het. Intussen het die Minister ontken dat hy ooit die saak geopper het. Die Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur beplan egter die samesmelting van sekere Suid-Afrikaanse monumente en museums onder departementele beheer tot "vlagskipstrukture". In só 'n struktuur bestaan die gevaar dat die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument hul identiteite sal verloor. Voorts kan die samesmelting ook die Minister opnuut 'n geleentheid vir naamsverandering bied. Een alternatief is om die beheer oor die ATM van die sentrale regering te vervreem. Die regering sal egter hiertoe moet instem. Só 'n stap sal egter ernstige finansiêle implikasies hê, want dit sal waarskynlik die einde van die sentrale regering se finansiêle steun aan die ATM beteken.This paper considers the controversies about the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl that arose during the period of 80 years since the first call for its erection. The research shows that the Monument was contentious not only in the time leading up to its construction, but at the time of its inauguration as well, a state of affairs that remains to this day, 80 years later. Thefirst initiative to erect a language monument in Paarl dates back 80 years, to 14 August 1942, on the occasion of a commemoration of the founding of the Fellowship of True Afrikaners (Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, or GRA) on 14 August 1875. On that occasion, an appeal was made for the erection of an Afrikaans language monument in Paarl. This culminated in the establishment of the Afrikaans language monument committee (ATMK, or Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee), also in 1942. Although the Monument on Paarl Mountain is a well-known structure, it is not generally known that the Monument functions in conjunction with the Afrikaans Language Museum, also in Paarl. Since the public focus is not on the Museum, it has been spared much of the controversy surrounding the Monument. The Museum, situated in the centre of Paarl, was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the GRA in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity: the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) in Afrikaans (in English the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument). The use of the name of the town where the Afrikaans Language Monument is situated in the title of this paper is deliberate, as it is necessary to distinguish the Monument concerned from other Afrikaans language monuments. More than 20 other structures on public record commemorate the Afrikaans language in South Africa, although they are not on the scale of the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl. Before, during and since the construction of the Monument, the most important controversies concerned matters such as its location, function and symbolism. A political controversy developed in the period before its inauguration on 10 October 1975. These historic controversies were called to mind by new political controversies about the Monument's name and its operational structure. Three different schools of thought about the location of the Monument prevailed at the time, one of which was closely associated with its function. The first group lobbied for a monument located in the centre of Paarl. Another lobby group (driven by one person) favoured the establishment, at Kleinbosch near Paarl, of a "living" monument aimed at Afrikaans linguistics research rather than a physical or symbolic monument. The third group, which had its way, preferred the erection of the monument on the foothills of Paarl Mountain. Debates about the function of the Monument were linked to the debate about its location. The basis of the debate was the choice between a symbolic structure and a functional Afrikaans research centre. The final outcome was that the Monument was to be a symbolic structure, while the Museum functions as an Afrikaans research centre. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument reflects the origin and growth of Afrikaans as a language, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans in the design evoked limited but strong opposition. This criticism was misplaced, as the influence of indigenous languages on Afrikaans is clear from words such as dagga, dagha, boegoe, kwagga, aikona, donga, tambotie, konka, kierie, makietie, indaba, pasella, kaia, lobola, njala, tokkelossie, mamparra and tollie. Political issues from the time ...
