Abstract: Prof. Kotzé, voorsitter van die Taalkommissie van die Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns (2003-2012), was vanaf die beginfase van die projek betrokke by die identifikasie van taalkundiges en oorhoofse beplanning. Hy was voorsitter van die Taalkundige Advieskomitee, lid van die Begeleidingskomitee, die Redaksionele Komitees van die Ou Testament en die Nuwe Testament, asook taalkundige in verskeie boekspanne. Vanuit sy breë taalkundige en semantiese agtergrond het hy deurlopend 'n reusebydrae tot die vertaling gelewer. Hy was en bly steeds bereid om noukeurig enige navraag te beantwoord. Met sy talle bydraes op die radio, webblad van die projek en elders, het hy die taalkundige uitdagings verbonde aan die projek helder en verstaanbaar breër bekendgestel.It is a great privilege to highlight the important contribution of this internationally renowned and versatile linguist to the 2020-translation of the Bible in Afrikaans. Initial phase Since the beginning of the translation project prof. Kotzé, chair of the Language Commission of the South African Academy for Science and Arts (2003-2012), was involved in the planning of the manual for all collaborators, as well as the identification of language specialists to serve in various book teams as well as the linguistic advisory committee. Linguistic advisory committee The Bible Society invited Kotzé to chair a panel of linguistic advisers that eventually became a broader linguistic advisory panel and a smaller linguistic advisory committee respectively. In his capacity as chair, he played an essential role in the identification and placement of language specialists in the respective book translation teams, as well as the linguistic evaluation of the trial translations by language practitioners endeavouring to be part of the project. The linguistic advisory committee attended to various problematic issues such as punctuation, linguistic and textual features, etcetera. Kotzé then provided extensive guidelines to collaborators and proof-readers concerning various tricky issues. Since the beginning of the project, he was also a member ofvarious book teams, as well as at a later stage of the editorial committees of the Old and the New Testament. Whenever expedient, he consulted with members of the Language Commission of the South African Academy for Science and Arts. Executive committee At the executive committee (policy committee) his opinion carried great weight. He submitted proposals concerning Fauna and Flora emanating from deliberations in this committee to the Language Commission of the South African Academy for Science and Arts to be considered for inclusion in their planned CD Rom, and saw to it that the project remained in sync with the Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreëls (Afrikaans Glossary and Spelling rules). With respect to the vexing issue of second person pronouns as form of address in Afrikaans, he also provided clear guidelines with regard to the dynamic of power and the dynamic of solidarity, respectively. Editorial committees In the editorial committees of the Old Testament and the New Testament, he was responsible for the final linguistic editing. He could, furthermore, substantiate the suitability of a specific word with reference to the statistical frequency of its usage in the Afrikaans linguistic corpus. Given his broad linguistic and semantic background, he could often pose probing questions to the exegetes and source language specialists concerning a specific translation proposal that often led to an adaptation of the translation. In this respect, his self-acquired knowledge of the source languages (as a non-theologian) often took the source language specialists by surprise. When the discussion sometimes became a bit heated, his sense of humour and witty remarks would invariably defuse the situation. Approachability The executive committee and the project leader had great appreciation for the fact that Ernst Kotzé was always willing to answer any enquiry by colleagues or proof-readers speedily and in detail. Even at a late stage in the project, he was still willing to edit the Introduction, Glossary and Accountability for consistency. Even after the publication of the translation, he still remains selflessly willing to answer enquiries to the Bible Society arising from feedback by readers. Public contributions Prof. Kotzé often delivered addresses about Bible translation, speaking specifically about the linguistic aspects of the 2020 translation on Radio Sonder Grense (Radio Without Borders) and Radio Cape Pulpit. On the project's website (www.bybeldirektevertaling.co.za) he answered specific questions received from readers. He explained different ways of spelling as well as the issue of loan-words resembling the source languages.
Abstract: Die 2020-vertaling van die Bybel in Afrikaans is 'n direkte vertaling wat bronteksgeoriënteerd is. Die vertalers het 'n spesifieke bronteks gebruik, maar soms was daar onduidelikhede in die bronteks wat deur die toepassing van tekskritiese beginsels opgelos kon word en in voetnote verduidelik is. Hierdie bydrae bespreek die boek Esegiël as voorbeeld. Die bespreking gee kortliks aandag aan die aard van die 2020-vertaling en bespreek die tekskritiese benadering wat in die vertaling van die Ou Testament gevolg is. Hierna kom die teksgeskiedenis van Esegiël aan die orde, gevolg deur 'n kort bespreking van die bronne wat vir die tekskritiese beoordeling van die teks van die boek gebruik is. Ná 'n oorsig oor die tekskritiese voetnote in die vertaling volg 'n bespreking van 'n verteenwoordigende aantal voorbeelde. Daar is 144 sulke voetnote in die boek. Die voetnote word bespreek in sewe groepe wat verband hou met veral die gebruik van die antieke vertalings van die Septuagint, die Targum, die Vulgaat en die Pesjitta om probleme op te los. Die voetnote in die boek Esegiël dui ook op die wisselende aard van die problematiek. Probleme hou dikwels verband met onbekende woordeskat, maar ook met probleme wat gedurende die teksoorlewering ingesluip het. In sommige gevalle bied die teksgetuies 'n duidelike oplossing, terwyl daar in ander gevalle meerdere moontlikhede bestaan. Die benadering van die 2020-vertaling tot tekskritiese probleme is om so ver moontlik by die Masoretiese teks te bly. Die voetnote getuig van 'n verantwoordelike hantering van tekskritiese probleme.The 2020 translation of the Bible in Afrikaans is a direct translation that focuses on the source text in order to retain in the translation as much as possible of the source text, including stylistic features. The translation is based on a specific source text, the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS). This text contains words or phrases that posed problems that had to be solved by applying text-critical principles. The choices made are explained in footnotes to the translation. The footnotes in the Book of Ezekiel are evaluated in this article. First, the nature of the 2020 translation is discussed, after which the text-critical approach followed in this translation of the Old Testament is considered. The text history of Ezekiel is then described. Of special importance is the relationship between the Masoretic text and the Septuagint (that is, the Old-Greek translation of the Hebrew). The Old Greek is shorter than the Masoretic text in most instances, with relatively few additions. It also represents an older version of the book. The footnotes are based on the BHS, other Hebrew manuscripts, and the four important ancient translations (the Old Greek, the Peshitta, the Targum and the Vulgate). The 144 or so text-critical footnotes in the book are divided into seven groups. These groups are: (i) instances where the footnote only states that there is a problem in the text (without a detailed description); (ii) instances where the ancient translations provide solutions to a particular problem in the text; (iii) instances where solutions in the ancient versions are discussed, but not applied; (iv) instances where the ancient versions disagree with the Masoretic text and have been followed; (v) instances where the ancient versions have not been followed, but are mentioned in the footnotes; (vi) instances where conjectures were accepted; and (vii) one example of a tiqqun soferim. A representative sample of the footnotes is discussed, but all examples are listed in the different groups. The footnotes refer to the different kinds of problem the translators encountered in the Book of Ezekiel. Some problems concern words with an uncertain meaning. Others indicate problems arising from the transmission of the text, such as haplography or dittography. In some instances the various textual witnesses offer a solution to a particular problem, while in other instances more than one solution is possible. The approach of the 2020 translation was to translate the Masoretic text whenever possible. When it was not possible, solutions suggested by the textual witnesses were considered and evaluated. The footnotes provide, in most instances, a justification for the choices made, as well as other possible solutions. In some instances the footnotes could have provided more information, and sometimes the translation deviates from the principle of closely following the Masoretic text and avoiding conjectures. In spite of some points of criticism, the footnotes testify to a principled approach to the text-critical problems encountered in the Book. In many instances the footnotes followed the consensus of opinion in various commentaries and translations. Where there was no clear consensus, the majority opinion was usually followed, although in a few cases the translators constructed their own solution.
