Subjects -> HUMANITIES (Total: 1061 journals)
    - ASIAN STUDIES (182 journals)
    - CLASSICAL STUDIES (159 journals)
    - ETHNIC INTERESTS (166 journals)
    - GENEALOGY AND HERALDRY (9 journals)
    - HUMANITIES (344 journals)
    - NATIVE AMERICAN STUDIES (28 journals)


Showing 1 - 28 of 28 Journals sorted alphabetically
American Indian Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
American Music     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 23)
American Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 29)
Anuario de Estudios Americanos     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Comparative American Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Corpus. Archivos virtuales de la alteridad americana     Open Access  
European journal of American studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Globe : revue internationale d’études québécoises     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Iberoromania     Hybrid Journal  
International Journal of American Linguistics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Journal de la Société des Américanistes     Open Access  
Journal of the Early Republic     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
London Journal of Canadian Studies     Open Access  
Magallania     Open Access  
Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Native South     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
PaleoAmerica : A Journal of Early Human Migration and Dispersal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Political Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Revista de Indias     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Southeastern Archaeology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Southern Cultures     Full-text available via subscription  
Studies in American Indian Literatures     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Studies in Latin American Popular Culture     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Trace     Open Access  
Wicazo Sa Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
William Carlos Williams Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Similar Journals
Journal Cover
Political Studies
Journal Prestige (SJR): 1.485
Citation Impact (citeScore): 2
Number of Followers: 42  
Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal   * Containing 1 Open Access Open Access article(s) in this issue *
ISSN (Print) 0032-3217 - ISSN (Online) 1467-9248
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1141 journals]
  • Small-Scale Deliberation and Mass Democracy: A Systematic Review of the
           Spillover Effects of Deliberative Minipublics
    • Authors: Ramon van der Does, Vincent Jacquet
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Deliberative minipublics are popular tools to address the current crisis in democracy. However, it remains ambiguous to what degree these small-scale forums matter for mass democracy. In this study, we ask the question to what extent minipublics have “spillover effects” on lay citizens—that is, long-term effects on participating citizens and effects on non-participating citizens. We answer this question by means of a systematic review of the empirical research on minipublics’ spillover effects published before 2019. We identify 60 eligible studies published between 1999 and 2018 and provide a synthesis of the empirical results. We show that the evidence for most spillover effects remains tentative because the relevant body of empirical evidence is still small. Based on the review, we discuss the implications for democratic theory and outline several trajectories for future research.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-05-06T06:21:25Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211007278
  • Voter Decision-Making in a Context of Low Political Trust: The 2016 UK EU
           Membership Referendum
    • Authors: Nick Clarke, Will Jennings, Jonathan Moss, Gerry Stoker
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Using volunteer writing for Mass Observation, we explore how British citizens decided whether to leave the EU. The 2016 referendum was the biggest decision made by the British electorate in decades, but involved limited voter analysis. Many citizens did not have strong views about EU membership in early 2016. The campaigns did not help to firm up their views, not least because so much information appeared to be in dispute. Voters, often characterised as polarised, were reluctant and uncertain. Many citizens took their duty to decide seriously, but were driven more by hunch than careful analysis. In 2016, voters reacted against elites they did not trust at least as much as they embraced the ideas of trusted elites. This contrasts with the 1975 Referendum on the Common Market, when the vote was driven by elite endorsement. In low-trust contexts, voters use cues from elites as negative rather than positive stimulus.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-05-06T06:17:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211003419
  • Educational Attainment Has a Causal Effect on Economic, But Not Social
           Ideology: Evidence from Discordant Twins
    • Authors: Stig Hebbelstrup Rye Rasmussen, Aaron Weinschenk, Asbjørn Sonne Nørgaard, Jacob von Bornemann Hjelmborg, Robert Klemmensen
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In this article, we examine the nature of the relationship between educational attainment and ideology. Some scholars have argued that the effect of education on political variables like ideology is inflated due to unaccounted-for family factors, such as genetic predispositions and parental socialization. Using the discordant twin design and data from a large sample of Danish twins, we find that after accounting for confounders rooted in the family, education has a (quasi)-causal effect on economic ideology, but not social ideology. We also examine whether the relationship between education and economic ideology is moderated by levels of economic hardship in the local context where individuals reside. We find that the (quasi)-causal effect of education on economic ideology increases in economically challenged areas.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:58:31Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211008788
  • Justice and Internal Displacement
    • Authors: Jamie Draper
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article develops a normative theory of the status of ‘internally displaced persons’. Political theorists working on forced migration have paid little attention to internally displaced persons, but internally displaced persons bear a distinctive normative status that implies a set of rights that its bearer can claim and correlate duties that others owe. This article develops a practice-based account of justice in internal displacement, which aims to answer the questions of who counts as an internally displaced person and what is owed to internally displaced persons (and by whom). The first section addresses the question of who counts as an internally displaced person by offering an interpretation of the conditions of non-alienage and involuntariness. The second section articulates an account of what is owed to internally displaced persons that draws on and refines the idea of ‘occupancy rights’. The third section sets out an account of the role of the international community in supplementing the protection of internally displaced persons by their own states.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:58:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211007641
