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  • The Suez aftermath: Personalities and colonialism

    • Abstract: Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden en Macmillan was instrumenteel tydens die Suezkrisis wat beduidende implikasies vir die Midde-Ooste en die globale magsbalans meegebring het, maar nie een van hulle het heeltemal ongeskonde uit die krisis gekom nie. Eisenhower het die inperking van kommunisme as sy hoogste prioriteit geag en het Brittanje se koloniale erfenis as onhoudbaar beskou, en Dulles het die koloniale dimensie dikwels opgehaal. Brittanje se dalende status as 'n wêreldmoondheid is blootgelê en as 'n tweederangse moondheid bevestig. Die feit dat Brittanje 'n koloniale mag was, het 'n stigma gelaat waaraan Eden en Macmillan weinig kon doen. Dit was alombekend dat Eden die reëls van geheimhouding verontagsaam het in sy meedoënlose en bloedige strewe na regverdiging. Wat Eden se konserwatiewe regering noodlottig ondermyn het, was die onenigheid in sy eie geledere. Hyself was polities, fisies en emosioneel deur Suez verpletter. Macmillan het uit die wrak van Suez getree om 'n gedemoraliseerde Konserwatiewe Party te lei en 'n land wat nog in die dieptes van vertwyfeling verkeer het. Frankryk was diep gegrief oor Nasser se steun aan rebelle in Algerië. Die nagevolge van die krisis het die agteruitgang van Europese kolonialisme beklemtoon en 'n blywende impak op Frankryk se internasionale verhoudings gehad. Algerië het ontsaglike probleme vir Frankryk veroorsaak en selfs sy politieke stabiliteit bedreig.Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden and Macmillan played crucial roles in the Suez crisis, which had significant repercussions for the Middle East and the global balance of power. However, none of them entirely escaped the crisis unscathed. Eisenhower viewed containment of communism as his primary objective. He believed that it was untenable for the USA to identify with Britain's colonial past. Dulles rarely lost sight of the colonial dimension during the crisis. Ultimately, the crisis had a significant impact on Britain's international standing, confirming its status as a second-rate nation and revealing its waning status as a global power. As the international aspect of decolonisation was crucial for Macmillan to address, he pursued withdrawal from Africa as a vital objective to maintain and expand Britain's status as a powerful nation. He was unable to eradicate the stigma associated with the fact that Britain was a colonial power. His efforts to strengthen the status of Britain as a significant power through the Commonwealth were similarly ineffectual. The importance of British colonialism had attained its pinnacle. In some quarters, it was believed that Macmillan had always played a dubious role targeting Eden's removal as prime minister. Reasons for these apparent misrepresentations remain a matter of conjecture. The most favourable interpretation was that he attempted to use his association with Eisenhower from World War II to bolster Eden's domestic position against cabinet opponents. Alternately, he may have led Eden intentionally into a political catastrophe from which he expected to profit. He was the ultimate beneficiary of Suez. Macmillan was involved in all of the crucial decisions during the crisis and may have had greater intent than Eden to bring down Nasser. Added to the suspicions about Macmillan's behaviour was his reluctance, if not outright refusal, to formally evaluate Suez that prompted him to collaborate closely with the Cabinet Office in order to authorise ministerial memoirs and official publications that were required to be submitted to him prior to publication. As it involved extremely delicate concerns of foreign and domestic politics, he ruled that nothing could be published regarding Suez without his permission. In his ruthless and violent pursuit of vindication, it was common knowledge that Eden disregarded the norms of confidentiality. His conservative administration was fatally undermined by internal discord. Suez ruined him politically, materially and emotionally. Eden made the final decision to invade Egypt without extensive consultation with his cabinet, without playing open cards with the United States, and while keeping members of the Commonwealth in the dark. Suez remained a highly visible and fiercely contested issue in British academic, media and political circles, and a parliamentary campaign continued as new publications, radio and television programmes addressed new aspects of the issue. The crisis resulted in moral defeat and diplomatic catastrophe for the two former colonial powers. Their authority and prestige among Arab powers were irreparably harmed. They were now dependent on Israel, the youngest and most rapidly expanding military power in the Middle East. The crisis had an enduring effect on the international relations of France. Mollet, the French premier, disapproved of Nasser's support for Algerian insurgents who presented France with substantial challenges and even posed a threat to its political stability. Following the collapse of the Fourth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle was elected president of France. He held his own opinion about France's indispensable role in international affairs. Nasser was at ease within the Soviet sphere of influence due to hostility and vilification from the West. The Soviet Union and its allies took advantage of the concurrent Hungarian insurrection to condemn Western imperialism, thereby diverting global attention away from their own brutality in Hungary. Nasser emerged from the crisis with distinction owing to his Pan-Arab nationalism and neutrality. It allowed him to strengthen his position as an advocate for the Arab cause and decolonisation. The new realities, which the West encountered in the Middle East, turned out to be the decline of colonialism and the rise of nationalism.
       
  • The Suez aftermath: South Africa and liberation movements

    • Abstract: Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.
       
  • The coherence of and distinctions between social cost-benefit analysis and
           economic impact analysis of road projects