Abstract: In the context of reflecting on the upcoming 100-year celebration of Afrikaans as an official language in 2025, linguistic experts have been engaged in reassessments of any claim to a comprehensive description of Afrikaans's legacy. The hypothetical scenario of Afrikaans ceasing to exist prompts questions about the inheritance and heritage of this language and the evaluations of linguistic experts ' contributions across almost a century. The discussion delves into the concepts of "erfenis" (inheritance), "nalatenskap" (legacy), and "boedel" (estate) and how these terms may or may not be applicable to institutions, individuals, and, as in this case, also languages. In the case of a language like Afrikaans, its inheritance is a culmination of various factors, including history, culture, religion, legal context, economy, education, linguistics, anthropology, and politics. Perceptions about this inheritance had formed over time and were passed down from one generation to another. Afrikaans, as a language, has a complex heritage associated with both tangible and intangible aspects. On the one hand, there are identifiable events and milestones that contributed to its development, while on the other, there are perceptions, feelings, and judgements about the language based on experiences with the Afrikaans-speaking community. Unfortunately, negative judgements often overshadow the positive aspects due to historical associations with the white population and the heritage of apartheid. The present article highlights the importance of inclusivity in representing Afrikaans's history, as previous documentation has disproportionately focused on the contributions of white speakers, neglecting a significant part of its heritage. It emphasises the need to establish a more inclusive version of the history of Afrikaans. Considering the multifaceted nature of Afrikaans's heritage, it is associated with both concrete events (actions which happened) and abstract (what people think about these actions and events) perceptions. The past has bequeathed this legacy to future generations, and the present generation must deal with it. However, the current generation has the power to shape perceptions and attitudes by means of their actions, thereby fostering a more positive outlook of the language. The analogy of inheritance as a "human creation" passed down through generations is used to illustrate that the image of Afrikaans, like any heritage, can be adapted and improved over time. There isn't any particular sole Afrikaans heritage; on the contrary. it may be characterised as a dynamic entity which is constantly being realised in the South African community through its daily use and contributions. The article concludes by highlighting the fact that in the event of Afrikaans ceasing to exist altogether (not that that would easily happen), its legacy would still be evident in the collective memory of that which the language had come to symbolise for many people over an extended period of time. Parts of this legacy have been documented over the years, highlighting the manner in which the development of Afrikaans, including the contribution of its speakers in this regard, had shaped the perceptions people (even from other linguistic communities) had come to entertain about the language. It is to be hoped that said heritage will continue to evolve positively, just like a farm passed down through generations, with each new iteration striving to be a more reliable custodian than the previous one.
Abstract: Afrikaanse visserstaal is deur verskillende tale beïnvloed, waaronder veral Nederlands, Portugees, Maleis en Engels en word as variëteit onderskei op grond van heelwat unieke woorde en uitdrukkings. Daar is min geografiese differensiasie tussen Oos-Kaapse en Wes-Kaapse visserstaal as gevolg van die dialekkontinuum (Blume, 2023). Woorde in Afrikaanse visserstaal verskil ten opsigte van gestandaardiseerdheid deurdat sommige woorde ook in die algemene woordeskat voorkom, soos in die nuutste HAT aangedui. Sommige woorde is nie gestandaardiseer nie aangesien hulle Engelse woorde is, byvoorbeeld shad, of 'n hibridiese vorm van Engels en Afrikaans is, byvoorbeeld raggie. Ander woorde en uitdrukkings is nie in die HAT opgeneem nie, waarskynlik omdat hulle nie so bekend/gebruiklik is in die algemene leksikon nie, byvoorbeeld bonnie/bonnietjie in plaas van die standaardwoord bonito. Stylvlakverskille kom voor by die Standaardafrikaanse woord stompneus teenoorflatty (informeel). Laasgenoemde word eerder onder die vissers gebruik. Dit geld ook vir die gebruik van visserman teenoor visterman. Enkele woorde in HAT6 bevat nie die visserstaal-betekenisonderskeiding nie, byvoorbeeld bakkie en mas as werkwoord.Since no recent study has been done about Afrikaans Fisher language the aim of this article is to give an updated linguistic description of this variety.1 Heiberg (1957) conducted a previous study. Varieties change all the time (D'Arcy, 2015:484) and Afrikaans Fisher language is no exception. Due to Covid-19 the researchers were unable to focus exclusively on subsistence fisher communities. Covid anxiousness led to the fact that many fishers did not want to take part in this qualitative study, in which, inter alia, questionnaires and interviews were used (Blume, 2023:35). All fishers indicating their willingness to participate were chosen as respondents if they were between 18 and 75 years of age. The sample of forty fishers is therefore small but is supplemented by various other sources. The areas covered were the coastal areas of the Eastern, Southwestern and Western Cape (Blume, 2023:35). Afrikaans Fisher language has been influenced by different languages, especially Dutch, Portuguese, Malay and English and is recognised as a variety due to several unique words and expressions. Stell, Luffin and Rakiep (2008:293) indicate that the initial Malay and Creole Portuguese of the 20th century led to the development of Muslim Afrikaans. Heiberg (1957:96) explains that the names of certain types offish have an Eastern origin and that they most probably show Malay or Portuguese influence, for example: daeraad: Portuguese, dorado, English dageraad (Blume, 2023:80). Dutch words like dòòdstròòm, kabbelau, omweer/onweer, platvisch (to mention a few) show remarkable similarities with Afrikaans (see Overdiep, 1940; Blume, 2023:108). The list below indicates examples of English influence: bait: something to lure the fish with bait caster: somebody who uses live bait to catch fish beaut: (noun) - a big or pretty fish beautiful: to describe a fish that is big or pretty bottom feeders: Amongst others steenbras, kapenaars, Rooi Roman, Miss Lucy, etcetera cast: fishing method using a hook, line, sinker and bait catch and release: catch fish and throw them back into the water chum, chumming: use bait to get a lot of fish in one place coffee grinder: a type of pulley drag, smooth drag: the breaks on the pulley - "die drag is smooth". dropshot: hook made of steel with a built-in sinker and bait which is used to catch fish edge - "daai edge gee": have a better chance of a catch happy days: exclamation of joy hook-up, double hook-up: when fish bite or when more than one fish is caught on one hook live bait: bait that is alive pink prawn: type of sand or mud prawn popper: artificial bait in the form of small fish pull: when you can see that a fish bites because of the movement of the line rocket: used to describe a fast fish - "Hy swem soos 'n rocket." run: when thefish bit but try to swim away with the hook and bait. The Afrikaans equivalents loop and hardloop are also used. single: when only one hook is used size: when a fish is legally big enough spinner: type of bait made of metal which turns around in the water tentacle: a type of bait, specifically octopus tentacle tooth wire: strong line used to catch fish trawl: method of pulling bait behind a boat trigger: "hongerkliertjie trigger": stimulation of the glands on certain types offish, usually when the chum method is used try wind: used instead of probeer inkatrol unbelievable: emotional exclamation wangle: manipulate tools to function as they should Hybrid (English and Afrikaans) forms are frequently used: The following English fish names are used: banded galjoen: also known as bastard galjoen, demba. belman: other names are baardman, belvis, tasselfish. bronze bream: alternative names are hottentot, das, Jan Bruin, John Brown, fat fish, copper bream, Nyizala, butterfish, etcetera. bronzy: variant of bronze bream. cob: kabeljou flatty: frequently used in the Eastern Cape instead of Kaapse stompneus. garrick: also called leervis, leerfish grunter: instead of knorhaan gruntertjie: instead of knorhaan Miss Lucy: instead of rooistompneus pig/pig nose: instead of witneussteenbras pyltail (stingray): instead of pylstert, skerpneuspylstert, blou pylstert, vlinderrog raggie: from ragged toothed shark instead of yellow shark, brown shark shad: (Afrikaans: elf) swart musselcracker: (Afrikaans: poenskop). This fish is also known as black biskop, witbek, black steenbras, saqomolo, swartbiskop. Most fishers use either musselcracker or poenskop. tiger: instead of tiger shark wit musselcracker: Also known as brusher, mussel crusher, silver steenbras, white biskop. Most fishers use musselcracker instead of biskop. yellowtail: Seriola lalandi (Blume, 2023:155-157). Fisher language differs in terms of degrees of standardisation as certain words also...