  • Foreign-Born Population Growth, Negative Outgroup Contact, and
           Americans’ Attitudes Towards Legal and Unauthorized Immigration
    • Authors: James Laurence, Harris Hyun-soo Kim
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Individual attitudes towards immigration are powerfully driven by ethnic context, that is, size of foreign-born population. We advance the literature by examining how the change (growth) in foreign-born population, in addition to its size (level), is related to two distinct outcomes: natives’ views on legal and unauthorized immigration. By analysing a probability US sample, we find that an increase in the state-level immigration population is positively related to Americans’ approval of a policy aimed at containing the flow of undocumented immigrants. The proportion of immigrants in a state, however, is not a significant predictor of support for such restrictive policy. With respect to legal immigration, neither the amount of recent change in, nor the size of, the immigration population matters. Our study provides strong evidence for contextual effects: net of compositional factors, a dynamic change in foreign-born population has an independent impact on how Americans view unauthorized, but not legal, immigration.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:56:37Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005920
  • Public Reason, Partisanship and the Containment of the Populist Radical
    • Authors: Gabriele Badano, Alasia Nuti
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article discusses the growth of the populist radical right as a concrete example of the scenario where liberal democratic ideas are losing support in broadly liberal democratic societies. Our goal is to enrich John Rawls’ influential theory of political liberalism. We argue that even in that underexplored scenario, Rawlsian political liberalism can offer an appealing account of how to promote the legitimacy and stability of liberal democratic institutions provided it places partisanship centre stage. Specifically, we propose a brand-new moral duty binding ‘reasonable’ partisans committed to pluralism. This duty establishes conditions where partisans must strategically transform society’s public reason (i.e. transform the visions for society their parties campaign on) in ways that promise to attract back support from illiberal and antidemocratic competitors. While this strategic behaviour might seem impermissible, we show that Rawls’ distinctive account of sincerity in democratic deliberation is uniquely placed to justify it as perfectly ethical.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:56:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005917
  • Does Europe Need an Emergency Constitution'
    • Authors: Christian Kreuder-Sonnen
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The European Union is increasingly shaped by emergency politics as a mode of rule. Other than the state of exception in domestic constitutions, emergency politics at the European level is largely unregulated—with important negative effects for the integrity and normative quality of the European Union’s legal and political order. This article discusses whether and how a European-level emergency constitution could dampen the costs to constitutionalism by formally pre-regulating the assumption and exercise of emergency powers in the European Union. It proposes design principles that a European emergency constitution would need to meet in order to be desirable. They include prescriptions on who should declare an emergency and who should wield emergency authority up to what constitutional limit. While a European emergency constitution could theoretically alleviate some of the normative concerns about emergency politics, it is plagued by issues of implementation that only a fundamental constitutional overhaul of the European Union could address.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:56:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005336
  • Civil Society in Hybrid Regimes: Trade Union Activism in Post-2003 Iraq
    • Authors: Benjamin Isakhan
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores the relationship between hybrid regimes and civil society. It examines the extant debate between ‘neo-Tocquevilleans’ and their opponents over whether or not a robust civil society portends democratic transition and consolidation. It demonstrates the limits of these two models by arguing that civil society in hybrid regimes can in fact agitate against the state, advocate for democratic freedoms and achieve significant political reforms even when these do not lead to broader democratization. To demonstrate, this article documents the case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions through 15 years of complex Iraqi politics, from the 2003 US-led intervention and during the incumbency of Prime Minister’s Maliki (2006–2014) and Abadi (2014–2018). By analysing primary materials produced by and about the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions, it finds that this case holds important lessons for those seeking to understand the complex interface between civil society and the state in hybrid regimes.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:55:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005322
  • How We Fail to Know: Group-Based Ignorance and Collective Epistemic
    • Authors: Anne Schwenkenbecher
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Humans are prone to producing morally suboptimal and even disastrous outcomes out of ignorance. Ignorance is generally thought to excuse agents from wrongdoing, but little attention has been paid to group-based ignorance as the reason for some of our collective failings. I distinguish between different types of first-order and higher order group-based ignorance and examine how these can variously lead to problematic inaction. I will make two suggestions regarding our epistemic obligations vis-a-vis collective (in)action problems: (1) that our epistemic obligations concern not just our own knowledge and beliefs but those of others, too and (2) that our epistemic obligations can be held collectively where the epistemic tasks cannot be performed by individuals acting in isolation, for example, when we are required to produce joint epistemic goods.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:52:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211000926
  • Free Time Across the Life Course
    • Authors: Malte Jauch
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In most industrialised countries, citizens enjoy a very large amount of free time towards the end of their lives, when they are retired, but find it very costly to access free time during the middle part of their lives. This is concerning because those who die early are deprived of the reward of free time that retirement holds. Extreme discrepancies between a time-rich old age and a time-scarce middle age are not, however, inevitable: some states incentivise long work hours during middle age in combination with early retirement, whereas others incentivise shorter work hours during middle age and later retirement. This variation raises the thus far unexplored question of how a just society should design policies that affect the costs of access to free time across the life course. I answer this question by using a hypothetical decision-situation where prudent choosers must allocate access to free time across different life stages.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T09:06:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211000733