    • Abstract: Die hoofdoel van die sosialekoste-voordeel-ontleding (SKVO) van 'n pad is om die inligting oor die koste en voordele te verskaf wat nodig is om die lewensvatbaarheid, al dan nie, van die voorsiening en gebruik van die pad te beraam. Die kostekomponent in die SKVO is die eenmalige investeringskoste om die pad tot stand te bring, en die voordeelkomponent is die daling van die herhalende koste wat uit die gebruik en instandhouding van die pad sal spruit. Die hoofdoel van die ekonomiese-impakontleding (EKIO) van 'n pad behels dat die verwagte gevolge van die voorsiening en gebruik van die pad op die ekonomiese vertoning van 'n bepaalde streek geïdentifiseer en bereken word. Dié ontleding berus hoofsaaklik op die volgende: (a) die beraming van die verwagte eenmalige streeksinkome-vermenigvuldigereffek wat uit die investeringsbesteding aan die pad sal spruit, en (b) die beraming van die herhalende streeksinkome-versnellereffek wat uit die gebruik en instandhouding van die pad sal spruit. Die ekonomiese uitwerking van 'n padprojek word nie by 'n SKVO ingereken nie. Die rede hiervoor is drievoudig: Eerstens berus 'n SKVO op toewysingsdoelmatigheid as beoordelingsnorm, en 'n EKIO op doeltreffendheid as beoordelingsnorm. Die kombinering van doeltreffendheidsnorme en doelmatigheidsnorme sal tot 'n wanvertolking van 'n projek se ekonomiese lewensvatbaarheid lei. Tweedens sal voordele dubbeld getel word indien padgebruikerskostebesparings en ekonomiese impakte saamgevoeg word. Derdens kan ekonomiese voordele wat verkry word deur gekoördineerde investering in verskeie sektore, waarvan een 'n pad is, nie alles aan investering in die pad toegeskryf word nie.This article deals with the nature of social cost-benefit analysis (SCBA) and economic impact analysis (ECIA) of road projects and describes the coherence of and distinctions between the two types of analysis. In the final part of the article, the reasons are given for not including in an SCBA the economic impacts of a road as determined through an ECIA, regardless of how positive they may be. The SCBA of a road project is a systematic procedure to determine the economic viability of the road project by considering the costs and benefits that accrue when the road is constructed and during the service period of the project. The cost component in the SCBA of a road project is the once-off investment or capital cost of taking the road into service or improving it. The benefit component in the SCBA of a road is the difference between recurring costs associated with an improved road and without the road improvement. Recurring costs of a road include (a) road user costs, (b) external costs arising from road use and (c) maintenance costs to protect and preserve the usefulness of the road. The beneficiaries in an SCBA are the road users. The following road user groups can be distinguished: (i) Normal traffic (consisting of existing, normal-growth and non-induced development traffic; (ii) diverted traffic; and (iii) induced traffic (consisting of generated, induced development, and transferred traffic.) To assess the efficiency of resource allocation, an SCBA is based on the consideration of social cost. From the perspective of allocative efficiency, as determined by an SCBA, a road project is regarded as economically viable when the current value of the reduction in recurring costs associated with the road during its service life exceeds the current value of the once-off investment cost of taking the road into service. Road provision and use have economic impacts. Unlike an SCBA, which focuses on the efficiency with which a road project increases accessibility for and the mobility of road users, a regional economic impact analysis (ECIA) focuses on the effectiveness of a project to affect the performance of the economy of a region by enhancing time and place utilities creation by non-road-users. Consequently, an analysis of the effect construction, operation and use of a road will have on regional economic performance should focus on their expected income multiplier and accelerator effects on the number and size of activities in the economy of a region. The following non-road-user groups can be distinguished: (a) The public, (b) landowners, occupants and land users, (c) roadside enterprises, (d) utility enterprises and (e) goods consignors and consignees (in their capacity as non-road-users). An ECIA is based on a consideration of market prices. In an ECIA the following objectives serve as criteria for judging the impact of a road project on the performance of the economy: • Economic growth (including economic development) • Full employment • Price stability • Balance of payments stability • Equitable distribution of income These impacts, regardless of how positive they may be, are not included in an SCBA for the following reasons: • A comprehensive economic assessment consists of two components that are performed in tandem, namely an SCBA and an ECIA. An SCBA relies on allocative efficiency as assessment criterion, while an ECIA relies on output effectiveness as assessment criterion. The inclusion of effectiveness criteria among efficiency criteria in an SCBA will result in a misrepresentation of project viability. • Double counting of benefits will occur when road user cost savings and economic impacts are combined. • Not all the economic benefits obtained through coordinated investment in various sectors, one of which may be a road, can be ascribed to the investment in the road alone. The reason for conducting an ECIA of a road project is to determine to what measure the analysed road is expected to affect the performance of the economy of the region concerned. Although the results of an ECIA do not form part of the outcome of an SCBA, an ECIA can be used as an instrument in the pursuit of the economic policy objectives of a government.
       
  • Determination of the increased national income that stems from the
           provision and use of economically viable roads