Abstract: In Afrikaans en ander Germaanse tale is daar 'n subkategorie van eksosentriese komposita wat evaluatief as persoonsname gebruik kan word. Die fokus van hierdie artikel is op sulke komposita wat pejoratief as skel- of spotname gebruik word (d.i. epitetiese eksosentriese komposita (EEK's)), en nog meer spesifiek op EEK's wat op een van twee konseptuele metonimieë berus: liggaamsdeel vir persoon (byvoorbeeld skinder / bek) en (deel van) kledingstuk vir persoon (byvoorbeeld slaap / kous). Die artikel ondersoek die potensiële aanstootlikheid van EEK's empiries. In 'n aanlyn vraelys met nege vrae moes respondente telkens die items (woorde) van mins aanstootlike tot mees aanstootlike rangskik. op grond van 'n aantal statistiese berekeninge kan tot die gevolgtrekking gekom word dat metonimiese EEK's (byvoorbeeld dwaas / kop) nie statisties beduidend meer of minder aanstootlik as semanties ekwivalente non-EEK's (byvoorbeeld dwaas) is nie. Ook kan aangetoon word dat suffiksoïede wat na liggaamsdele verwys (byvoorbeeld / gat en / neus) nie statisties beduidend meer of minder aanstootlik is as suffiksoïede wat na kledingstukke verwys (byvoorbeeld / sak en / broek) nie. Die ondersoekte suffiksoïede kan wel op 'n spektrum van potensiële aanstootlikheid geplaas word, te wete: / neus ~ / broek < / sak < / gat.In Afrikaans and other Germanic languages there is a subcategory of exocentric compounds that can be used evaluatively as personal names. The focus of this article is on such exocentric compounds that are used pejoratively as epithets (i.e., epithetic exocentric compounds (EECs)), and even more specifically on EECs that are based on one of two conceptual metonymies: BODY PART FOR PERSON (for example, skinder / bek gossip / mouth 'gossiper ') and (PART OF) GARMENT FOR PERSON (for example, slaap / kous sleep / sock 'sleepy head'). These kinds of metonymic exocentric compounds are also sometimes referred to in the literature as bahuvrihi or possessive compounds (Booij, 2020). The article empirically examines the potential offensiveness of EECs. An online questionnaire with nine questions was filled out by 98 respondents, of which 92 respondents ' responses were usable. In this questionnaire, respondents had to rank the items (words) from least offensive to most offensive. For each of the nine questions, the rankings were converted to numerical values, so that the median per word could be quantified as a relative offensiveness value. Next, a Friedman test was performed for each question, which showed that there were indeed statistically significant (p < 0.05) differences between the items in each question. To determine where exactly the differences lie (i.e., which word pairs 'medians differ statistically significantly), Wilcoxon's signed-rank test was used, and the p-values were adjusted with the Bonferroni method (for adjusted *p-values). This information could then be used to accept or reject the null hypotheses. The first research question was: "Are metonymic EECs more or less offensive than semantically equivalent non-EECs'" The null hypothesis, which stated that there is no distinction to be made between the potential offensiveness of EECs and semantically equivalent non-EECs, could be rejected in a few cases (for example, that vet / gat (fat / hole 'fatso'), and dik / gat (thick / hole 'fatso') are more offensive than seekoei ('hippopotamus') and vark ('pig') (question 1 ), as well as dik / sak (thick / sack 'fatso') andvet / sak (fat / sack 'fatso'), versus dikk-erd (thick-NMLZ 'fatso') and vett-ie (fat-DiM 'fatso') (question 5). Nevertheless, there was not enough convincing evidence to be able to say with the necessary certainty that non-EECs are less offensive than EECs. One of the possible reasons for this is that non-EECs such as dwaas ('fool') and ghwar ('fool') also have other, additional, negative meaning elements than their EEC counterparts (dwaas/kop foolish / head 'fool', anddorm-kop stupid / head 'fool'). Our conclusion is therefore that non-EECs ~ EECs. The second research question was: "Are suffixoids that are references to body parts more or less offensive than suffixoids referring to articles of clothing'" To compare the potential offensiveness value of suffixoids, it was stated as a null hypothesis that there is no distinction to be made between suffixoids referring to body parts versus suffixoids referring to articles of clothing. Although we could here too not simply reject the null hypothesis, we could still order the investigated suffixoids on a spectrum of potential offensiveness, namely: / nose ~ / trousers / H-sack / H-hole.
Abstract: Op Woensdag, 19 Julie 2023 het die President van Suid-Afrika die 18de Grondwetlike Wysigingswetsontwerp bekragtig ingevolge waarvan Suid-Afrikaanse Gebaretaal (SAGT) as Suid-Afrika se 12de amptelike taal verklaar word. Suid-Afrika was die sesde land wat in 1996 reeds wetlike erkenning aan sy gebaretaal verleen het, slegs vier jaar na die Verenigde Nasies se 1992 Verklaring oor die Regte van Persone wat aan Nasionale of Etniese, Godsdienstige en Linguistiese Minderhede behoort en drie jaar ná Suid-Afrika sy 1993-grondwet aanvaar het wat die politieke oorgangstydperk in Suid-Afrika ingelui het. Teenoor hierdie relatief "blitsige" erkenning staan die volle verampteliking van die taal in 2023 wat eers na verloop van 'n verdere 27 jaar (ná 1996) gerealiseer het. Dit laat onvermydelik die vraag ontstaan waarom laasgenoemde relatief langer geneem het en waarom die grondwetlike erkenning en verampteliking in die onderwys van 1996 relatief vinnig gebeur het. Hierdie vraag word ondersoek aan die hand van 'n vergelykende studie tussen die twee "eras van verampteliking" vanuit 'n taalbeleid- en -beplanningsraamwerk en teen die agtergrond van verwante internasionale gevallestudies. Die ondersoek bevind dat in beide gevalle DoweSA as gebaretaalkampvegter 'n sentrale rol gespeel het by die bereiking van die organisasie se oogmerke. Ook word bevind dat die relatiewe "spoed" van die eerste erkenning grootliks toegeskryf kan word aan die politieke tydsgees van die sogenaamde Mandela-era.On Wednesday, 19 July 2023, the President of South Africa ratified the 18th Constitutional Amendment Bill in terms ofwhich South African Sign Language (SAGT) was declared as South Africa s 12th official language. South Africa was the sixth country to grant legal recognition to its sign language in 1996, only four years after the United Nations ' 1992 Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities and three years after South Africa had adopted its 1993 constitution which ushered in the political transition period in South Africa. Against this "lightning fast" recognition stands the full officialisation of the language in 2023, which was only realised after a further period of 27 years (after 1996). This inevitably raises the question of why the latter took relatively longer and why the initial constitutional recognition and officialisation in education in 1996 had happened relatively quickly. This question is investigated on the basis of a comparative study between the two "eras of officialisation" viewed in terms of a framework of language policy and language planning against the background of related international case studies. The investigation found that in both cases DeafSA as a sign language campaigner played a central role in achieving the organisation's aims. It was also found that the relative "speed" with which the first recognition had been achieved could largely be attributed to the political Zeitgeist of the so-called Mandela era.