  • Towards a Concept of Political Robustness
    • Authors: Eva Sørensen, Christopher Ansell
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How effective are different political institutions, policy-making processes and policies when it comes to mediating, mitigating and managing vertical and horizontal political tensions caused by disruptive societal challenges and political polarization' The present crisis for liberal democracy places this question high on the research agenda. A concept of political robustness is helpful for identifying the properties of political systems with a strong capacity for coping with political instability and conflict. This article defines political robustness, draws the contours of a conceptual framework for analysis of the political robustness of political systems and applies it illustratively to the political robustness of liberal democracies. We propose that the robustness of a political system depends on how much those who voice political demands—which differs greatly over time and between regimes—are involved in aggregating and integrating political demands into binding decisions.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T06:11:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721999974
  • Evoking Equality: The Gender Sensitivity of Parliaments through their
           Symbolic Function
    • Authors: Tània Verge
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article examines parliaments as symbol-makers beyond the actions of individual Members of Parliament or parliamentary party groups. In doing so, it develops an analytical framework for studying how legislatures symbolically represent women and, more generally, how they stand for gender equality. The article identifies who are the symbol-makers on behalf of the institution and outlines several indicators that allow assessing how the symbolic may further the gender sensitivity of parliaments. The indicators are clustered into two domains: on one hand, physical spaces, and, on the other hand, communications and public outreach. Drawing on examples from parliaments around the world, the article documents the wide range of available repertoires aimed at eroding the association between politics and masculinity. It also discusses the expected impact of symbolic activity on the targeted audiences and pinpoints the ways in which descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation build onto each other.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T06:10:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721998931
  • Does In-Group Consolidation Polarize Attitudes Toward Immigrants'
    • Authors: Mikko Leino, Juha Ylisalo
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Scholars have identified a host of individual-level and contextual factors associated with variation in people’s attitudes toward immigrants. In this article, we argue that individual traits that are conducive to a positive or negative attitude toward immigrants tend to be more strongly connected to attitudes the larger the share of people with similar traits in the individual’s immediate living environment. This is because interacting with like-minded people is likely to strengthen one’s pre-existing views. We test this reasoning using data on more than 3000 individuals nested within more than 100 neighborhoods in the city of Turku, Finland. We find that the attitudes of young adults tend to be more positive the more people with characteristics predicting a positive attitude there are in their neighborhood, while their attitudes tend to be more negative the more people there are with a low level of education, a strong predictor of negative attitudes.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T05:59:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721998929
  • Populism as a Political Strategy: An Approach’s Enduring — and
           Increasing — Advantages
    • Authors: Kurt Weyland
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Responding to Rueda’s questions, this essay explains the political-strategic approach (PSA) to populism and highlights its analytical strengths, which have become even more important with the emergence of populist governments across the world. PSA identifies populism’s core by emphasizing the central role of personalistic leaders who tend to operate in opportunistic ways, rather than consistently pursuing programmatic or ideological orientations. PSA is especially useful nowadays, when scholars’ most urgent task is to elucidate the political strategies of populist chief executives and their problematic repercussions, especially populism’s threat to democracy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-01T06:37:33Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211002669
  • The Death of May’s Law: Intra- and Inter-Party Value Differences in
           Britain’s Labour and Conservative Parties
    • Authors: Alan Wager, Tim Bale, Philip Cowley, Anand Menon
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Party competition in Great Britain increasingly revolves around social or ‘cultural’ issues as much as it does around the economic issues that took centre stage when class was assumed to be dominant. We use data from surveys of members of parliament, party members and voters to explore how this shift has affected the internal coalitions of the Labour and Conservative Parties – and to provide a fresh test of ‘May’s Law’. We find a considerable disconnect between ‘neoliberal’ Conservative members of parliament and their more centrist voters on economic issues and similarly significant disagreement on cultural issues between socially liberal Labour members of parliament and their more authoritarian voters. We also find differences in both parties between parliamentarians and their grassroots members, albeit that these are much less pronounced. May’s Law, not for the first time, appears not to be borne out in reality.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-26T10:14:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721995632
  • Populism or Nationalism' The ‘Paradoxical’ Non-Emergence
           of Populism in Cyprus
    • Authors: Giorgos Venizelos
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite the deep financial crisis and profound political disillusionment – conditions that are treated as necessary and sufficient. Putting emphasis on Cyprus’ key historical particularities, the article inquires into the ways Cyprus’ political past, and the subsequent salient ‘national question’, produce ambiguous notions of ‘the people’ on the one hand, and impede the potentials for a ‘populist moment’ on the other hand. By assessing the performative dynamics of oppositional parties in Cyprus, the empirical analysis suggests that the absence of populism is rooted in the following factors: First, nationalist discourse prevails over, and significantly weakens, populist discourse. Second, self-proclaimed challenger parties served ‘old wine in new bottles’ further undermining their position and claims. The failure of populism to take root in Cyprus, brings to the fore important theoretical insights relevant to the non-emergence of populism even under favourable conditions.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-25T06:47:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721989157