       
  • Redakteursnota

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel ontleed kontroversies oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl oor 'n tydperk van 80 jaar sedert die eerste oproep om die oprigting van 'n Afrikaanse taalmonument op 14 Augustus 1942 gedoen is. Die ontleding toon aan dat die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die aanloop tot die oprigting, gedurende die konstruksie, omstreeks die opening en daarna omstrede gebly het. Die huidige twispunt gaan oor die naam van die Afrikaanse Taalmonument en die beplande samesmelting van monumente en museums tot vlagskipstrukture. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie in dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die twee instellings maak saam die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) uit. Die Monument word wyd bespreek, terwyl die Museum grotendeels uit die openbare oog bly. Die Monument in die Paarl is nie die enigste Afrikaanse taalmonument nie, maar wel die bekendste en opvallendste. Om hierdie rede bly die Monument in die openbare oog. In die aanloop tot die oprigting van die Monument was die plasing, funksie en simboliek daarvan omstrede. Besluite oor die openingsgeleentheid van die Monument in 1975 het tot heelwat politieke spanning gelei en het sekere mense van die Monument vervreem. Ongelukkig duur die politieke diskoers oor die Monument voort. Die voortbestaan van die Monument het opnuut in die gedrang gekom nadat die Minister van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur die naam daarvan, naamlik die Afrikaanse Taalmonument, in Maart 2022 bevraagteken het. Intussen het die Minister ontken dat hy ooit die saak geopper het. Die Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur beplan egter die samesmelting van sekere Suid-Afrikaanse monumente en museums onder departementele beheer tot "vlagskipstrukture". In só 'n struktuur bestaan die gevaar dat die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument hul identiteite sal verloor. Voorts kan die samesmelting ook die Minister opnuut 'n geleentheid vir naamsverandering bied. Een alternatief is om die beheer oor die ATM van die sentrale regering te vervreem. Die regering sal egter hiertoe moet instem. Só 'n stap sal egter ernstige finansiêle implikasies hê, want dit sal waarskynlik die einde van die sentrale regering se finansiêle steun aan die ATM beteken.This paper considers the controversies about the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl that arose during the period of 80 years since the first call for its erection. The research shows that the Monument was contentious not only in the time leading up to its construction, but at the time of its inauguration as well, a state of affairs that remains to this day, 80 years later. Thefirst initiative to erect a language monument in Paarl dates back 80 years, to 14 August 1942, on the occasion of a commemoration of the founding of the Fellowship of True Afrikaners (Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, or GRA) on 14 August 1875. On that occasion, an appeal was made for the erection of an Afrikaans language monument in Paarl. This culminated in the establishment of the Afrikaans language monument committee (ATMK, or Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee), also in 1942. Although the Monument on Paarl Mountain is a well-known structure, it is not generally known that the Monument functions in conjunction with the Afrikaans Language Museum, also in Paarl. Since the public focus is not on the Museum, it has been spared much of the controversy surrounding the Monument. The Museum, situated in the centre of Paarl, was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the GRA in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity: the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) in Afrikaans (in English the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument). The use of the name of the town where the Afrikaans Language Monument is situated in the title of this paper is deliberate, as it is necessary to distinguish the Monument concerned from other Afrikaans language monuments. More than 20 other structures on public record commemorate the Afrikaans language in South Africa, although they are not on the scale of the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl. Before, during and since the construction of the Monument, the most important controversies concerned matters such as its location, function and symbolism. A political controversy developed in the period before its inauguration on 10 October 1975. These historic controversies were called to mind by new political controversies about the Monument's name and its operational structure. Three different schools of thought about the location of the Monument prevailed at the time, one of which was closely associated with its function. The first group lobbied for a monument located in the centre of Paarl. Another lobby group (driven by one person) favoured the establishment, at Kleinbosch near Paarl, of a "living" monument aimed at Afrikaans linguistics research rather than a physical or symbolic monument. The third group, which had its way, preferred the erection of the monument on the foothills of Paarl Mountain. Debates about the function of the Monument were linked to the debate about its location. The basis of the debate was the choice between a symbolic structure and a functional Afrikaans research centre. The final outcome was that the Monument was to be a symbolic structure, while the Museum functions as an Afrikaans research centre. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument reflects the origin and growth of Afrikaans as a language, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans in the design evoked limited but strong opposition. This criticism was misplaced, as the influence of indigenous languages on Afrikaans is clear from words such as dagga, dagha, boegoe, kwagga, aikona, donga, tambotie, konka, kierie, makietie, indaba, pasella, kaia, lobola, njala, tokkelossie, mamparra and tollie. Political issues from the time ...