Abstract: Waneer 'n mens die huidige wêreld onbevange, met literêre voorkennis in oënskou neem, is dit onteenseglik so dat pogings om toenemende beheer oor burgers uit te oefen by sogenaamde "demokratiese" regerings asook by gesondheidsbeheerliggame opmerkbaar is. Dit herinner 'n mens onwillekeurig aan George Orwell se distopiese roman, Nineteen Eighty-four (of 1984), wat in 1949 verskyn het, en wat in literêre terme paradigmaties is van totalitêre heerskappy aan die hand van uiteenlopende vorms van tegnologiese toesig en bewaking, waar al die demokratiese vryhede wat tot onlangs in die meeste lande as vanselfsprekend aanvaar is, afwesig is, soos spraakvryheid, vryheid van beweging, en so meer. Hedendaagse ontwikkelings resoneer veral met Orwell se roman in terme wat simptomaties is van die breinspoel-georiënteerde samelewing van "Big Brother", "Ingsoc" ("the Party"), "Newspeak" (die taal wat ontwerp is om kritiese denke te inhibeer), die gevreesde "Thought Police", en die konstante bewakende toesig van elke burger via tegniese bemiddeling (soos die "telescreen" in elke tuiste en openbare ruimte), asook die onopsigtelike spioenering op mense se handelinge deur agente van die "Party", vir ingeval hulle moontlik tekens van denkmisdaad (thoughtcrime) of rebellie sou toon. Dit is betekenisvol dat Shoshana Zuboff se werk oor tydgenootlike "surveillance capitalism", waarin sy die aandag op die bedekte tegniese inbreuk (deur maatskappye soos Google en Facebook) op mense se internet-privaatheid vestig, versoenbaar is met Orwell se insig in totalitarisme, sowel as met Hannah Arendt se bekende ontleding daarvan. Bowendien het Zuboff se werk 'n jaar voor die uitbreek van die sogenaamde Covid-19-pandemie verskyn, wat dit verder relevant maak vir 'n indringende ondersoek van laasgenoemde, met die oog daarop om dit met Orwell se 1984 in dialoog te plaas. Net soos wat die omvattende bespieding van burgers in 1984 uit hul vrees vir die onsigbare denkpolisie, die alomteenwoordige beeld van "Big Brother", asook van die tweerigting "teleskerm" (telescreen), wat 'n soort "Panoptikon" voorstel, blyk, bestaan daar vandag opvallende ekwiva-lente vir hierdie metonimiese beliggaming van totalitêre mag, wat blykbaar nie maklik met 'n identifiseerbare "Big Brother" of denkpolisie in verband gebring kan word nie. Daarby kan totalitêre beheerstrategieë veelvuldige, onverwagte vorms aanneem, soos wat Agamben, Kennedy en Wolf onweerlegbaar aangetoon het. Onder voorwendsel van 'n mediese noodtoestand, byvoorbeeld, is mense wêreldwyd aan onmenslike noodmaatreëls onderwerp, wat 'n aanwysbare negatiewe psigologiese, patogeniese, asook patologies-fisiese en ekonomiese uitwerking op bevolkings gehad het. Gevorderde tegniese middele is kenmerkend van die soort beheer waaraan mense globaal onderwerp is - nie slegs as beheer-georiënteerde "bespieding" nie, maar ook in die gewaad van mediese ingrypings wat misleidend as "entstowwe" bestempel is, ofskoon hulle (veral die mRNA-soort) volkome eksperimenteel is. Hierdie artikel fokus op die ooreenkomste tussen die spektrum van beheermiddele in 1984 en dié wat tans in samelewings aangewend word, waaronder onder meer die kolossale sensor-masjinerie om alternatiewe perspektiewe te snoer, naamlik die sogenaamde feite-kontroleerders, entstof-mandate en entstof-paspoorte.When surveying the recent and arguably increasing signs of attempts to control citizens globally in various ways, one is reminded of George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-four (or 1984), first published in 1949. It strikes one as being paradigmatic of totalitarian domination in its literary representation of social control through diverse forms of technical and personal surveillance, keeping in mind that such domination permits none of the democratic freedoms that one has come to take for granted, such as freedom of speech, of association, and of movement. Can anyone therefore resist seeing in present developments worldwide an echo of Orwell's depiction of the totalitarian, brainwashing society of Big Brother, with the pervasively powerful Ingsoc (the "Party"), Newspeak (the language calculated to inhibit critical thinking), the feared Thought Police, and the incessant surveillance of every citizen, via technical mediation (the "telescreen" in every home and other frequented places), as well as furtive observation of citizens 'actions by agents of the Party, who monitor their behaviour (lest they should display signs of "thoughtcrime", or worse, total revolt)' It is telling as far as the present is concerned that Orwell's novel reflects his understanding of the true character of totalitarianism, ofwhich Shoshana Zuboff (2019:337), referring to Hannah Arendt's magisterial study of this (at the time unprecedented) phenomenon, remarks: "Essential to totalitarianism was the deletion of all ties and sources of meaning other than 'the movement'". In fact, Zuboff's book (2019), published just before the outbreak of the Covid-19 "pandemic" - in scare quotes because it was no real pandemic (Agamben, 2020: 9-10) - detailed the extent to which contemporary advanced electronic technology enables companies such as Google and Facebook, not merely to spy on "users", but to manipulate and anticipate their internet behaviour. Returning to 1984, consider that the pervasive surveillance in the world Winston (the central character) inhabits is evident in several things: snooping police helicopters, the dread-inspiring (albeit imperceptible) Thought Police, and (although it is not actively spying on citizens), the metonymic embodiment of the ubiquity of totalitarian power, personified in the omnipresent image of "Big Brother", at once menacing and avuncular as well as reassuring. It is reminiscent of the prison designed by Jeremy Bentham in the 18th century - the "Panopticon" - where wardens enjoyed uninterrupted visual access to the cells of all inmates from a central tower, so that the ...