  • Populist Attitudes: Bringing Together Ideational and Communicative
    • Authors: Glenn Kefford, Benjamin Moffitt, Annika Werner
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The study of populist attitudes has thus far drawn heavily on ideational definitions of populism, focussing almost exclusively on attitudes related to dimensions such as people-centredness and anti-elitism. However, these accounts have largely ignored other approaches to populism, especially the discursive-performative school which see populism as something that is communicated and done by political actors. We argue that when studying populist attitudes, these approaches are not mutually exclusive. In this article, we develop a novel measure of attitudes towards populist communication and consider how these interact with populist ideational attitudes. Testing our measures on the Australian case, we demonstrate that attitudes towards populist communication exist independently of populist ideational attitudes, and that they have a significant effect on voting behaviour and on attitudes related to the ideational approach. Therefore, we argue that studies of populist attitudes need to take attitudes towards populist communication into account in future work.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-24T09:03:31Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721997741
  • The Grammar of Social Power: Power-to, Power-with, Power-despite and
    • Authors: Arash Abizadeh
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      There are two rival conceptions of power in modern sociopolitical thought. According to one, all social power reduces to power-over-others. According to another, the core notion is power-to-effect-outcomes, to which even power-over reduces. This article defends seven theses. First, agential social power consists in a relation between agent and outcomes (power-to). Second, not all social power reduces to power-over and, third, the contrary view stems from conflating power-over with a distinct notion: power-despite-resistance. Fourth, the widespread assumption that social power presupposes the capacity to overcome resistance is false: social power includes the capacity to effect outcomes with others’ assistance. Fifth, power-with can be exercised via joint intentional action, strategic coordination and non-strategic coordination. Sixth, agential social power is best analysed as a capacity to effect outcomes, with the assistance of others, despite the resistance of yet others. Seventh, power-over and power-with are not mutually exclusive: each can ground the other.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-24T09:01:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721996941
  • State-Led Gentrification and Self-Respect
    • Authors: Katy Wells
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Gentrification is a global and highly controversial issue. This article develops an account of what can be troubling, specifically, about state support for gentrification processes. Recent research points to the fact that gentrification processes are being used by policy-makers in many parts of the world as tools for urban ‘renewal’ or transformation. However, it is claimed that this is often at the cost of badly off residents of these areas. I argue that where the state supports or encourages gentrification processes that either (a) impose non-trivial costs on badly off residents of gentrifying areas or (b) fail to benefit these residents in certain ways, the state disrespects these residents by failing to show due regard for their interests. In doing so, it threatens their self-respect. Having made this argument, I also consider how certain kinds of state investment once gentrification processes have occurred can threaten the self-respect of original residents.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-20T06:05:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721989168
  • Objective Conditions Count, Political Beliefs Decide: The Conditional
           Effects of Self-Interest and Ideology on Redistribution Preferences
    • Authors: Klaus Armingeon, David Weisstanner
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How can we explain variation in demand for redistribution among cross-pressured voters' We argue that redistributive preferences reflect an interaction between material self-interest and political ideology. The self-interest argument predicts growing opposition to redistribution as income increases, while the argument of ideologically driven preferences suggests that left-leaning citizens are more supportive of redistribution than right-leaning citizens. Focusing on cross-pressured voters, we expect that the difference in redistribution preferences between left- and right-leaning citizens is smaller at the bottom of the income hierarchy than at the top. Among the group of left-leaning citizens, the role of material self-interest is expected to be smaller than among right-leaning citizens. We provide evidence in line with our argument analysing data from the European Social Survey in 25 European democracies between 2008 and 2018.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-18T06:25:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721993652
  • A Strike against the Left: General Strikes and Public Opinion of Incumbent
           Governments in Spain
    • Authors: Alison Johnston, Kerstin Hamann, Bonnie N Field
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Political links between labor unions and leftist political parties have weakened over the last four decades in Western Europe, reducing the former’s influence on the latter. Unions’ prolonged organizational decline suggests that their capacity to pressure left parties should become more limited. We examine whether unions can use general strikes to influence public opinion when left parties in government pursue austerity policies. Executing a distributive lag time series analysis of quarterly public opinion data from 1986 to 2015 in Spain, we find that Socialist governments incurred significant public opinion penalties in the wake of a general strike. Not only did PSOE prime ministers lose confidence from the public, but they also witnessed a significant reduction in voting intentions. In contrast, Spain’s conservative governments incurred no such public opinion penalties in response to general strikes. We conclude that general strikes carry significant political costs for left governments that stray from union ideals.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-16T06:39:14Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721989926
  • Foundational Moments, Representative Claims and the Ecology of Social
    • Authors: Mihaela Mihai