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel dui aan hoe die eenmalige verhoging in streeksinkome wat uit investeringsbesteding tydens die bou van 'n pad spruit, en die herhalende bykomende streeksinkome wat uit die gebruik van 'n ekonomies geregverdigde nuwe pad spruit, deur onderskeidelik streeksinkomevermenigvuldigerontleding en streeksinkome-versnellerontleding beraam kan word. Om die effek van die streeksinkomevermenigvuldiger van die uitgawe verbonde aan die bou van 'n pad te bepaal, moet (i) die belastings wat by die bou-uitgawe ingesluit is, as 'n verhouding van die totale bou-uitgawe, (ii) die bedrae geld wat deur projekwerkers gespaar word, as 'n verhouding van die totale bou-uitgawe, en (iii) die besteding aan ingevoerde projekinsette, as 'n verhouding van die totale bou-uitgawe, bepaal word. Ontledings wat bogenoemde drie fondslekkasies uit die kringloop van streeksinkome in ag neem, toon dat die verteenwoordigende inkomevermenigvuldiger van Suid-Afrikaanse bouprojekte vir buitestedelike geplaveide paaie 'n waarde van 4,58 het. Op die beoordelingskaal van inkomevermenigvuldigerwaardes vir die bou van buitestedelike paaie bied dit aan die staat 'n "baie goeie" geleentheid om inkome te genereer, veral as in ag geneem word dat die gemiddelde inkomevermenigvuldiger van besteding in die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie 'n waarde van 3,27 het. Die formules waarmee die eenmalige inkomevermenigvuldiger beraam word, word in die liggaam van die artikel uiteengesit. Die herhalende versnelde streeksinkome wat uit die gebruik van 'n ekonomies lewensvat-bare pad spruit, is gelyk aan die produk van (a) die huidige waarde van die herhalende pad-gebruikersvoordele wat uit die gebruik van die pad spruit, en (b) die waarde van die streeks-inkomeversneller van die gebruik van die pad. 'n Streeksinkomeversneller wat as verstekwaarde kan dien in die ekonomiese-impakontleding van 'n ekonomies lewensvatbare geplaveide buitestedelike pad in gevalle waar dit nie haalbaar is om 'n projek-eie versneller te probeer beraam nie, word in die artikel bereken. Die formules waarmee die herhalende-inkomeversneller beraam word, word in die liggaam van die artikel uiteengesit.The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how the once-off increase in regional income that will result from investment in roads and the recurring increase in regional income that will stem from the use of economically viable new roads can be estimated. Once-off economic benefits occur because of the multiplier effect triggered by the initial investment expenditure on a road, while recurring economic benefits result from the income accelerator effect that use of the road during its service period will have. To determine the regional income multiplier effect of the investment expenditure on a proposed road during its construction period, it is necessary to estimate (i) the tax amounts included in the investment amount as a ratio of the total project investment amount, (ii) the monetary amount saved by project workers as a ratio of the total project investment amount, and (iii) the expenditure on imported project inputs as a ratio of the total project investment amount. An analysis that incorporates the above-mentioned three fund leakages from the circular flow of regional income will show that the representative income multiplier of South African rural paved road construction projects has a value of 4,58. The gross national income multiplier effect stemming from road construction expenditure can be categorised as follows: In the rating scale above, a gross national income multiplier effect stemming from road construction projects with a value of less than 2,00 is regarded as "poor", because such a multiplier value is usually associated with economically unviable road projects. Gross national road construction multiplier effects with a value of 2,00 or more are associated with economically viable projects. An analysis as referred to above will show that, with a once-off gross income multiplier value of 4,58, the construction of economically viable roads will afford the government a "very good" opportunity to generate income effectively, especially considering that the national economy-wide gross income multiplier in South Africa is 3,27, which shows that the gross income multiplier of road construction is 40% higher than the economy-wide gross income multiplier. The reasons why the once-off gross regional income multiplier stemming from construction expenditure on rural road projects is "very good" are as follows: Multiplier Rating 1 – 1,99 Poor 2 – 2,99 Satisfactory 3 – 3,99 Good 4 – 4,99 Very good < 5 Excellent (1) A substantial proportion of the payroll of road construction workers is subject to zero or low personal income tax rates. (2) The propensity to consume among rural, unskilled and semi-skilled workers (in areas where rural roads are constructed) is generally high, which implies a low savings leakage. (3) Labourers needed for road construction are usually recruited from (or from close by) the areas where a road is to be built. Furthermore, low-income earners tend to buy and consume goods that are produced locally. (4) Generally, there is a relatively small need to import economic resources for road construction projects. Items like timber, sand, stone, gravel, filling material, bitumen, cement, steel and most of the road construction equipment are of regional or, at least, South African origin. The pace at which an economically viable road will stimulate regional income will be reflected by the new traffic it induces and any existing traffic that it diverts from less beneficial roads. In the social cost-benefit analysis of a road, it is estimated by what proportion induced and diverted traffic will increase the road user surplus. This expected proportional increase in road user surplus will accelerate (stimulate) the once-off regional multiplier and is termed the "regional income stimulation factor". Project-driven induced investment activi...
       
  • Religion as a formative factor of education in the BRICS countries

    • Abstract: 'n Onderwysstelsel word deur verskeie samelewingskontekstuele kragte gevorm. Hierdie kontekstuele faktore sluit taal, demografie, geografie, tegnologie, politiek en finansiële en ekonomiese tendense in. Godsdiens is een van die laasgenoemde tendense wat 'n onderwys-stelsel kan beïnvloed. Die BRICS-organisasie bestaan uit Brasilië, Rusland, Indië, Sjina en Suid-Afrika en is 'n supra-nasionale blok wat baie aandag in die openbare sowel as akademiese diskoers oor internasionale politiek en maatskaplike kwessies trek (De Beer, 2017). Godsdiens word wyd geag as 'n omstrede en sensitiewe faktor in onderwysstelsels (sien Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010). In hierdie artikel word godsdiens as vormgewende faktor van die onderwysstelsels in die BRICS-lande ondersoek, om die waarde daarvan as 'n aanskouingsles vir Suid-Afrika en ander lande te bepaal. Die BRICS-lidlande is doelbewus vir hierdie navorsing gekies weens die besondere waarde van hierdie lande as vertoonvenster van onderwysstelsels se antwoord op samelewingstendense van die een-en-twintigste eeu. Dokumentontleding is uitgevoer ten opsigte van beleidsdokumente, wetgewing, artikels en staatspublikasies, ten einde inligting in te samel. In die verwerking en interpretasie van inligting is die metableties-vergelykende metode gebruik ten einde beste praktyke ten opsigte van die hantering van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels vanuit die BRICS-lidlande te identifiseer. Die ondersoek het ernstige tekortkominge in al die BRICS-lande se hantering van godsdiens in onderwys aan die lig gebring. Nie een van die lande se beleid of praktyk slaag die toets, soos gemeet aan die Verenigde Nasies se Handves van Menseregte nie. Die noodsaak van voortgesette navorsing oor die plek van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels van die wêreld word ten slotte verduidelik.Education systems are shaped by various internal and external contextual forces (De Beer, 2017). External contextual trends typically include language, demography, geography, technology, politics, and financial and economic trends. Religion represents one of these external contextual trends that can affect an education system (see Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010; Wolhuter & Van der Walt, 2018). Making use of established metabletic-comparative methodology, this article seeks to highlight the impact of religion as a formative factor of education in the BRICS countries. Religion is treated significantly differently in the education systems of the BRICS member states. In schools in India and China, no religious activities are allowed in accordance with the respective constitutions, while any religious activities may take place in schools in Brazil, Russia and South Africa, provided that the activities comply with particular guidelines. Broadly considered, any religious activities are conducted in primary schools in Brazil, provided that attendance is voluntary. Religion in Brazilian schools is influenced by the strong position of the Roman Catholic faith in Brazilian society, which could potentially be detrimental to minority groups in Brazil (Senefonte, 2018:440). Learners in Russia, according to Russian law, are free to choose for themselves the religious module in which they wish to receive education. Schools in Russia do not, however, always implement this legislation correctly, since a school's resources actually determine which module the learners should take. The manner in which religion is being dealt with, causes unhappiness among learners and parents as they do not really have freedom of choice regarding the religious module in which they wish to receive instruction (Zöllner, 2016). The legislation in China clearly states that no religious activities may take place in public schools, yet the ruling party of China intends to enshrine tenets of atheism in learners in schools (Vickers, 2022; Wang & Froese, 2020). Compared to the other BRICS member states, China has the most officially, constitutionally recognised ethnic groups. In terms of legislation and policy formulations, the ethnic minority groups obtain various benefits in terms of education. The wide variety of ethnic groupings poses various challenges to the government of China as the views of all these groups in the education system have to be taken into account. Various documents, including the South African Schools Act 76 of 1996, and other education policies provide clear guidelines as to how religion ought to be dealt with in South African schools. In South Africa, learners are taught various major deities worldwide. All learners in South Africa are exposed to the concept of religion through the subject Life Orientation (Grades 7-12). Teachers in South Africaface the challenge of respecting all kinds of religions and not preaching their own views on a religion. This challenge of respecting all religions can result in conflict in schools, as learners may feel that they will be discriminated against if one type of religion is singled out, for example during assembly. This underscores the role and value of South African teachers in inculcating citizenship values (see Wolhuter, Janmaat, Van der Walt & Potgieter, 2020). The Government of India faces opposition from minority groups with regard to religion in schools as the socio-political hegemony religion is especially preferred in terms of the drafting of academic textbooks (Traub, 2018). This preferential treatment of a particular religion is contrary to the Indian constitution, as no single religion may be singled out, nor should any religion be discriminated against (Majumdar, 2018). The preference given to a particular religion in textbooks can result in a negative impact on the education system of India. The analysis and interpretation show that there is still a close relationship between religion and education in the BRICS countries. However, all five BRICS member states face different problems regarding religion and each of the five...
       