Abstract: Die artikel gee 'n uiteensetting van die ontstaansredes vir die aktiwiteit van kuns teen die agtergrond van Hans Blumenberg se antropologie van die denke. Kuns is ten diepste 'n oorlewingsmeganisme en een van die mens se vroegste denkvorme. Volgens Hans Blumenberg se filosofiese antropologie bestaan daar 'n sterk verband tussen die noodsaak om kuns te skep en die beswering van eksistensiële angs, wat teruggaan na die mens se vroegste tyd van 'n selfbewussyn. Die vroegste denkvorme was mitewerkend van aard, en hieronder val die vroegste kuns ook. Dan beweeg die artikel van die primordiale na die (meer onlangse) historiese tyd, en karteer dit die Europese mens se veranderende kunsopvatting vanaf die Antieke Tyd tot by die Moderne Tyd teen die agtergrond van die filosofiese antropologie. Op grond van Blumenberg se model van tydperke wat volgens hul eie afsonderlike "tydslogika" funksioneer, en sy siening van "werklikheidsbegrippe", wat tye en tydsgewrigte tipeer, word die verskeie stadia van die Aristoteliaanse model van kuns bekyk in terme van die werking van "reokkupasie" - Blumenberg se begrip vir hoe die funksies van ideesisteme in historiese tyd evolueer. Die Aristoteliaanse opvatting het geglo kuns is die nabootsing van die natuur (Skepping). My artikel illustreer hoe die een na die ander term in hierdie opvatting sy funksie verander het totdat dit die moderne kunsopvatting, wat nie meer op nabootsing gegrond is nie maar op die selfstandige selfverwysende kunswerk, moontlik gemaak het. Leonardo da Vinci word binne die Renaissance-werklikheidsbegrip met die objet ambigu van die moderne kuns vergelyk. Die bedreiging wat 'n opnuut getraumatiseerde laatmoderne tyd vir die funksionering van die objet ambigu inhou, word bekyk.Blumenberg 's philosophical anthropology, about the origin and development of imaginative thinking among early human beings, serves as the backdrop to this article about the reasons art exists as a human activity. The article could be read in conjunction with a prior set of two articles by myself (in Afrikaans), "Hans Blumenberg's philosophical anthropology" and "Hans Blumenberg's model for the evolution of thought". Blumenberg posited that a strong connection exists between the earliest existential anxiety and the development of self-consciousness in humans and that this sets the human apart from the natural animal. My article looks at the evolution of thinking about art in the European human being, the way it occurred in various historical times, against the backdrop of the first thinking responses in primordial times. Art originated as a form of wishful thinking, as part of a survival response, which compensated for the early human's sudden lack of belonging in the world. This sudden lack occurred when the creature accidently strayed from its earliest natural habitat - that of being enclosed by primordial forests - and ended up on the open grasslands exposed to all kinds of dangers. As a result of this catastrophe, the early creature was confronted by the "absolutism of reality", as Blumenberg calls it, i.e. a near total lack of control over his own destiny in the face of overpowering factors of reality. The creation of art had a direct connection to this abysmal existential anxiety because it featured forms of imaging that assuaged the anxiety. Through the ages and to this day art plays a pacifying role in human culture. Blumenberg points out that the earliest developed forms of thinking were mostly of a mythical nature, i.e. of a wished-for or dreamt-up nature, such as the creation of the gods, and art in its first forms was part of this response. The primordial humans placed the gods between themselves and the absolutism of reality. They could approach the gods for favours or at least ascribe their sufferings to the wilful actions of these all-powerful beings. The humans made art as a form of assuaging their anxieties but as makers they had to make sure that they did not transgress on the gods 'primary right of creation. Move on now from primordial time to historical time. Especially in the Middle Ages, the human being found itself in a position of intense negotiation with Christian theology and with God as the Creator to make sure that while they created things they still could rely on the favour of the Creator. My article looks at Blumenberg's analyses of historical epochs, defined as such by him, that preceded the Modern Epoch and how this diachronic historical process eventually opened up the space for modern art to make its appearance. According to Blumenberg, the nature of the epochs and the reality concepts that govern these epochs, as well as their intermediary junctures, can only become apparent in retrospect. It is Modernity and the phenomenological ability that comes with modern times that enables this retrospective awareness in people. Blumenberg believes that the shapes of knowledge - be it philosophy, religion, culture or art - exist in particular ways within the broad machinations of an epoch - a way that pertains to that epoch alone. Knowledge has certain functions that may change in a follow-up epoch. Every epoch's institutions and traditions have the primary goal to ensure the survival of the human being as a social being (i.e. a failed natural creature). Aristotle's idea of "art as mimesis of nature" was the conception of art that reigned from European Antiquity through the Renaissance to early modernity. It was an idea designed to keep the favour of Providence while humankind slowly, and hidden to itself, expanded human autonomy in its self-expression. The Aristotelian God was the maker of things, based on the Forms of Plato, through the influence of Neoplatonism, and people did not exist as anything else but a subsidiary part of God's creation. The article traces several reoccupations within the Aristotelian scheme towards the eventually fully autonomous modern artist. All the reoccupations happened within reigning Christian theolog...
Abstract: In hierdie bydrae word gepoog om aan te toon dat Carlen (2013) se standpunt dat die rehabilitasieparadigma in Brittanje uitgediend is, eweneens op postapartheid Suid-Afrika van toepassing is. Aangesien omstandighede hier ter plaatse egter uiteraard verskil van dié in die Verenigde Koninkryk, spits ek my metodiek in besonder toe op 'n krities-kriminologiese oorweging van vyf unieke aspekte van die Suid-Afrikaanse ervaring. My vertrekpunt is dus 'n klemverskuiwing. Eerstens poog ek om aan die hand van drie welbekende gevalle in plaaslike strafregverrigtinge (naamlik Zuma, Omotoso en Van der Vyver) aan te toon dat billikheid nie noodwendig alle beskuldigdes tot dieselfde mate begunstig nie, maar hoofsaaklik tot wesenlike voordeel van welgesteldes en gesaghebbendes dien. Tweedens wys ek daarop dat die gebruiksverandering van die gevangenis na 'n besigheidsmodel, nêrens in groter mate sigbaar is as by die verskynsel wat bekend staan as die gevangenis-industriële kompleks nie. Derdens betoog ek, aan die hand van Reiman se pyrrhusnederlaagteorie en Box se gedagte van die versluiering van misdaad, dat die verguising van die uitgeslotenes ("urban marginality") as kriminogenies binne hierdie konteks die nuttige doel dien om aandag van staatsmisdade of dié van die staat se korporatiewe bondgenote af te lei. Teen hierdie agtergrond oorweeg ek die gedeeltelike sukses wat met rehabilitasiebeleid en -praktyke ter plaatse behaal is. Laastens kom ek tot die gevolgtrekking dat die rehabilitasieparadigma wel tot 'n mate in Suid-Afrika uitgediend is, die implikasies vir nuwe beleidsformulering veelvlakkig is en word die algehele verwerping van hierdie paradigma in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks nie aanbeveel nie.In this contribution, I attempt to show that Pat Carlen S (2013) argument, that the rehabilitation paradigm in the United Kingdom (UK) is redundant, is similarly applicable to the situation in postapartheid South Africa. My point of departure is therefore a shift of emphasis in attempting to apply theory from the developed world to the Third World. Since local conditions obviously differ from those in the UK, I focus my method, in particular, on a critical criminological evaluation of five aspects unique to the South African experience. This is within the context of Piketty's (2014) thesis that deepening inequality will continue exponentially, unless there is effective intervention (which seems unlikely). I consider this idea of possible paradigm redundancy along five axes which appear to be pertinent in criminal justice in the third decade of the 21st century. These referents are fairness, the presence of the prison-industrial complex, Pat Carlen's notion of the obsolescence of the rehabilitation paradigm, Reiman's Pyrrhic Defeat Theory and, finally, Steven Box's valuable concept of crime mystification. Firstly, I attempt to show by way of three well-known cases in local criminal proceedings (namely that of Zuma, Omotoso and Van der Vyver) that fairness does not necessarily benefit all accused in the same manner, as one would expect. In fact, the evidence seems to suggest the contrary, namely, that it is the rich and powerful who are able to draw most advantageously on this resource. Secondly, I argue that the repurposing of the prison from its historical justification as a centre of prevention and rehabilitation to a business model, is nowhere more visible than in the phenomenon which came to be known as the prison-industrial complex. Thirdly, I suggest, by way of application of Reiman's Pyrrhic defeat theory and Box's notion of the mystification of crime, that the marginalisation of floating populations as criminogenic within this context, serves the useful purpose of diverting the popular attention away from the far more monstrous crimes of the state and their corporate partners. I also aim to explore the impact which the "war on crime" is having on our understanding of the public/ private divide as the 21st century progresses. In order to gauge the existing rehabilitative potential of the Department of Correctional Services'sprograms and policy directives, I provide a critical overview of these, even though this consideration could amount to nothing but forced coercion. Said in another way, irrespective of the efficacy or otherwise of DCS's rehabilitation and resettlement mandate, the question is and remains how sustainable and realistic such efforts at rehabilitation are, if the social and economic conditions on the ground are criminogenic. Before heading into a discussion, I reflect on the probable theoretical perspectives which these five trends in criminal justice might give rise to. After a prolonged discussion, in which I weigh the evidence of a blurred private/public demarcation, as the 21st century wears on, I conclude that this dichotomy is likely to become more complex, as it not only deepens, but also becomes more blurred. The emergence of a third space (exile) is also possible in neoliberal government's punitive management of urban marginality. In conclusion, I suggest that the crime rehabilitiation paradigm in South Africa has, to an extent, become redundant, but, considering the partial success which DCS has achieved with its numerous ongoing rehabilitation programs and the repurposing of the Department's mandate from purely punitive to that of a rehabilitation-driven institution, the implications for possible policy reformulation are multi-factoral. The complete rejection of the rehabilitation paradigm in South Africa, even though certainly comprehensible, is not recommended. The question that remains, however, is to what extent rehabilitation and resettlement programs can be defended in view of the wider social and economic conditions which militate against sustainable rehabilitation in principle, and are in fact, criminogenic.