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article identifies a blind spot in constructivist theories of representation and their account of legitimacy in terms of the challenge posed by ecologies of social ignorance, generally and especially during foundational moments. Social ignorance is conceptualised here not merely as the absence of knowledge or true belief but as a social practice of legitimising epistemically problematic political imaginaries and the institutional systems they underpin. In dialogue with social epistemologists and phenomenologists, the article shows how representation can nurture social ignorance, despite the availability of ample opportunities for political contestation and alternative opinion formation. A permanent feature of democratic politics, this problem becomes most salient during moments of constitutional re-founding, such as regime change, post-conflict reconstruction or constitutional referenda, when representative claims can reconfigure a community’s political imaginary, rendering it more or less ignorant. The representative claims made by the Vote Leave’s key figures during the Brexit referendum campaign serve as illustration.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-06T05:55:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721995639
  • Losers’ Consent in Changing Welfare States: Output Dissatisfaction,
           Experienced Voice and Political Distrust
    • Authors: Lisanne de Blok, Staffan Kumlin
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Mature welfare states must increasingly handle growing fiscal pressures and a multitude of needs with smaller resources. Meanwhile, evaluations of policy outputs are characterized as ‘the weakest link’ in welfare state support, resulting in generalized political distrust. We assess the procedural fairness argument that citizens are not only concerned with welfare state outcomes but also assess the fairness of the processes of service delivery. The fairness perspective has usually been tested in cross-sectional studies, experiments or on the ‘input side’ of democracy. By contrast, we use primary three-wave panel data on evaluations and experiences with welfare state institutions. The random-effects within-between framework allows improved causal evidence that both outputs (service quality satisfaction) and procedural fairness (experienced voice opportunities) affect political trust. Crucially, however, perceived fairness mitigates detrimental effects of poor outcomes. This is because procedural voice matters, especially for the formation of political trust among losers.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-06T05:02:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721993646
  • Party Responsiveness to Public Opinion in Young Democracies
    • Authors: Raimondas Ibenskas, Jonathan Polk
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Are political parties in young democracies responsive to the policy preferences of the public' Compared to extensive scholarship on party responsiveness in established democracies, research on party responsiveness in young democracies is limited. We argue that weaker programmatic party–voter linkages in post-communist democracies create incentives for parties to respond to their supporters rather than the more general electorate. Such responsiveness occurs in two ways. First, parties follow shifts in the mean position of their supporters. Second, drawing on the research on party–voter congruence, we argue that parties adjust their policy positions to eliminate previous incongruence between themselves and their supporters. Analyses based on a comprehensive dataset that uses expert surveys, parties’ manifestoes and election surveys to measure parties’ positions, and several cross-national and national surveys to measure voters’ preferences provide strong support for this argument.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-06T04:57:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721993635
  • From Big Bang to Brexit: The City of London and the Discursive Power of
    • Authors: Scott James, Hussein Kassim, Thomas Warren
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article aims to generate new insights into the City’s influence during the Brexit negotiations. Integrating theories of discursive institutionalism and business power, we set out to analyse the dynamic ‘discursive power’ of finance. From this perspective, a key source of the City’s influence historically has been a powerful strategic discourse about London’s role as Europe’s leading global financial centre. This was strengthened following the financial crisis to emphasise its contribution to the ‘real’ economy and emerging regulatory threats from the EU. We argue that Brexit challenges the City’s discursive power by removing ‘ideational constraints’ on acceptable policy discourse, and undermining the ‘discursive co-production’ of financial power by government and industry. By encouraging financial actors to re-evaluate their interests, this has contributed to increasing discursive fragmentation and incoherence. Evidence for this comes from the City’s ambiguous policy preferences on Brexit, and the emergence of a rival pro-Brexit ‘discursive coalition’.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-02-05T04:52:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720985714
  • Mandate or Donors' Explaining the UNHCR’s Country-Level
           Expenditures from 1967 to 2016
    • Authors: Svanhildur Thorvaldsdottir, Ronny Patz, Klaus H Goetz
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In recent decades, many international organizations have become almost entirely funded by voluntary contributions. Much existing literature suggests that major donors use their funding to refocus international organizations’ attention away from their core mandate and toward serving donors’ geostrategic interests. We investigate this claim in the context of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), examining whether donor influence negatively impacts mandate delivery and leads the organization to direct expenditures more toward recipient countries that are politically, economically, or geographically salient to major donors. Analyzing a new dataset of UNHCR finances (1967–2016), we find that UNHCR served its global mandate with considerable consistency. Applying flexible measures of collective donor influence, so-called “influence-weighted interest scores,” our findings suggest that donor influence matters for the expenditure allocation of the agency, but that mandate-undermining effects of such influence are limited and most pronounced during salient refugee situations within Europe.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-02-05T04:50:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720974330
  • Losing the Discursive Battle but Winning the Ideological War: Who Holds
           Thatcherite Values Now'
    • Authors: Stephen Farrall, Emily Gray, Phil Mike Jones, Colin Hay