       
  • Additional comments on the language debate at Stellenbosch

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel ontleed kontroversies oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl oor 'n tydperk van 80 jaar sedert die eerste oproep om die oprigting van 'n Afrikaanse taalmonument op 14 Augustus 1942 gedoen is. Die ontleding toon aan dat die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die aanloop tot die oprigting, gedurende die konstruksie, omstreeks die opening en daarna omstrede gebly het. Die huidige twispunt gaan oor die naam van die Afrikaanse Taalmonument en die beplande samesmelting van monumente en museums tot vlagskipstrukture. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie in dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die twee instellings maak saam die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) uit. Die Monument word wyd bespreek, terwyl die Museum grotendeels uit die openbare oog bly. Die Monument in die Paarl is nie die enigste Afrikaanse taalmonument nie, maar wel die bekendste en opvallendste. Om hierdie rede bly die Monument in die openbare oog. In die aanloop tot die oprigting van die Monument was die plasing, funksie en simboliek daarvan omstrede. Besluite oor die openingsgeleentheid van die Monument in 1975 het tot heelwat politieke spanning gelei en het sekere mense van die Monument vervreem. Ongelukkig duur die politieke diskoers oor die Monument voort. Die voortbestaan van die Monument het opnuut in die gedrang gekom nadat die Minister van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur die naam daarvan, naamlik die Afrikaanse Taalmonument, in Maart 2022 bevraagteken het. Intussen het die Minister ontken dat hy ooit die saak geopper het. Die Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur beplan egter die samesmelting van sekere Suid-Afrikaanse monumente en museums onder departementele beheer tot "vlagskipstrukture". In só 'n struktuur bestaan die gevaar dat die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument hul identiteite sal verloor. Voorts kan die samesmelting ook die Minister opnuut 'n geleentheid vir naamsverandering bied. Een alternatief is om die beheer oor die ATM van die sentrale regering te vervreem. Die regering sal egter hiertoe moet instem. Só 'n stap sal egter ernstige finansiêle implikasies hê, want dit sal waarskynlik die einde van die sentrale regering se finansiêle steun aan die ATM beteken.This paper considers the controversies about the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl that arose during the period of 80 years since the first call for its erection. The research shows that the Monument was contentious not only in the time leading up to its construction, but at the time of its inauguration as well, a state of affairs that remains to this day, 80 years later. Thefirst initiative to erect a language monument in Paarl dates back 80 years, to 14 August 1942, on the occasion of a commemoration of the founding of the Fellowship of True Afrikaners (Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, or GRA) on 14 August 1875. On that occasion, an appeal was made for the erection of an Afrikaans language monument in Paarl. This culminated in the establishment of the Afrikaans language monument committee (ATMK, or Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee), also in 1942. Although the Monument on Paarl Mountain is a well-known structure, it is not generally known that the Monument functions in conjunction with the Afrikaans Language Museum, also in Paarl. Since the public focus is not on the Museum, it has been spared much of the controversy surrounding the Monument. The Museum, situated in the centre of Paarl, was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the GRA in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity: the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) in Afrikaans (in English the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument). The use of the name of the town where the Afrikaans Language Monument is situated in the title of this paper is deliberate, as it is necessary to distinguish the Monument concerned from other Afrikaans language monuments. More than 20 other structures on public record commemorate the Afrikaans language in South Africa, although they are not on the scale of the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl. Before, during and since the construction of the Monument, the most important controversies concerned matters such as its location, function and symbolism. A political controversy developed in the period before its inauguration on 10 October 1975. These historic controversies were called to mind by new political controversies about the Monument's name and its operational structure. Three different schools of thought about the location of the Monument prevailed at the time, one of which was closely associated with its function. The first group lobbied for a monument located in the centre of Paarl. Another lobby group (driven by one person) favoured the establishment, at Kleinbosch near Paarl, of a "living" monument aimed at Afrikaans linguistics research rather than a physical or symbolic monument. The third group, which had its way, preferred the erection of the monument on the foothills of Paarl Mountain. Debates about the function of the Monument were linked to the debate about its location. The basis of the debate was the choice between a symbolic structure and a functional Afrikaans research centre. The final outcome was that the Monument was to be a symbolic structure, while the Museum functions as an Afrikaans research centre. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument reflects the origin and growth of Afrikaans as a language, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans in the design evoked limited but strong opposition. This criticism was misplaced, as the influence of indigenous languages on Afrikaans is clear from words such as dagga, dagha, boegoe, kwagga, aikona, donga, tambotie, konka, kierie, makietie, indaba, pasella, kaia, lobola, njala, tokkelossie, mamparra and tollie. Political issues from the time ...