Abstract: Volksboukuns in die Vredefortkoepel (naby die huidige Parys, en Potchefstroom) kan beskou word as 'n kultuurhistoriese ontwikkelingsproses wat met die vestigingsgeskiedenis tussen 1850 en 1950 geassosieer word. Die Vaalrivieromgewing in die Vredefortkoepel was 'n gesogte vestigingsterrein vir opeenvolgende golwe van nedersetters en het aanvanklik groot wildstapels, jagter-versamelaars, pre-koloniale Bantoesprekendes, en ná 1836 boere en nedersetters (pioniers) getrek. Vanaf 1838 het pioniersvestiging, plaasbesetting, 'n landboustadium en ook 'n era van landbou-mynbou gevolg. Goud- en diamantmynbedrywighede gedurende die laat-negentiende eeu het die ekonomie van die omgewing gestimuleer, 'n beduidende rol in dorpstigting gespeel, en ook die volksboukuns met die gebruik van die sinkplaatdak beïnvloed. Die gegewe landskap beskik ook oor goedbewaarde en besonderse kultuurprodukte soos Sotho-Tswana klipmuurstrukture en verlate woonstrukture, veekrale, en smeltoonde en pioniersvestigings met huise, buitegeboue en ander strukture soos veekrale, ou watervore en besproeiingstuine, boorde en begraafplase. Die Vredefortkoepel, waar die grootste en oudste meteoriet impak op aarde gevind word, is sedert 2005 'n gelyste UNESCO wêrelderfenisterrein.In the above title "vernacular" suggests opposite geographic origins and setting than those ascribed "town". It is now generally accepted that the term "vernacular" is an applicable and appropriate way to cluster and organise a certain cultural phenomenon (architecture) and is used for both farm and urban architecture: "vernacular farm architecture" and "vernacular urban architecture". This paper will focus on the changes in the vernacular farm architecture in the Vredefort Dome area (near the present towns of Parys, Vredefort and Potchefstroom), that reflect cultural development processes associated with the history of settlement in the southern African rural areas from 1850 to 1950. For many years, the Vredefort Dome was known as a prestigious area of settlement. Extensive numbers of game attracted hunter-gatherer groups, pre-colonial Bantu-speaking groups and more recently, European pioneers entering the area from around 1836. From 1845, European pioneer farm occupation livestock and agricultural development expanded exponentially until recent times. After 1850, the farmers and settlers (European pioneers) on the southern and northern sides of the Vaal River erected more permanent buildings and structures (including rondavels and rectangular dwellings), constructed with stone and, more commonly, clay. The landowner became both the architect and builder, selecting the most affordable ways to construct structures. Consequently, stone walls, sod walls, rammed-earth walls, walls of raw or sundried bricks, and walls ofburnt andfired bricks are characteristic of the different vernacular building traditions. By 1889, with the influx of miners and capital to the Vredefort and Potchefstroom diggings, a period of temporary economic prosperity ensued. Economics in the area evolved during this period through a combination of agriculture-based activities and mining-based activities. Gold and diamond mining stimulated the regional economy and played a significant role in the establishment and development of towns. This growth was reflected in the presence of typical late nineteenth century vernacular farm architecture, in particular the introduction of galvanised (corrugated) iron roofs. On the farms, two broad, generic architectural traditions existed: "designed" architecture formal structures), and rural, vernacular "architecture" (structures erected without the assistance of professional architects), typically constructed with building materials obtained from the immediate environment. The availability of corrugated iron can be considered the most notable technological development in the vernacular architecture of the nineteenth century. Thatched roofs on rectangular dwellings were replaced with Victorian-style corrugated iron roofs. The "corrugated-iron style" became the "new-vernacular" architecture, and with the addition of verandas, veranda-room houses became a distinguishing characteristic of the period. During thefirst three decades of the twentieth century, poverty and an economic depression had a negative impact on the building environment and therefore on the building of homes. In the Dome area, there were few, if any, wealthy residents who could employ the services of an architect for the design of their private homes. Consequently, the houses were simple and "old-fashioned", resulting in the birth of sub-branches of vernacular building traditions that already existed. The process of change affecting homes after the Second World War (1939-1945) can be seen in the area. The improvement of technology related to running water and sanitation, and the presence of electricity, made life more comfortable and had a notable effect on patterns of internal space utilisation. Some household activities moved from the outside of the home to the inside. Consequently, time and energy were saved, since water was no longer fetched from a water source, and the distance between the service points shortened considerably. The fitting ofpipes to provide water to the service spaces in the house (kitchen and bathroom) caused a change in the interior layout of the farmhouse and a change to lifestyles. Floor plans of urban dwellings were replicated, and the "patchwork" architectural tradition (additions and extensions added to the original pioneer core) became common. Household water consumption, the presence and location of the kitchen and the bathroom and the fitting ofpipes for running water related to the prosperity of each household and differed from farm to farm. It is notable that these changes did not occur among the homes of the labourers, probably as their accommodation was considered temporary. The Vredefort Dome was listed as a United Nations Educatio...