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In what ways, if at all, do past ideologies shape the values of subsequent generations of citizens' Are public attitudes in one period shaped by the discourses and constructions of an earlier generation of political leaders' Using Thatcherism – one variant of the political New Right of the 1980s – as the object of our enquiries, this article explores the extent to which an attitudinal legacy is detectable among the citizens of the UK some 40 years after Margaret Thatcher first became Prime Minister. Our article, drawing on survey data collected in early 2019 (n = 5781), finds that younger generations express and seemingly embrace key tenets of her and her governments’ philosophies. Yet at the same time, they are keen to describe her government’s policies as having ‘gone too far’. Our contribution throws further light on the complex and often covert character of attitudinal legacies. One reading of the data suggests that younger generations do not attribute the broadly Thatcherite values that they hold to Thatcher or Thatcherism since they were socialised politically after such values had become normalised.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-02-03T05:47:39Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720986701
  • Othering, Alienation and Establishment
    • Authors: Tariq Modood, Simon Thompson
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article examines the relationship between religion and the state, focusing on cases of establishment in which one religion is formally recognized. Arguing that religious establishment is wrong if it causes some citizens to feel alienated, we reject the criticism that feelings of alienation are too subjective a foundation for a robust normative case about establishment. We base our argument on an account of collective identities, which may have an ‘inside’ but are also subject to a process of othering in which a dominant group imposes an identity on a subordinate group. The establishment of a religion may contribute to othering, and the othered group may consequently be alienated from the state. However, since establishment does not always cause alienation, it is necessary to seek evidence and engage in a dialogue in order to understand a group’s own account of its experience of its situation.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-30T09:35:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720986698
  • On the Surprising Implications of Coercion Theory
    • Authors: Miriam Ronzoni
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      According to much of self-labelled coercion theory, the state is both the ground of egalitarian demands of distributive justice, and the (sole) domain to which such demands apply, in virtue of its exercise of coercive power which only distributive equality can justify. This article argues that, when properly unpacked in its theoretical commitments, coercion theory has surprising implications both within and beyond borders. Within borders, coercion is either *fully* justified by its necessity for autonomy; or it is not, in which case egalitarian distributions cannot do the trick, either – although *political* equality might. Beyond borders, the view turns out to have significantly demanding global implications, contrary to how it is often presented. It indeed differs from global egalitarianism simpliciter, but it gives rise to an interesting, complex set of cross-border obligations which reach far beyond the ‘global sufficiency, domestic equality’ picture. This surprising account of the implications of coercion theory rests on a crucial insight: when closely examined, the view turns out to be grounded in a natural duty of justice account of political obligation.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-23T05:45:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720985720
  • The Role of Self-Interest in Deliberation: A Theory of Deliberative
    • Authors: Afsoun Afsahi
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How do successful deliberations unfold' What happens when they unravel' In this article, I propose that we think of the dynamics of participant engagement within deliberation as series of self-interested and reciprocal investments in and divestments from deliberative capital. This article has three parts. First, I draw on the literatures on deliberative democracy and social capital to outline a theory of deliberative capital. I highlight the important role self-interest plays in the process of those initial investments – instances of engagement in positive deliberative behaviours. Second, drawing from my experience as a facilitator, I give an account of the particular indicators of investments and divestments that we might expect to see in a given deliberative engagement. Third, I briefly outline two innovative facilitation techniques that can be utilized at the beginning or during a deliberative process that trigger self-interest, which incentivizes investments and discourages divestments.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-21T07:36:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720981491
  • Human Rights Violations, Political Conditionality and Public Attitudes to
           Foreign Aid: Evidence from Survey Experiments
    • Authors: Niheer Dasandi, Jonathan Fisher, David Hudson, Jennifer vanHeerde-Hudson
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      There has been much criticism of donor governments who give aid to states that violate human rights. This has fuelled concerns about how such coverage affects public support for foreign aid. In response, donors increasingly use aid suspensions to signal to domestic audiences that a regime has been sanctioned and aid is not misspent. This article examines how reports of rights violations affect attitudes to aid and what, if any, impact donor responses have on public perceptions. We conduct survey experiments using nationally representative samples of the British public. Our findings demonstrate that reports of rights abuses reduce public support for aid. However, contrary to conventional wisdom, any response from donors, whether it be to justify continuing aid or to cut aid, prevents a decline in support. In policy terms, the findings demonstrate the importance of government responsiveness in maintaining public support for a frequently contested aspect of foreign policy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-18T10:14:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720980895
  • Too Old to Forget: The Dynamics of Political Trust among Immigrants
    • Authors: Chiara Superti, Noam Gidron
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Scholars have argued that immigrants’ trust in institutions is the result of the exposure to host-country institutions but also shaped by past experiences in the country of origin. These experiences create a “home-country point of reference,” a political/institutional memory that becomes the relevant comparison for any political/institutional interaction in the host country. We develop further this concept and unpack its key determinants—the age at migration and the historical conditions of the home country at the specific time of migration. Only those immigrants who were too old to forget the historical and contextual features of the country-of-origin institutions at the time of migration will rely on this comparison when interacting with institutions in the host country. Across time, there is both a continuous positive/negative accumulation of trust for the host-country institutions among those with less/more democratic points of reference. We examine immigrants’ political trust using survey evidence from Israel.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-15T04:59:52Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720980899