       
  • The semblance of truth and a token of appreciation

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel ontleed kontroversies oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl oor 'n tydperk van 80 jaar sedert die eerste oproep om die oprigting van 'n Afrikaanse taalmonument op 14 Augustus 1942 gedoen is. Die ontleding toon aan dat die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die aanloop tot die oprigting, gedurende die konstruksie, omstreeks die opening en daarna omstrede gebly het. Die huidige twispunt gaan oor die naam van die Afrikaanse Taalmonument en die beplande samesmelting van monumente en museums tot vlagskipstrukture. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie in dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die twee instellings maak saam die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) uit. Die Monument word wyd bespreek, terwyl die Museum grotendeels uit die openbare oog bly. Die Monument in die Paarl is nie die enigste Afrikaanse taalmonument nie, maar wel die bekendste en opvallendste. Om hierdie rede bly die Monument in die openbare oog. In die aanloop tot die oprigting van die Monument was die plasing, funksie en simboliek daarvan omstrede. Besluite oor die openingsgeleentheid van die Monument in 1975 het tot heelwat politieke spanning gelei en het sekere mense van die Monument vervreem. Ongelukkig duur die politieke diskoers oor die Monument voort. Die voortbestaan van die Monument het opnuut in die gedrang gekom nadat die Minister van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur die naam daarvan, naamlik die Afrikaanse Taalmonument, in Maart 2022 bevraagteken het. Intussen het die Minister ontken dat hy ooit die saak geopper het. Die Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur beplan egter die samesmelting van sekere Suid-Afrikaanse monumente en museums onder departementele beheer tot "vlagskipstrukture". In só 'n struktuur bestaan die gevaar dat die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument hul identiteite sal verloor. Voorts kan die samesmelting ook die Minister opnuut 'n geleentheid vir naamsverandering bied. Een alternatief is om die beheer oor die ATM van die sentrale regering te vervreem. Die regering sal egter hiertoe moet instem. Só 'n stap sal egter ernstige finansiêle implikasies hê, want dit sal waarskynlik die einde van die sentrale regering se finansiêle steun aan die ATM beteken.This paper considers the controversies about the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl that arose during the period of 80 years since the first call for its erection. The research shows that the Monument was contentious not only in the time leading up to its construction, but at the time of its inauguration as well, a state of affairs that remains to this day, 80 years later. Thefirst initiative to erect a language monument in Paarl dates back 80 years, to 14 August 1942, on the occasion of a commemoration of the founding of the Fellowship of True Afrikaners (Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, or GRA) on 14 August 1875. On that occasion, an appeal was made for the erection of an Afrikaans language monument in Paarl. This culminated in the establishment of the Afrikaans language monument committee (ATMK, or Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee), also in 1942. Although the Monument on Paarl Mountain is a well-known structure, it is not generally known that the Monument functions in conjunction with the Afrikaans Language Museum, also in Paarl. Since the public focus is not on the Museum, it has been spared much of the controversy surrounding the Monument. The Museum, situated in the centre of Paarl, was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the GRA in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity: the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) in Afrikaans (in English the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument). The use of the name of the town where the Afrikaans Language Monument is situated in the title of this paper is deliberate, as it is necessary to distinguish the Monument concerned from other Afrikaans language monuments. More than 20 other structures on public record commemorate the Afrikaans language in South Africa, although they are not on the scale of the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl. Before, during and since the construction of the Monument, the most important controversies concerned matters such as its location, function and symbolism. A political controversy developed in the period before its inauguration on 10 October 1975. These historic controversies were called to mind by new political controversies about the Monument's name and its operational structure. Three different schools of thought about the location of the Monument prevailed at the time, one of which was closely associated with its function. The first group lobbied for a monument located in the centre of Paarl. Another lobby group (driven by one person) favoured the establishment, at Kleinbosch near Paarl, of a "living" monument aimed at Afrikaans linguistics research rather than a physical or symbolic monument. The third group, which had its way, preferred the erection of the monument on the foothills of Paarl Mountain. Debates about the function of the Monument were linked to the debate about its location. The basis of the debate was the choice between a symbolic structure and a functional Afrikaans research centre. The final outcome was that the Monument was to be a symbolic structure, while the Museum functions as an Afrikaans research centre. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument reflects the origin and growth of Afrikaans as a language, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans in the design evoked limited but strong opposition. This criticism was misplaced, as the influence of indigenous languages on Afrikaans is clear from words such as dagga, dagha, boegoe, kwagga, aikona, donga, tambotie, konka, kierie, makietie, indaba, pasella, kaia, lobola, njala, tokkelossie, mamparra and tollie. Political issues from the time ...
       
  • Poems

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel ontleed kontroversies oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl oor 'n tydperk van 80 jaar sedert die eerste oproep om die oprigting van 'n Afrikaanse taalmonument op 14 Augustus 1942 gedoen is. Die ontleding toon aan dat die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die aanloop tot die oprigting, gedurende die konstruksie, omstreeks die opening en daarna omstrede gebly het. Die huidige twispunt gaan oor die naam van die Afrikaanse Taalmonument en die beplande samesmelting van monumente en museums tot vlagskipstrukture. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie in dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die twee instellings maak saam die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) uit. Die Monument word wyd bespreek, terwyl die Museum grotendeels uit die openbare oog bly. Die Monument in die Paarl is nie die enigste Afrikaanse taalmonument nie, maar wel die bekendste en opvallendste. Om hierdie rede bly die Monument in die openbare oog. In die aanloop tot die oprigting van die Monument was die plasing, funksie en simboliek daarvan omstrede. Besluite oor die openingsgeleentheid van die Monument in 1975 het tot heelwat politieke spanning gelei en het sekere mense van die Monument vervreem. Ongelukkig duur die politieke diskoers oor die Monument voort. Die voortbestaan van die Monument het opnuut in die gedrang gekom nadat die Minister van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur die naam daarvan, naamlik die Afrikaanse Taalmonument, in Maart 2022 bevraagteken het. Intussen het die Minister ontken dat hy ooit die saak geopper het. Die Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur beplan egter die samesmelting van sekere Suid-Afrikaanse monumente en museums onder departementele beheer tot "vlagskipstrukture". In só 'n struktuur bestaan die gevaar dat die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument hul identiteite sal verloor. Voorts kan die samesmelting ook die Minister opnuut 'n geleentheid vir naamsverandering bied. Een alternatief is om die beheer oor die ATM van die sentrale regering te vervreem. Die regering sal egter hiertoe moet instem. Só 'n stap sal egter ernstige finansiêle implikasies hê, want dit sal waarskynlik die einde van die sentrale regering se finansiêle steun aan die ATM beteken.This paper considers the controversies about the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl that arose during the period of 80 years since the first call for its erection. The research shows that the Monument was contentious not only in the time leading up to its construction, but at the time of its inauguration as well, a state of affairs that remains to this day, 80 years later. Thefirst initiative to erect a language monument in Paarl dates back 80 years, to 14 August 1942, on the occasion of a commemoration of the founding of the Fellowship of True Afrikaners (Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, or GRA) on 14 August 1875. On that occasion, an appeal was made for the erection of an Afrikaans language monument in Paarl. This culminated in the establishment of the Afrikaans language monument committee (ATMK, or Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee), also in 1942. Although the Monument on Paarl Mountain is a well-known structure, it is not generally known that the Monument functions in conjunction with the Afrikaans Language Museum, also in Paarl. Since the public focus is not on the Museum, it has been spared much of the controversy surrounding the Monument. The Museum, situated in the centre of Paarl, was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the GRA