Abstract: Die probleem wat aan die orde gestel word, is die vraag na die teologiese seggingskrag van Sefanja 3:14-20. Om die vraagstelling te beantwoord word daar gefokus op die metafore waarmee JHWH beskryf word. In verse 14-17 word die metafore van koning en kryger in terme van JHWH gebruik, terwyl verse 18-20 die herder-metafoor suggereer. Metafore word gebruik binne 'n literêre konteks en daarom word daar aandag gegee aan die literêre opbou van die teks of perikoop. Noodsaaklikerwys word die teks dan ook binne ' n historiese raamwerk geplaas om verder lig te werp op die betekenis van die teks. Hierdie proses stel die eksegeet in staat om ' n teologiese interpretasie van die teks te konstrueer. Die literêre opbou van die gedeelte toon die prominente voorkoms van chiasme as literêre tegniek aan. Die perikoop word beskou as 'n slottoevoeging tot die boek Sefanja. Dit is waarskynlik tydens die Babiloniese ballingskap bygevoeg. Die koning-metafoor dui op JHWH as die Een wat die magteloses onder die volk se regte handhaaf, die kinders van behoeftiges verlos en onderdrukkers verpletter. Met JHWH as kryger word JHWH geteken as die teenwoordige God wat veral reddend optree ten behoewe van die volk. Die herder-metafoor kommunikeer die idee van JHWH as die Een wat versorgend, bewarend, voedend, beskermend teenoor sy volk optree wat kwesbaar, afhanklik en van hulp afhanklik is. Ten slotte word riglyne vir die prediking van die gedeelte voorgestel.The problem addressed in this contribution is the question concerning the theological message of Zephaniah 3:14-20. Ultimately, the main reason for reading the Bible whether by lay people or professional theologians and pastors, is to determine a theological message of a passage, a chapter and even a book in the Bible. The methodological approach followed to answer this problem statement is to focus on the metaphors used to describe YHWH. Zephaniah is a book known for its use of metaphors in a productive and innovative way. To determine the theological intent of this passage via an investigation into the metaphors used in terms of YHWH seems to be an appropriate way to arrive at valid answers to the question posed. The passage of Zephaniah 3:14-20 can be divided into two parts, verses 14-17 and 18-20 respectively. Verses 14-17 make use of two metaphors, YHWH as king and YHWH as warrior. In verses 18-20 the metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphors occur within a literary text and consequently attention has to be paid to the literary structure of the passage. In both parts of the passage (verses 14-17; 18-20) the literary device of chiasm is used. The historical situation of the passage is also investigated, and it has been established that the closing verses of the book of Zephaniah most probably represent an editorial addition sometime during the Babylonian exile. The metaphor ofking denotes the idea of YHWH as the One who is concerned about the rights of the powerless and to rescue them from oppressors. The metaphor of YHWH as warrior is related to the metaphor of king and conveys the idea of YHWH as a mighty saviour, present in the midst of his people to accomplish the salvation of his people. The third metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphor of shepherd is also closely related to the metaphor ofking. Kings are often seen as shepherds to their people. YHWH as shepherd is the One who cares for his people, feed them and guard them against possible enemies. In this passage YHWH shepherding his people will ultimately lead to their restoration as a people. The restoration will consist of rescuing the lame and the gathering of those who have been exiled. It is promised to them that they will once again receive honour and praise among the other nations of the earth. The people are addressed as "daughter of Zion" and "daughter of Jerusalem" emphasising weakness and vulnerability, in contrast to the metaphors of king, warrior and shepherd suggesting the might of JHWH and his ability to rescue his people. Finally, some guidelines are provided to aid preachers to deliver a sermon based on this passage. It is suggested that YHWH is presented to the people as king, warrior, and shepherd. In response to this message people are called upon in four imperatives to sing, shout, rejoice and be hopeful even in spite of the dire situation of the exile. They are also encouraged not to fear and not to "let their hands hang limp" meaning that they should act in a brave way. Current times demand that believers keep focusing on JHWH as king, hero, and shepherd. Consequently, they will adhere to the call to sing and rejoice irrespective of the difficult times believers have to endure. When God is confessed as king there is also no need to fear earthly rulers. Finally, in a time where there is a danger of losing courage and will power, believers are urged to live courageously despite the circumstances because JHWH is in their midst and He assures them of his love.
Abstract: Die probleem wat aan die orde gestel word, is die vraag na die teologiese seggingskrag van Sefanja 3:14-20. Om die vraagstelling te beantwoord word daar gefokus op die metafore waarmee JHWH beskryf word. In verse 14-17 word die metafore van koning en kryger in terme van JHWH gebruik, terwyl verse 18-20 die herder-metafoor suggereer. Metafore word gebruik binne 'n literêre konteks en daarom word daar aandag gegee aan die literêre opbou van die teks of perikoop. Noodsaaklikerwys word die teks dan ook binne ' n historiese raamwerk geplaas om verder lig te werp op die betekenis van die teks. Hierdie proses stel die eksegeet in staat om ' n teologiese interpretasie van die teks te konstrueer. Die literêre opbou van die gedeelte toon die prominente voorkoms van chiasme as literêre tegniek aan. Die perikoop word beskou as 'n slottoevoeging tot die boek Sefanja. Dit is waarskynlik tydens die Babiloniese ballingskap bygevoeg. Die koning-metafoor dui op JHWH as die Een wat die magteloses onder die volk se regte handhaaf, die kinders van behoeftiges verlos en onderdrukkers verpletter. Met JHWH as kryger word JHWH geteken as die teenwoordige God wat veral reddend optree ten behoewe van die volk. Die herder-metafoor kommunikeer die idee van JHWH as die Een wat versorgend, bewarend, voedend, beskermend teenoor sy volk optree wat kwesbaar, afhanklik en van hulp afhanklik is. Ten slotte word riglyne vir die prediking van die gedeelte voorgestel.The problem addressed in this contribution is the question concerning the theological message of Zephaniah 3:14-20. Ultimately, the main reason for reading the Bible whether by lay people or professional theologians and pastors, is to determine a theological message of a passage, a chapter and even a book in the Bible. The methodological approach followed to answer this problem statement is to focus on the metaphors used to describe YHWH. Zephaniah is a book known for its use of metaphors in a productive and innovative way. To determine the theological intent of this passage via an investigation into the metaphors used in terms of YHWH seems to be an appropriate way to arrive at valid answers to the question posed. The passage of Zephaniah 3:14-20 can be divided into two parts, verses 14-17 and 18-20 respectively. Verses 14-17 make use of two metaphors, YHWH as king and YHWH as warrior. In verses 18-20 the metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphors occur within a literary text and consequently attention has to be paid to the literary structure of the passage. In both parts of the passage (verses 14-17; 18-20) the literary device of chiasm is used. The historical situation of the passage is also investigated, and it has been established that the closing verses of the book of Zephaniah most probably represent an editorial addition sometime during the Babylonian exile. The metaphor ofking denotes the idea of YHWH as the One who is concerned about the rights of the powerless and to rescue them from oppressors. The metaphor of YHWH as warrior is related to the metaphor of king and conveys the idea of YHWH as a mighty saviour, present in the midst of his people to accomplish the salvation of his people. The third metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphor of shepherd is also closely related to the metaphor ofking. Kings are often seen as shepherds to their people. YHWH as shepherd is the One who cares for his people, feed them and guard them against possible enemies. In this passage YHWH shepherding his people will ultimately lead to their restoration as a people. The restoration will consist of rescuing the lame and the gathering of those who have been exiled. It is promised to them that they will once again receive honour and praise among the other nations of the earth. The people are addressed as "daughter of Zion" and "daughter of Jerusalem" emphasising weakness and vulnerability, in contrast to the metaphors of king, warrior and shepherd suggesting the might of JHWH and his ability to rescue his people. Finally, some guidelines are provided to aid preachers to deliver a sermon based on this passage. It is suggested that YHWH is presented to the people as king, warrior, and shepherd. In response to this message people are called upon in four imperatives to sing, shout, rejoice and be hopeful even in spite of the dire situation of the exile. They are also encouraged not to fear and not to "let their hands hang limp" meaning that they should act in a brave way. Current times demand that believers keep focusing on JHWH as king, hero, and shepherd. Consequently, they will adhere to the call to sing and rejoice irrespective of the difficult times believers have to endure. When God is confessed as king there is also no need to fear earthly rulers. Finally, in a time where there is a danger of losing courage and will power, believers are urged to live courageously despite the circumstances because JHWH is in their midst and He assures them of his love.