  • Citizens’ Governance Spaces: Democratic Action Through Disruptive
           Collective Problem-Solving
    • Authors: Carolyn M Hendriks, Albert W Dzur
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates the practical form of citizen engagement that occurs in collective problem-solving efforts such as civic enterprises, grassroots initiatives and self-help groups. Drawing on extensive empirical evidence from diverse policy fields, it articulates the distinct experimental and disruptive policy work that citizens enact in these citizens’ governance spaces and challenges dominant interpretations which view them as either (i) a testament to the capacity of citizens to effectively solve complex public problems or (ii) a symptom of advanced neoliberalism where states off-load complex problems onto citizens. The article moves beyond this dualism to consider the motivations, challenges, available resources and distinct democratic work enacted by citizens in these spaces of bottom-up governance. Citizens’ governance spaces, the article concludes, offer important lessons – both in terms of potential benefits and risks – for the project of deepening the quality and reach of citizen participation in modern systems of democracy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-15T04:59:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720980902
  • Why Not Bargain' The Domestic Politics of Utilizing the World Trade
           Organization’s Dispute Settlement Mechanism
    • Authors: Sijeong Lim, Hyo Won Lee
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The World Trade Organization’s dispute settlement mechanism is based on either bilateral bargaining or third-party rulings by a panel or the Appellate Body. When do countries utilize the multilateral procedure, and under what conditions do they opt for a bilateral agreement' Departing from previous studies emphasizing the role of the complainant in shaping the course of the dispute settlement mechanism, this article offers an explanation based on the strategic choices of respondents. This study suggests that the domestic political interests of respondent governments determine the use of the dispute settlement mechanism’s multilateral track. We argue that respondent governments choose the multilateral track to seek political cover for domestically unpopular concessions to a complainant. Such cover is required when (1) the dispute at stake has high public salience and (2) the respondent faces an upcoming election. Our hypotheses are tested using World Trade Organization’s dispute cases from 1995 to 2017.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-12-19T08:55:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720978340
  • Can Political Trust Help to Explain Elite Policy Support and Public
           Behaviour in Times of Crisis' Evidence from the United Kingdom at the
           Height of the 2020 Coronavirus Pandemic
    • Authors: James Weinberg
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Trust between representatives and citizens is regarded as central to effective governance in times of peace and uncertainty. This article tests that assumption by engaging elite and mass perspectives to provide a 360-degree appraisal of vertical and horizontal policy coordination in a crisis scenario. Specifically, a multi-dimensional conception of political trust, anchored in psychological studies of interpersonal relations, is operationalised in the context of the United Kingdom’s response to the 2020 coronavirus pandemic. Detailed analysis of data collected from 1045 members of the public and more than 250 elected politicians suggests that particular facets of political trust and distrust may have contributed to levels of mass behavioural compliance and elite policy support in the UK at the height of the COVID-19 crisis. These findings help to evaluate policy success during a unique and challenging moment while contributing theoretically and methodologically to broader studies of political trust and governance.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-12-18T10:52:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720980900
  • Party Linkage, Public Justification and Mixed Electoral Systems
    • Authors: Matteo Bonotti
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In recent years, a number of political theorists have aimed to restore the central role of parties in democratic life. These theorists have especially highlighted two key normative functions of parties: linkage and public justification. In this article, I argue that these two functions are often in tension. First, I illustrate how this tension manifests itself in liberal democracies. Second, I explain that parties’ ability to fulfil each of the two functions is strongly affected by the electoral system under which they operate: while first-past-the-post encourages party linkage but hinders public justification, the opposite is true of proportional representation. Third, I argue that a mixed electoral system can best guarantee the balance between parties’ linkage and justificatory functions. Fourth, I suggest a number of proposals for party reforms that could help mixed electoral systems to balance party linkage and public justification while preventing the re-emergence of the tension between them within parties.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-12-17T07:50:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720978339
  • The Importance of What We Care About: A Solidarity Approach to Resource
    • Authors: Kristi A Olson
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      At some point in your life, you will need to allocate resources among individuals, but how should you do so' One prominent suggestion is the envy test: the envy test is satisfied when and only when no one prefers someone else’s bundle. In Part I, I explain and then reject Tom Parr’s recent attempt to justify the envy test. Yet, like Parr, I believe the envy test captures something important. Thus, in Part II, I distinguish two approaches to resource allocation. Parr’s defense of the envy test assumes what I will call an individualist approach: what matters are each individual’s preferences. In lieu of the individualist approach, I endorse the solidarity approach: what matters are everyone’s preferences. After explaining the distinction, I show that the envy test—or at least something like it—can be defended using the solidarity approach even if it cannot be defended using the individualist approach.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-12-17T07:50:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720972872
  • Bernard Mandeville on the Use and Abuse of Hypocrisy
    • Authors: Robin Douglass
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In The Fable of the Bees, Bernard Mandeville declared that ‘it is impossible we could be sociable Creatures without Hypocrisy’. Mandeville set out his ideas of sociability against Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, whose notions of virtue he dismissed as ‘a vast Inlet to Hypocrisy’. The main goal of this article is to reconstruct Mandeville’s account of hypocrisy, first by explaining why he accords it such a prominent role in understanding our moral and social norms, and, second, by piecing together his criticisms of Shaftesbury’s rival ethical theory. In doing so, the article outlines a more general Mandevillean framework for assessing when hypocrisy is likely to prove either socially beneficial or pernicious, while also examining what is at stake in choosing to expose rather than tolerate other people’s hypocrisy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-12-17T07:49:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720972617