  • The phenomenon of maternal filicide reconsidered critically within a
           cross-cultural framework

    • Abstract: In hierdie bydrae poog ek om sin te maak van die verontrustende verskynsel van kindermoord deur die moeder binne die breër konteks van die verwaarloosde diskoers oor die moeder in die Weste. Afgesien van my vlugtige naspeuring van Kristeva (2002b) se begrip van abjeksie, ondersoek ek ook ander teoretiese voorstelle in hierdie verband. Ek beoog om die mite van 'n vanselfsprekende moederskapsinstink krities te beoordeel, naamlik dat dit geensins natuurlik van aard is nie. Hierdie aanvullende teoretiese voorstelle dui op 'n feministiese invalshoek en Hrdy (2000) se insig dat vroue se prehistoriese ongebonde seksualiteit geherkanaliseer is ten einde moederskap as "natuurlik" weer te gee. Ek speur hierdie motiverings na ten einde 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van sodanige politieke en ideologiese onderbou te bereik. Ek wend my dus tot 'n feministiese metodologie en, gesien in die lig van die kruiskulturele strekking van die begrip moederskap, begrond ek my benadering op 'n sodanige onderbou. Ten einde 'n kruiskulturele raamwerk te regverdig, ontleed ek vier onlangse voorbeelde van kindermoord deur die moeder soos wat die verskynsel in verskillende kulture afgespeel het. Aangesien kindermoord deur die moeder 'n kruiskulturele verskynsel is, betoog ek dat transnasionale teorie waardevol is vir 'n ontplooiing van en besinning oor hierdie aangrypende en ontstellende verskynsel. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe ek kom, is dat kindermoord deur die moeder beduidend aansluiting vind by Blumberg (2009) se begrip evolusionêre uitputting en ek betoog dat die verwaarlosing van die diskoers oor die moeder, soos Kristeva (1982) ook indirek aandui, opsetlik is, aangesien dit andersins aanleiding sou kon gee tot 'n beëindiging van moederskap as 'n praktykinstelling. It is a beleaguered time for those of us who believe in the right of intellectuals, artists and ordinary, affronted citizens to push boundaries and take risks and so, at times, to change the way we see the world. - Salman Rushdie (2021:219)In this contribution, I aim to make sense of the (somewhat) uncommon and disturbing phenomenon of maternal filicide within a broader context of the so-called neglected discourse of the mother in the West. Contemporary examples of countries where maternal filicide have been recorded are Germany, South Africa, the United States and New Zealand and these instances are recounted in the introduction to illustrate the cross-cultural and transnational nature of the problem, as well as the fact that its universal appearance allows for a justifiable feminist methodology. In order to justify a cross-cultural methodological angle, I analyse four recent examples or case studies of maternal filicide in an attempt to isolate the underlying factors contributing to this horrific social phenomenon. My conclusion is that although structural realities (material and/or emotional bereftness) were the major or ultimate reasons which led to the final decision to execute, it is (neoliberal) patriarchy, and the values ensconced within this framework, that ultimately set the stage for the countdown. Apart from my brief investigation of Kristeva's (2002b) notion of abjection, in order to grasp her thinking in the context of an especially Western feminist paradigm, I also consider other theoretical models in this regard. This is an important consideration since it is in my view difficult to understand the construct of motherhood without the benefit of a wider appreciation of a general scholarship on the topic. My intention is to critically assess the myths about the social construct of motherhood, namely that such construct is in no way "natural" in the sense in which patriarchy would have us believe. These additional theoretical suggestions include a feminist appreciation of the fractured mother-daughter relationship and Hrdy's (2000) insight that women's unbounded, prehistoric sexuality had been repurposed in order to refashion motherhood as "natural". In particular, I argue, by analogy of Blumberg's (2009) notion of freaks in evolutionary biology, that the social construct of motherhood and areas of exhaustion in such a biology, evince structural similarities; since patriarchal forms of oppression force women as mothers to operate outside the boundaries of conventional social norms. I tender these considerations with the aim of reaching a more nuanced understanding of the concept of motherhood's political and ideological underpinnings. As such, I employ a feminist methodology within a transnational theoretical framework in view of motherhood being a cross-cultural phenomenon. Even though a number of theoretical trajectories are considered and employed, I argue that this approach is in fact one of the strengths of this contribution since the proliferation of feminist theoretical perspectives has been seen as being conducive to the feminist project's open-endedness, rather than patriarchy's attempt to close off the debate, as my analogous exploration of the historical course of motherhood demonstrates. I argue that this phenomenon can only be understood properly within the wider context of motherhood as a cultural, political and ideological construct with nuanced and complicated underpinnings. In this way, an indirect approach is likely to show up insights which a direct method would miss or underappreciate. I reach the conclusion that maternal filicide, significantly even as transnational, cross-cultural phenomenon, finds credible explanation in Blumberg's (2009) concept of evolutionary exhaustion. I further argue that the neglect of discourse on the mother, as Kristeva (1982) presciently pointed out, is by design, since the alternative, its proliferation, could and almost certainly would lead to the demise of m/otherhood.
       