Abstract: Die probleem wat aan die orde gestel word, is die vraag na die teologiese seggingskrag van Sefanja 3:14-20. Om die vraagstelling te beantwoord word daar gefokus op die metafore waarmee JHWH beskryf word. In verse 14-17 word die metafore van koning en kryger in terme van JHWH gebruik, terwyl verse 18-20 die herder-metafoor suggereer. Metafore word gebruik binne 'n literêre konteks en daarom word daar aandag gegee aan die literêre opbou van die teks of perikoop. Noodsaaklikerwys word die teks dan ook binne ' n historiese raamwerk geplaas om verder lig te werp op die betekenis van die teks. Hierdie proses stel die eksegeet in staat om ' n teologiese interpretasie van die teks te konstrueer. Die literêre opbou van die gedeelte toon die prominente voorkoms van chiasme as literêre tegniek aan. Die perikoop word beskou as 'n slottoevoeging tot die boek Sefanja. Dit is waarskynlik tydens die Babiloniese ballingskap bygevoeg. Die koning-metafoor dui op JHWH as die Een wat die magteloses onder die volk se regte handhaaf, die kinders van behoeftiges verlos en onderdrukkers verpletter. Met JHWH as kryger word JHWH geteken as die teenwoordige God wat veral reddend optree ten behoewe van die volk. Die herder-metafoor kommunikeer die idee van JHWH as die Een wat versorgend, bewarend, voedend, beskermend teenoor sy volk optree wat kwesbaar, afhanklik en van hulp afhanklik is. Ten slotte word riglyne vir die prediking van die gedeelte voorgestel.The problem addressed in this contribution is the question concerning the theological message of Zephaniah 3:14-20. Ultimately, the main reason for reading the Bible whether by lay people or professional theologians and pastors, is to determine a theological message of a passage, a chapter and even a book in the Bible. The methodological approach followed to answer this problem statement is to focus on the metaphors used to describe YHWH. Zephaniah is a book known for its use of metaphors in a productive and innovative way. To determine the theological intent of this passage via an investigation into the metaphors used in terms of YHWH seems to be an appropriate way to arrive at valid answers to the question posed. The passage of Zephaniah 3:14-20 can be divided into two parts, verses 14-17 and 18-20 respectively. Verses 14-17 make use of two metaphors, YHWH as king and YHWH as warrior. In verses 18-20 the metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphors occur within a literary text and consequently attention has to be paid to the literary structure of the passage. In both parts of the passage (verses 14-17; 18-20) the literary device of chiasm is used. The historical situation of the passage is also investigated, and it has been established that the closing verses of the book of Zephaniah most probably represent an editorial addition sometime during the Babylonian exile. The metaphor ofking denotes the idea of YHWH as the One who is concerned about the rights of the powerless and to rescue them from oppressors. The metaphor of YHWH as warrior is related to the metaphor of king and conveys the idea of YHWH as a mighty saviour, present in the midst of his people to accomplish the salvation of his people. The third metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphor of shepherd is also closely related to the metaphor ofking. Kings are often seen as shepherds to their people. YHWH as shepherd is the One who cares for his people, feed them and guard them against possible enemies. In this passage YHWH shepherding his people will ultimately lead to their restoration as a people. The restoration will consist of rescuing the lame and the gathering of those who have been exiled. It is promised to them that they will once again receive honour and praise among the other nations of the earth. The people are addressed as "daughter of Zion" and "daughter of Jerusalem" emphasising weakness and vulnerability, in contrast to the metaphors of king, warrior and shepherd suggesting the might of JHWH and his ability to rescue his people. Finally, some guidelines are provided to aid preachers to deliver a sermon based on this passage. It is suggested that YHWH is presented to the people as king, warrior, and shepherd. In response to this message people are called upon in four imperatives to sing, shout, rejoice and be hopeful even in spite of the dire situation of the exile. They are also encouraged not to fear and not to "let their hands hang limp" meaning that they should act in a brave way. Current times demand that believers keep focusing on JHWH as king, hero, and shepherd. Consequently, they will adhere to the call to sing and rejoice irrespective of the difficult times believers have to endure. When God is confessed as king there is also no need to fear earthly rulers. Finally, in a time where there is a danger of losing courage and will power, believers are urged to live courageously despite the circumstances because JHWH is in their midst and He assures them of his love.
Abstract: Die probleem wat aan die orde gestel word, is die vraag na die teologiese seggingskrag van Sefanja 3:14-20. Om die vraagstelling te beantwoord word daar gefokus op die metafore waarmee JHWH beskryf word. In verse 14-17 word die metafore van koning en kryger in terme van JHWH gebruik, terwyl verse 18-20 die herder-metafoor suggereer. Metafore word gebruik binne 'n literêre konteks en daarom word daar aandag gegee aan die literêre opbou van die teks of perikoop. Noodsaaklikerwys word die teks dan ook binne ' n historiese raamwerk geplaas om verder lig te werp op die betekenis van die teks. Hierdie proses stel die eksegeet in staat om ' n teologiese interpretasie van die teks te konstrueer. Die literêre opbou van die gedeelte toon die prominente voorkoms van chiasme as literêre tegniek aan. Die perikoop word beskou as 'n slottoevoeging tot die boek Sefanja. Dit is waarskynlik tydens die Babiloniese ballingskap bygevoeg. Die koning-metafoor dui op JHWH as die Een wat die magteloses onder die volk se regte handhaaf, die kinders van behoeftiges verlos en onderdrukkers verpletter. Met JHWH as kryger word JHWH geteken as die teenwoordige God wat veral reddend optree ten behoewe van die volk. Die herder-metafoor kommunikeer die idee van JHWH as die Een wat versorgend, bewarend, voedend, beskermend teenoor sy volk optree wat kwesbaar, afhanklik en van hulp afhanklik is. Ten slotte word riglyne vir die prediking van die gedeelte voorgestel.The problem addressed in this contribution is the question concerning the theological message of Zephaniah 3:14-20. Ultimately, the main reason for reading the Bible whether by lay people or professional theologians and pastors, is to determine a theological message of a passage, a chapter and even a book in the Bible. The methodological approach followed to answer this problem statement is to focus on the metaphors used to describe YHWH. Zephaniah is a book known for its use of metaphors in a productive and innovative way. To determine the theological intent of this passage via an investigation into the metaphors used in terms of YHWH seems to be an appropriate way to arrive at valid answers to the question posed. The passage of Zephaniah 3:14-20 can be divided into two parts, verses 14-17 and 18-20 respectively. Verses 14-17 make use of two metaphors, YHWH as king and YHWH as warrior. In verses 18-20 the metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphors occur within a literary text and consequently attention has to be paid to the literary structure of the passage. In both parts of the passage (verses 14-17; 18-20) the literary device of chiasm is used. The historical situation of the passage is also investigated, and it has been established that the closing verses of the book of Zephaniah most probably represent an editorial addition sometime during the Babylonian exile. The metaphor ofking denotes the idea of YHWH as the One who is concerned about the rights of the powerless and to rescue them from oppressors. The metaphor of YHWH as warrior is related to the metaphor of king and conveys the idea of YHWH as a mighty saviour, present in the midst of his people to accomplish the salvation of his people. The third metaphor used is that of YHWH as shepherd. The metaphor of shepherd is also closely related to the metaphor ofking. Kings are often seen as shepherds to their people. YHWH as shepherd is the One who cares for his people, feed them and guard them against possible enemies. In this passage YHWH shepherding his people will ultimately lead to their restoration as a people. The restoration will consist of rescuing the lame and the gathering of those who have been exiled. It is promised to them that they will once again receive honour and praise among the other nations of the earth. The people are addressed as "daughter of Zion" and "daughter of Jerusalem" emphasising weakness and vulnerability, in contrast to the metaphors of king, warrior and shepherd suggesting the might of JHWH and his ability to rescue his people. Finally, some guidelines are provided to aid preachers to deliver a sermon based on this passage. It is suggested that YHWH is presented to the people as king, warrior, and shepherd. In response to this message people are called upon in four imperatives to sing, shout, rejoice and be hopeful even in spite of the dire situation of the exile. They are also encouraged not to fear and not to "let their hands hang limp" meaning that they should act in a brave way. Current times demand that believers keep focusing on JHWH as king, hero, and shepherd. Consequently, they will adhere to the call to sing and rejoice irrespective of the difficult times believers have to endure. When God is confessed as king there is also no need to fear earthly rulers. Finally, in a time where there is a danger of losing courage and will power, believers are urged to live courageously despite the circumstances because JHWH is in their midst and He assures them of his love.
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