in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity: the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) in Afrikaans (in English the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument). The use of the name of the town where the Afrikaans Language Monument is situated in the title of this paper is deliberate, as it is necessary to distinguish the Monument concerned from other Afrikaans language monuments. More than 20 other structures on public record commemorate the Afrikaans language in South Africa, although they are not on the scale of the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl. Before, during and since the construction of the Monument, the most important controversies concerned matters such as its location, function and symbolism. A political controversy developed in the period before its inauguration on 10 October 1975. These historic controversies were called to mind by new political controversies about the Monument's name and its operational structure. Three different schools of thought about the location of the Monument prevailed at the time, one of which was closely associated with its function. The first group lobbied for a monument located in the centre of Paarl. Another lobby group (driven by one person) favoured the establishment, at Kleinbosch near Paarl, of a "living" monument aimed at Afrikaans linguistics research rather than a physical or symbolic monument. The third group, which had its way, preferred the erection of the monument on the foothills of Paarl Mountain. Debates about the function of the Monument were linked to the debate about its location. The basis of the debate was the choice between a symbolic structure and a functional Afrikaans research centre. The final outcome was that the Monument was to be a symbolic structure, while the Museum functions as an Afrikaans research centre. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument reflects the origin and growth of Afrikaans as a language, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans in the design evoked limited but strong opposition. This criticism was misplaced, as the influence of indigenous languages on Afrikaans is clear from words such as dagga, dagha, boegoe, kwagga, aikona, donga, tambotie, konka, kierie, makietie, indaba, pasella, kaia, lobola, njala, tokkelossie, mamparra and tollie. Political issues from the time ...
       
  • Poems

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel ontleed kontroversies oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl oor 'n tydperk van 80 jaar sedert die eerste oproep om die oprigting van 'n Afrikaanse taalmonument op 14 Augustus 1942 gedoen is. Die ontleding toon aan dat die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die aanloop tot die oprigting, gedurende die konstruksie, omstreeks die opening en daarna omstrede gebly het. Die huidige twispunt gaan oor die naam van die Afrikaanse Taalmonument en die beplande samesmelting van monumente en museums tot vlagskipstrukture. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie in dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die twee instellings maak saam die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) uit. Die Monument word wyd bespreek, terwyl die Museum grotendeels uit die openbare oog bly. Die Monument in die Paarl is nie die enigste Afrikaanse taalmonument nie, maar wel die bekendste en opvallendste. Om hierdie rede bly die Monument in die openbare oog. In die aanloop tot die oprigting van die Monument was die plasing, funksie en simboliek daarvan omstrede. Besluite oor die openingsgeleentheid van die Monument in 1975 het tot heelwat politieke spanning gelei en het sekere mense van die Monument vervreem. Ongelukkig duur die politieke diskoers oor die Monument voort. Die voortbestaan van die Monument het opnuut in die gedrang gekom nadat die Minister van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur die naam daarvan, naamlik die Afrikaanse Taalmonument, in Maart 2022 bevraagteken het. Intussen het die Minister ontken dat hy ooit die saak geopper het. Die Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur beplan egter die samesmelting van sekere Suid-Afrikaanse monumente en museums onder departementele beheer tot "vlagskipstrukture". In só 'n struktuur bestaan die gevaar dat die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument hul identiteite sal verloor. Voorts kan die samesmelting ook die Minister opnuut 'n geleentheid vir naamsverandering bied. Een alternatief is om die beheer oor die ATM van die sentrale regering te vervreem. Die regering sal egter hiertoe moet instem. Só 'n stap sal egter ernstige finansiêle implikasies hê, want dit sal waarskynlik die einde van die sentrale regering se finansiêle steun aan die ATM beteken.This paper considers the controversies about the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl that arose during the period of 80 years since the first