  • Weer 'n slag die AWS

    • Abstract: In hierdie bydrae poog ek om sin te maak van die verontrustende verskynsel van kindermoord deur die moeder binne die breër konteks van die verwaarloosde diskoers oor die moeder in die Weste. Afgesien van my vlugtige naspeuring van Kristeva (2002b) se begrip van abjeksie, ondersoek ek ook ander teoretiese voorstelle in hierdie verband. Ek beoog om die mite van 'n vanselfsprekende moederskapsinstink krities te beoordeel, naamlik dat dit geensins natuurlik van aard is nie. Hierdie aanvullende teoretiese voorstelle dui op 'n feministiese invalshoek en Hrdy (2000) se insig dat vroue se prehistoriese ongebonde seksualiteit geherkanaliseer is ten einde moederskap as "natuurlik" weer te gee. Ek speur hierdie motiverings na ten einde 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van sodanige politieke en ideologiese onderbou te bereik. Ek wend my dus tot 'n feministiese metodologie en, gesien in die lig van die kruiskulturele strekking van die begrip moederskap, begrond ek my benadering op 'n sodanige onderbou. Ten einde 'n kruiskulturele raamwerk te regverdig, ontleed ek vier onlangse voorbeelde van kindermoord deur die moeder soos wat die verskynsel in verskillende kulture afgespeel het. Aangesien kindermoord deur die moeder 'n kruiskulturele verskynsel is, betoog ek dat transnasionale teorie waardevol is vir 'n ontplooiing van en besinning oor hierdie aangrypende en ontstellende verskynsel. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe ek kom, is dat kindermoord deur die moeder beduidend aansluiting vind by Blumberg (2009) se begrip evolusionêre uitputting en ek betoog dat die verwaarlosing van die diskoers oor die moeder, soos Kristeva (1982) ook indirek aandui, opsetlik is, aangesien dit andersins aanleiding sou kon gee tot 'n beëindiging van moederskap as 'n praktykinstelling. It is a beleaguered time for those of us who believe in the right of intellectuals, artists and ordinary, affronted citizens to push boundaries and take risks and so, at times, to change the way we see the world. - Salman Rushdie (2021:219)In this contribution, I aim to make sense of the (somewhat) uncommon and disturbing phenomenon of maternal filicide within a broader context of the so-called neglected discourse of the mother in the West. Contemporary examples of countries where maternal filicide have been recorded are Germany, South Africa, the United States and New Zealand and these instances are recounted in the introduction to illustrate the cross-cultural and transnational nature of the problem, as well as the fact that its universal appearance allows for a justifiable feminist methodology. In order to justify a cross-cultural methodological angle, I analyse four recent examples or case studies of maternal filicide in an attempt to isolate the underlying factors contributing to this horrific social phenomenon. My conclusion is that although structural realities (material and/or emotional bereftness) were the major or ultimate reasons which led to the final decision to execute, it is (neoliberal) patriarchy, and the values ensconced within this framework, that ultimately set the stage for the countdown. Apart from my brief investigation of Kristeva's (2002b) notion of abjection, in order to grasp her thinking in the context of an especially Western feminist paradigm, I also consider other theoretical models in this regard. This is an important consideration since it is in my view difficult to understand the construct of motherhood without the benefit of a wider appreciation of a general scholarship on the topic. My intention is to critically assess the myths about the social construct of motherhood, namely that such construct is in no way "natural" in the sense in which patriarchy would have us believe. These additional theoretical suggestions include a feminist appreciation of the fractured mother-daughter relationship and Hrdy's (2000) insight that women's unbounded, prehistoric sexuality had been repurposed in order to refashion motherhood as "natural". In particular, I argue, by analogy of Blumberg's (2009) notion of freaks in evolutionary biology, that the social construct of motherhood and areas of exhaustion in such a biology, evince structural similarities; since patriarchal forms of oppression force women as mothers to operate outside the boundaries of conventional social norms. I tender these considerations with the aim of reaching a more nuanced understanding of the concept of motherhood's political and ideological underpinnings. As such, I employ a feminist methodology within a transnational theoretical framework in view of motherhood being a cross-cultural phenomenon. Even though a number of theoretical trajectories are considered and employed, I argue that this approach is in fact one of the strengths of this contribution since the proliferation of feminist theoretical perspectives has been seen as being conducive to the feminist project's open-endedness, rather than patriarchy's attempt to close off the debate, as my analogous exploration of the historical course of motherhood demonstrates. I argue that this phenomenon can only be understood properly within the wider context of motherhood as a cultural, political and ideological construct with nuanced and complicated underpinnings. In this way, an indirect approach is likely to show up insights which a direct method would miss or underappreciate. I reach the conclusion that maternal filicide, significantly even as transnational, cross-cultural phenomenon, finds credible explanation in Blumberg's (2009) concept of evolutionary exhaustion. I further argue that the neglect of discourse on the mother, as Kristeva (1982) presciently pointed out, is by design, since the alternative, its proliferation, could and almost certainly would lead to the demise of m/otherhood.
       
  • Afrikaans literature in the Netherlands in 2023

    • Abstract: In hierdie bydrae poog ek om sin te maak van die verontrustende verskynsel van kindermoord deur die moeder binne die breër konteks van die verwaarloosde diskoers oor die moeder in die Weste. Afgesien van my vlugtige naspeuring van Kristeva (2002b) se begrip van abjeksie, ondersoek ek ook ander teoretiese voorstelle in hierdie verband. Ek beoog om die mite van 'n vanselfsprekende moederskapsinstink krities te beoordeel, naamlik dat dit geensins natuurlik van aard is nie. Hierdie aanvullende teoretiese voorstelle dui op 'n feministiese invalshoek en Hrdy (2000) se insig dat vroue se prehistoriese ongebonde seksualiteit geherkanaliseer is ten einde moederskap as "natuurlik" weer te gee. Ek speur hierdie motiverings na ten einde 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van sodanige politieke en ideologiese onderbou te bereik. Ek wend my dus tot 'n feministiese metodologie en, gesien in die lig van die kruiskulturele strekking van die begrip moederskap, begrond ek my benadering op 'n sodanige onderbou. Ten einde 'n kruiskulturele raamwerk te regverdig, ontleed ek vier onlangse voorbeelde van kindermoord deur die moeder soos wat die verskynsel in verskillende kulture afgespeel het. Aangesien kindermoord deur die moeder 'n kruiskulturele verskynsel is, betoog ek dat transnasionale teorie waardevol is vir 'n ontplooiing van en besinning oor hierdie aangrypende en ontstellende verskynsel. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe ek kom, is dat kindermoord deur die moeder beduidend aansluiting vind by Blumberg (2009) se begrip evolusionêre uitputting en ek betoog dat die verwaarlosing van die diskoers oor die moeder, soos Kristeva (1982) ook indirek aandui, opsetlik is, aangesien dit andersins aanleiding sou kon gee tot 'n beëindiging van moederskap as 'n praktykinstelling. It is a beleaguered time for those of us who believe in the right of intellectuals, artists and ordinary, affronted citizens to push boundaries and take risks and so, at times, to change the way we see the world. - Salman Rushdie (2021:219)In this contribution, I aim to make sense of the (somewhat) uncommon and disturbing phenomenon of maternal filicide within a broader context of the so-called neglected discourse of the mother in the West. Contemporary examples of countries where maternal filicide have been recorded are Germany, South Africa, the United States and New Zealand and these instances are recounted in the introduction to illustrate the cross-cultural and transnational nature of the problem, as well as the fact that its universal appearance allows for a justifiable feminist methodology. In order to justify a cross-cultural methodological angle, I analyse four recent examples or case studies of maternal filicide in an attempt to isolate the underlying factors contributing to this horrific social phenomenon. My conclusion is that although structural realities (material and/or emotional bereftness) were the major or ultimate reasons which led to the final decision to execute, it is (neoliberal) patriarchy, and the values ensconced within this framework, that ultimately set the stage for the countdown. Apart from my brief investigation of Kristeva's (2002b) notion of abjection, in order to grasp her thinking in the context of an especially Western feminist paradigm, I also consider other theoretical models in this regard. This is an important consideration since it is in my view difficult to understand the construct of motherhood without the benefit of a wider appreciation of a general scholarship on the topic. My intention is to critically assess the myths about the social construct of motherhood, namely that such construct is in no way "natural" in the sense in which patriarchy would have us believe. These additional theoretical suggestions include a feminist appreciation of the fractured mother-daughter relationship and Hrdy's (2000) insight that women's unbounded, prehistoric sexuality had been repurposed in order to refashion motherhood as "natural". In particular, I argue, by analogy of Blumberg's (2009) notion of freaks in evolutionary biology, that the social construct of motherhood and areas of exhaustion in such a biology, evince structural similarities; since patriarchal forms of oppression force women as mothers to operate outside the boundaries of conventional social norms. I tender these considerations with the aim of reaching a more nuanced understanding of the concept of motherhood's political and ideological underpinnings. As such, I employ a feminist methodology within a transnational theoretical framework in view of motherhood being a cross-cultural phenomenon. Even though a number of theoretical trajectories are considered and employed, I argue that this approach is in fact one of the strengths of this contribution since the proliferation of feminist theoretical perspectives has been seen as being conducive to the feminist project's open-endedness, rather than patriarchy's attempt to close off the debate, as my analogous exploration of the historical course of motherhood demonstrates. I argue that this phenomenon can only be understood properly within the wider context of motherhood as a cultural, political and ideological construct with nuanced and complicated underpinnings. In this way, an indirect approach is likely to show up insights which a direct method would miss or underappreciate. I reach the conclusion that maternal filicide, significantly even as transnational, cross-cultural phenomenon, finds credible explanation in Blumberg's (2009) concept of evolutionary exhaustion. I further argue that the neglect of discourse on the mother, as Kristeva (1982) presciently pointed out, is by design, since the alternative, its proliferation, could and almost certainly would lead to the demise of m/otherhood.
       
  • Wat is Verligting'