call for its erection. The research shows that the Monument was contentious not only in the time leading up to its construction, but at the time of its inauguration as well, a state of affairs that remains to this day, 80 years later. Thefirst initiative to erect a language monument in Paarl dates back 80 years, to 14 August 1942, on the occasion of a commemoration of the founding of the Fellowship of True Afrikaners (Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, or GRA) on 14 August 1875. On that occasion, an appeal was made for the erection of an Afrikaans language monument in Paarl. This culminated in the establishment of the Afrikaans language monument committee (ATMK, or Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee), also in 1942. Although the Monument on Paarl Mountain is a well-known structure, it is not generally known that the Monument functions in conjunction with the Afrikaans Language Museum, also in Paarl. Since the public focus is not on the Museum, it has been spared much of the controversy surrounding the Monument. The Museum, situated in the centre of Paarl, was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the GRA in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity: the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) in Afrikaans (in English the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument). The use of the name of the town where the Afrikaans Language Monument is situated in the title of this paper is deliberate, as it is necessary to distinguish the Monument concerned from other Afrikaans language monuments. More than 20 other structures on public record commemorate the Afrikaans language in South Africa, although they are not on the scale of the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl. Before, during and since the construction of the Monument, the most important controversies concerned matters such as its location, function and symbolism. A political controversy developed in the period before its inauguration on 10 October 1975. These historic controversies were called to mind by new political controversies about the Monument's name and its operational structure. Three different schools of thought about the location of the Monument prevailed at the time, one of which was closely associated with its function. The first group lobbied for a monument located in the centre of Paarl. Another lobby group (driven by one person) favoured the establishment, at Kleinbosch near Paarl, of a "living" monument aimed at Afrikaans linguistics research rather than a physical or symbolic monument. The third group, which had its way, preferred the erection of the monument on the foothills of Paarl Mountain. Debates about the function of the Monument were linked to the debate about its location. The basis of the debate was the choice between a symbolic structure and a functional Afrikaans research centre. The final outcome was that the Monument was to be a symbolic structure, while the Museum functions as an Afrikaans research centre. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument reflects the origin and growth of Afrikaans as a language, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans in the design evoked limited but strong opposition. This criticism was misplaced, as the influence of indigenous languages on Afrikaans is clear from words such as dagga, dagha, boegoe, kwagga, aikona, donga, tambotie, konka, kierie, makietie, indaba, pasella, kaia, lobola, njala, tokkelossie, mamparra and tollie. Political issues from the time ...
       
  • The foundation and corner stone that Patrick Petersen laid and the
           monument that Hein Willemse is building

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel ontleed kontroversies oor die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die Paarl oor 'n tydperk van 80 jaar sedert die eerste oproep om die oprigting van 'n Afrikaanse taalmonument op 14 Augustus 1942 gedoen is. Die ontleding toon aan dat die Afrikaanse Taalmonument in die aanloop tot die oprigting, gedurende die konstruksie, omstreeks die opening en daarna omstrede gebly het. Die huidige twispunt gaan oor die naam van die Afrikaanse Taalmonument en die beplande samesmelting van monumente en museums tot vlagskipstrukture. Hoewel die Monument 'n bekende baken is, is dit nie in dieselfde mate bekend dat daar ook 'n Afrikaanse Taalmuseum is wat saam met die Monument funksioneer nie. Die twee instellings maak saam die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) uit. Die Monument word wyd bespreek, terwyl die Museum grotendeels uit die openbare oog bly. Die Monument in die Paarl is nie die enigste Afrikaanse taalmonument nie, maar wel die bekendste en opvallendste. Om hierdie rede bly die Monument in die openbare oog. In die aanloop tot die oprigting van die Monument was die plasing, funksie en simboliek daarvan omstrede. Besluite oor die openingsgeleentheid van die