    • Abstract: In hierdie bydrae poog ek om sin te maak van die verontrustende verskynsel van kindermoord deur die moeder binne die breër konteks van die verwaarloosde diskoers oor die moeder in die Weste. Afgesien van my vlugtige naspeuring van Kristeva (2002b) se begrip van abjeksie, ondersoek ek ook ander teoretiese voorstelle in hierdie verband. Ek beoog om die mite van 'n vanselfsprekende moederskapsinstink krities te beoordeel, naamlik dat dit geensins natuurlik van aard is nie. Hierdie aanvullende teoretiese voorstelle dui op 'n feministiese invalshoek en Hrdy (2000) se insig dat vroue se prehistoriese ongebonde seksualiteit geherkanaliseer is ten einde moederskap as "natuurlik" weer te gee. Ek speur hierdie motiverings na ten einde 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van sodanige politieke en ideologiese onderbou te bereik. Ek wend my dus tot 'n feministiese metodologie en, gesien in die lig van die kruiskulturele strekking van die begrip moederskap, begrond ek my benadering op 'n sodanige onderbou. Ten einde 'n kruiskulturele raamwerk te regverdig, ontleed ek vier onlangse voorbeelde van kindermoord deur die moeder soos wat die verskynsel in verskillende kulture afgespeel het. Aangesien kindermoord deur die moeder 'n kruiskulturele verskynsel is, betoog ek dat transnasionale teorie waardevol is vir 'n ontplooiing van en besinning oor hierdie aangrypende en ontstellende verskynsel. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe ek kom, is dat kindermoord deur die moeder beduidend aansluiting vind by Blumberg (2009) se begrip evolusionêre uitputting en ek betoog dat die verwaarlosing van die diskoers oor die moeder, soos Kristeva (1982) ook indirek aandui, opsetlik is, aangesien dit andersins aanleiding sou kon gee tot 'n beëindiging van moederskap as 'n praktykinstelling. It is a beleaguered time for those of us who believe in the right of intellectuals, artists and ordinary, affronted citizens to push boundaries and take risks and so, at times, to change the way we see the world. - Salman Rushdie (2021:219)In this contribution, I aim to make sense of the (somewhat) uncommon and disturbing phenomenon of maternal filicide within a broader context of the so-called neglected discourse of the mother in the West. Contemporary examples of countries where maternal filicide have been recorded are Germany, South Africa, the United States and New Zealand and these instances are recounted in the introduction to illustrate the cross-cultural and transnational nature of the problem, as well as the fact that its universal appearance allows for a justifiable feminist methodology. In order to justify a cross-cultural methodological angle, I analyse four recent examples or case studies of maternal filicide in an attempt to isolate the underlying factors contributing to this horrific social phenomenon. My conclusion is that although structural realities (material and/or emotional bereftness) were the major or ultimate reasons which led to the final decision to execute, it is (neoliberal) patriarchy, and the values ensconced within this framework, that ultimately set the stage for the countdown. Apart from my brief investigation of Kristeva's (2002b) notion of abjection, in order to grasp her thinking in the context of an especially Western feminist paradigm, I also consider other theoretical models in this regard. This is an important consideration since it is in my view difficult to understand the construct of motherhood without the benefit of a wider appreciation of a general scholarship on the topic. My intention is to critically assess the myths about the social construct of motherhood, namely that such construct is in no way "natural" in the sense in which patriarchy would have us believe. These additional theoretical suggestions include a feminist appreciation of the fractured mother-daughter relationship and Hrdy's (2000) insight that women's unbounded, prehistoric sexuality had been repurposed in order to refashion motherhood as "natural". In particular, I argue, by analogy of Blumberg's (2009) notion of freaks in evolutionary biology, that the social construct of motherhood and areas of exhaustion in such a biology, evince structural similarities; since patriarchal forms of oppression force women as mothers to operate outside the boundaries of conventional social norms. I tender these considerations with the aim of reaching a more nuanced understanding of the concept of motherhood's political and ideological underpinnings. As such, I employ a feminist methodology within a transnational theoretical framework in view of motherhood being a cross-cultural phenomenon. Even though a number of theoretical trajectories are considered and employed, I argue that this approach is in fact one of the strengths of this contribution since the proliferation of feminist theoretical perspectives has been seen as being conducive to the feminist project's open-endedness, rather than patriarchy's attempt to close off the debate, as my analogous exploration of the historical course of motherhood demonstrates. I argue that this phenomenon can only be understood properly within the wider context of motherhood as a cultural, political and ideological construct with nuanced and complicated underpinnings. In this way, an indirect approach is likely to show up insights which a direct method would miss or underappreciate. I reach the conclusion that maternal filicide, significantly even as transnational, cross-cultural phenomenon, finds credible explanation in Blumberg's (2009) concept of evolutionary exhaustion. I further argue that the neglect of discourse on the mother, as Kristeva (1982) presciently pointed out, is by design, since the alternative, its proliferation, could and almost certainly would lead to the demise of m/otherhood.
       
  • Afrikaanses

    • Abstract: In hierdie bydrae poog ek om sin te maak van die verontrustende verskynsel van kindermoord deur die moeder binne die breër konteks van die verwaarloosde diskoers oor die moeder in die Weste. Afgesien van my vlugtige naspeuring van Kristeva (2002b) se begrip van abjeksie, ondersoek ek ook ander teoretiese voorstelle in hierdie verband. Ek beoog om die mite van 'n vanselfsprekende moederskapsinstink krities te beoordeel, naamlik dat dit geensins natuurlik van aard is nie. Hierdie aanvullende teoretiese voorstelle dui op 'n feministiese invalshoek en Hrdy (2000) se insig dat vroue se prehistoriese ongebonde seksualiteit geherkanaliseer is ten einde moederskap as "natuurlik" weer te gee. Ek speur hierdie motiverings na ten einde 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van sodanige politieke en ideologiese onderbou te bereik. Ek wend my dus tot 'n feministiese metodologie en, gesien in die lig van die kruiskulturele strekking van die begrip moederskap, begrond ek my benadering op 'n sodanige onderbou. Ten einde 'n kruiskulturele raamwerk te regverdig, ontleed ek vier onlangse voorbeelde van kindermoord deur die moeder soos wat die verskynsel in verskillende kulture afgespeel het. Aangesien kindermoord deur die moeder 'n kruiskulturele verskynsel is, betoog ek dat transnasionale teorie waardevol is vir 'n ontplooiing van en besinning oor hierdie aangrypende en ontstellende verskynsel. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe ek kom, is dat kindermoord deur die moeder beduidend aansluiting vind by Blumberg (2009) se begrip evolusionêre uitputting en ek betoog dat die verwaarlosing van die diskoers oor die moeder, soos Kristeva (1982) ook indirek aandui, opsetlik is, aangesien dit andersins aanleiding sou kon gee tot 'n beëindiging van moederskap as 'n praktykinstelling. It is a beleaguered time for those of us who believe in the right of intellectuals, artists and ordinary, affronted citizens to push boundaries and take risks and so, at times, to change the way we see the world. - Salman Rushdie (2021:219)In this contribution, I aim to make sense of the (somewhat) uncommon and disturbing phenomenon of maternal filicide within a broader context of the so-called neglected discourse of the mother in the West. Contemporary examples of countries where maternal filicide have been recorded are Germany, South Africa, the United States and New Zealand and these instances are recounted in the introduction to illustrate the cross-cultural and transnational nature of the problem, as well as the fact that its universal appearance allows for a justifiable feminist methodology. In order to justify a cross-cultural methodological angle, I analyse four recent examples or case studies of maternal filicide in an attempt to isolate the underlying factors contributing to this horrific social phenomenon. My conclusion is that although structural realities (material and/or emotional bereftness) were the major or ultimate reasons which led to the final decision to execute, it is (neoliberal) patriarchy, and the values ensconced within this framework, that ultimately set the stage for the countdown. Apart from my brief investigation of Kristeva's (2002b) notion of abjection, in order to grasp her thinking in the context of an especially Western feminist paradigm, I also consider other theoretical models in this regard. This is an important consideration since it is in my view difficult to understand the construct of motherhood without the benefit of a wider appreciation of a general scholarship on the topic. My intention is to critically assess the myths about the social construct of motherhood, namely that such construct is in no way "natural" in the sense in which patriarchy would have us believe. These additional theoretical suggestions include a feminist appreciation of the fractured mother-daughter relationship and Hrdy's (2000) insight that women's unbounded, prehistoric sexuality had been repurposed in order to refashion motherhood as "natural". In particular, I argue, by analogy of Blumberg's (2009) notion of freaks in evolutionary biology, that the social construct of motherhood and areas of exhaustion in such a biology, evince structural similarities; since patriarchal forms of oppression force women as mothers to operate outside the boundaries of conventional social norms. I tender these considerations with the aim of reaching a more nuanced understanding of the concept of motherhood's political and ideological underpinnings. As such, I employ a feminist methodology within a transnational theoretical framework in view of motherhood being a cross-cultural phenomenon. Even though a number of theoretical trajectories are considered and employed, I argue that this approach is in fact one of the strengths of this contribution since the proliferation of feminist theoretical perspectives has been seen as being conducive to the feminist project's open-endedness, rather than patriarchy's attempt to close off the debate, as my analogous exploration of the historical course of motherhood demonstrates. I argue that this phenomenon can only be understood properly within the wider context of motherhood as a cultural, political and ideological construct with nuanced and complicated underpinnings. In this way, an indirect approach is likely to show up insights which a direct method would miss or underappreciate. I reach the conclusion that maternal filicide, significantly even as transnational, cross-cultural phenomenon, finds credible explanation in Blumberg's (2009) concept of evolutionary exhaustion. I further argue that the neglect of discourse on the mother, as Kristeva (1982) presciently pointed out, is by design, since the alternative, its proliferation, could and almost certainly would lead to the demise of m/otherhood.
       