Monument in 1975 het tot heelwat politieke spanning gelei en het sekere mense van die Monument vervreem. Ongelukkig duur die politieke diskoers oor die Monument voort. Die voortbestaan van die Monument het opnuut in die gedrang gekom nadat die Minister van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur die naam daarvan, naamlik die Afrikaanse Taalmonument, in Maart 2022 bevraagteken het. Intussen het die Minister ontken dat hy ooit die saak geopper het. Die Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur beplan egter die samesmelting van sekere Suid-Afrikaanse monumente en museums onder departementele beheer tot "vlagskipstrukture". In só 'n struktuur bestaan die gevaar dat die Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument hul identiteite sal verloor. Voorts kan die samesmelting ook die Minister opnuut 'n geleentheid vir naamsverandering bied. Een alternatief is om die beheer oor die ATM van die sentrale regering te vervreem. Die regering sal egter hiertoe moet instem. Só 'n stap sal egter ernstige finansiêle implikasies hê, want dit sal waarskynlik die einde van die sentrale regering se finansiêle steun aan die ATM beteken.This paper considers the controversies about the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl that arose during the period of 80 years since the first call for its erection. The research shows that the Monument was contentious not only in the time leading up to its construction, but at the time of its inauguration as well, a state of affairs that remains to this day, 80 years later. Thefirst initiative to erect a language monument in Paarl dates back 80 years, to 14 August 1942, on the occasion of a commemoration of the founding of the Fellowship of True Afrikaners (Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, or GRA) on 14 August 1875. On that occasion, an appeal was made for the erection of an Afrikaans language monument in Paarl. This culminated in the establishment of the Afrikaans language monument committee (ATMK, or Afrikaanse Taalmonumentkomitee), also in 1942. Although the Monument on Paarl Mountain is a well-known structure, it is not generally known that the Monument functions in conjunction with the Afrikaans Language Museum, also in Paarl. Since the public focus is not on the Museum, it has been spared much of the controversy surrounding the Monument. The Museum, situated in the centre of Paarl, was inaugurated on 14 August 1975, commemorating the founding of the GRA in the same building a century earlier. The Monument and Museum form part of the same entity: the Afrikaanse Taalmuseum en -monument (ATM) in Afrikaans (in English the Afrikaans Language Museum and Monument). The use of the name of the town where the Afrikaans Language Monument is situated in the title of this paper is deliberate, as it is necessary to distinguish the Monument concerned from other Afrikaans language monuments. More than 20 other structures on public record commemorate the Afrikaans language in South Africa, although they are not on the scale of the Afrikaans Language Monument in Paarl. Before, during and since the construction of the Monument, the most important controversies concerned matters such as its location, function and symbolism. A political controversy developed in the period before its inauguration on 10 October 1975. These historic controversies were called to mind by new political controversies about the Monument's name and its operational structure. Three different schools of thought about the location of the Monument prevailed at the time, one of which was closely associated with its function. The first group lobbied for a monument located in the centre of Paarl. Another lobby group (driven by one person) favoured the establishment, at Kleinbosch near Paarl, of a "living" monument aimed at Afrikaans linguistics research rather than a physical or symbolic monument. The third group, which had its way, preferred the erection of the monument on the foothills of Paarl Mountain. Debates about the function of the Monument were linked to the debate about its location. The basis of the debate was the choice between a symbolic structure and a functional Afrikaans research centre. The final outcome was that the Monument was to be a symbolic structure, while the Museum functions as an Afrikaans research centre. Although the general symbolism embodied in the Monument reflects the origin and growth of Afrikaans as a language, the inclusion of the influence of indigenous languages on the development of Afrikaans in the design evoked limited but strong opposition. This criticism was misplaced, as the influence of indigenous languages on Afrikaans is clear from words such as dagga, dagha, boegoe, kwagga, aikona, donga, tambotie, konka, kierie, makietie, indaba, pasella, kaia, lobola, njala, tokkelossie, mamparra and tollie. Political issues from the time ...
       
 
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