  • Errata

    • Abstract: In hierdie bydrae poog ek om sin te maak van die verontrustende verskynsel van kindermoord deur die moeder binne die breër konteks van die verwaarloosde diskoers oor die moeder in die Weste. Afgesien van my vlugtige naspeuring van Kristeva (2002b) se begrip van abjeksie, ondersoek ek ook ander teoretiese voorstelle in hierdie verband. Ek beoog om die mite van 'n vanselfsprekende moederskapsinstink krities te beoordeel, naamlik dat dit geensins natuurlik van aard is nie. Hierdie aanvullende teoretiese voorstelle dui op 'n feministiese invalshoek en Hrdy (2000) se insig dat vroue se prehistoriese ongebonde seksualiteit geherkanaliseer is ten einde moederskap as "natuurlik" weer te gee. Ek speur hierdie motiverings na ten einde 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van sodanige politieke en ideologiese onderbou te bereik. Ek wend my dus tot 'n feministiese metodologie en, gesien in die lig van die kruiskulturele strekking van die begrip moederskap, begrond ek my benadering op 'n sodanige onderbou. Ten einde 'n kruiskulturele raamwerk te regverdig, ontleed ek vier onlangse voorbeelde van kindermoord deur die moeder soos wat die verskynsel in verskillende kulture afgespeel het. Aangesien kindermoord deur die moeder 'n kruiskulturele verskynsel is, betoog ek dat transnasionale teorie waardevol is vir 'n ontplooiing van en besinning oor hierdie aangrypende en ontstellende verskynsel. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe ek kom, is dat kindermoord deur die moeder beduidend aansluiting vind by Blumberg (2009) se begrip evolusionêre uitputting en ek betoog dat die verwaarlosing van die diskoers oor die moeder, soos Kristeva (1982) ook indirek aandui, opsetlik is, aangesien dit andersins aanleiding sou kon gee tot 'n beëindiging van moederskap as 'n praktykinstelling. It is a beleaguered time for those of us who believe in the right of intellectuals, artists and ordinary, affronted citizens to push boundaries and take risks and so, at times, to change the way we see the world. - Salman Rushdie (2021:219)In this contribution, I aim to make sense of the (somewhat) uncommon and disturbing phenomenon of maternal filicide within a broader context of the so-called neglected discourse of the mother in the West. Contemporary examples of countries where maternal filicide have been recorded are Germany, South Africa, the United States and New Zealand and these instances are recounted in the introduction to illustrate the cross-cultural and transnational nature of the problem, as well as the fact that its universal appearance allows for a justifiable feminist methodology. In order to justify a cross-cultural methodological angle, I analyse four recent examples or case studies of maternal filicide in an attempt to isolate the underlying factors contributing to this horrific social phenomenon. My conclusion is that although structural realities (material and/or emotional bereftness) were the major or ultimate reasons which led to the final decision to execute, it is (neoliberal) patriarchy, and the values ensconced within this framework, that ultimately set the stage for the countdown. Apart from my brief investigation of Kristeva's (2002b) notion of abjection, in order to grasp her thinking in the context of an especially Western feminist paradigm, I also consider other theoretical models in this regard. This is an important consideration since it is in my view difficult to understand the construct of motherhood without the benefit of a wider appreciation of a general scholarship on the topic. My intention is to critically assess the myths about the social construct of motherhood, namely that such construct is in no way "natural" in the sense in which patriarchy would have us believe. These additional theoretical suggestions include a feminist appreciation of the fractured mother-daughter relationship and Hrdy's (2000) insight that women's unbounded, prehistoric sexuality had been repurposed in order to refashion motherhood as "natural". In particular, I argue, by analogy of Blumberg's (2009) notion of freaks in evolutionary biology, that the social construct of motherhood and areas of exhaustion in such a biology, evince structural similarities; since patriarchal forms of oppression force women as mothers to operate outside the boundaries of conventional social norms. I tender these considerations with the aim of reaching a more nuanced understanding of the concept of motherhood's political and ideological underpinnings. As such, I employ a feminist methodology within a transnational theoretical framework in view of motherhood being a cross-cultural phenomenon. Even though a number of theoretical trajectories are considered and employed, I argue that this approach is in fact one of the strengths of this contribution since the proliferation of feminist theoretical perspectives has been seen as being conducive to the feminist project's open-endedness, rather than patriarchy's attempt to close off the debate, as my analogous exploration of the historical course of motherhood demonstrates. I argue that this phenomenon can only be understood properly within the wider context of motherhood as a cultural, political and ideological construct with nuanced and complicated underpinnings. In this way, an indirect approach is likely to show up insights which a direct method would miss or underappreciate. I reach the conclusion that maternal filicide, significantly even as transnational, cross-cultural phenomenon, finds credible explanation in Blumberg's (2009) concept of evolutionary exhaustion. I further argue that the neglect of discourse on the mother, as Kristeva (1982) presciently pointed out, is by design, since the alternative, its proliferation, could and almost certainly would lead to the demise of m/otherhood.
       
 
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Tel: +00 44 (0)131 4513762
 


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