  • Conspiracy Thinking in Europe and America: A Comparative Study
    • Authors: Annemarie S Walter, Hugo Drochon
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      What explains conspiracy thinking in Europe and America' This is the first and largest comparative study of conspiracy thinking to date, presenting findings using a representative sample of 11,523 respondents in nine countries. First, it shows that the overall level of conspiracy thinking in Europe is equal to or slightly lower than the United States, contradicting the notion that conspiracy theories is an especially American phenomenon. Second, people more inclined to conspiracy thinking position themselves towards the right of the political spectrum, engage in magical thinking, feel distrust towards public officials and reject the political system. Finally, we find that – surprisingly – the country context in which respondents reside has hardly any effect as predictor of levels of conspiracy thinking or as a moderator of individual-level determinants. Heterogeneity in conspiratorial thinking seems to be largely a function of individual traits.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-12-17T07:49:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720972616
  • Mapping Deliberative Systems with Big Data: The Case of the Scottish
           Independence Referendum
    • Authors: John Parkinson, Sebastian De Laile, Núria Franco-Guillén
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Deliberative systems theorists have for some time emphasised the distributed nature of deliberative values; they therefore do not focus exclusively on ‘deliberation’ but on all sorts of communication that advance deliberative democratic values, including everyday political talk in informal settings. However, such talk has been impossible to capture inductively at scale. This article discusses an electronic approach, Structural Topic Modelling, and applies it to a recent case: the Scottish independence debate of 2012–2014. The case provides the first empirical test of the claim that a deliberative system can capture the full ‘pool of perspectives’ on an issue, and shows that citizens can hold each other to deliberative standards even in mass, online discussion. It also shows that, in deliberative terms, the major cleavage in the ‘indyref’ debate was not so much between Yes and No, but between formal and informal venues.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-12-03T10:06:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720976266
  • Interests Under Construction: Views on Migration from the European
           Union’s Southern External Border
    • Authors: Mark McAdam, Laura Otto
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      What do people think about unauthorised migrants reaching their shores' This article examines ethnographically what and how Maltese citizens think about recent migrant arrivals from northern Africa. This case study adds to research on public opinion formation in migrant-receiving societies in the European Union, offering perspectives from a small state tasked with enforcing the European Union’s external border in which migration is viewed critically. Embedding our research within constructivist institutionalism – which assumes that self-interest is not pre-determined but rather constructed – we are the first authors to take up Colin Hay’s call for ethnographic analysis in this field. We suggest that criticism of migration to Malta was grounded in fears and beliefs associated with unorderliness of migration management, perceived unfairness of EU requirements, uncertainty of the future, and a loss of control of being able to determine one’s own cultural identity.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-11-27T10:35:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720966464
  • Motivated Reasoning in Identity Politics: Group Status as a Moderator of
           Political Motivations
    • Authors: Ming M Boyer, Loes Aaldering, Sophie Lecheler
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Western democracies are increasingly defined by identity politics, where politics appeals to both political and other social identities. Consequently, political information processing should depend not just on political identity, but also on other identities, such as gender, race, or sexuality. For any given issue, we argue that the extent to which reasoning is motivated by one’s political identity depends on citizens’ group status in other relevant identities, that is, that political identity more strongly motivates high-status group members than low-status group members for issues of identity politics. A survey experiment (N = 1012) concerning a gender quota policy shows that political identity motivates men more strongly than women, leading to political polarization between left-wing and right-wing men, but not women. This suggests that political motivated reasoning should be addressed differently in situations of identity politics, and urges the consideration of group status as a conditional factor of motivated reasoning.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-11-21T10:02:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720964667
  • Member Influence and Involvement in Civil Society Organizations: A
           Resource Dependency Perspective on Groups and Parties
    • Authors: Nicole Bolleyer, Patricia Correa
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Which membership-based voluntary organizations constitutive of civil society such as parties, interest groups or service-oriented organizations keep their members active and which forms of activism do they cultivate' This article addresses this important question distinguishing two forms of ‘member activism’: ‘member involvement’, defined as members working for an organization, and ‘member influence’, defined as members’ participation in intra-organizational decision-making. Building on incentive-theoretical approaches to leader–member relations and resource dependency theory, we present a theoretical framework specifying distinct drivers of each form of member activism, which is tested using new data from four organization surveys conducted in four most different European democracies. None of the theorized factors has the same robust effect on both involvement and influence. Most notably, professionalization – reliance on paid staff – has a positive effect on involvement and a negative one on influence, stressing the need to distinguish carefully the different roles members play in civil society organizations.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-11-20T06:10:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720968018
  • Who Are the People' Defining the Demos in the Measurement of Democracy
    • Authors: Mathias Koenig-Archibugi
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Large-scale efforts to measure the democratic nature of polities across space and time are most useful when they reflect the variety of conceptions of democracy developed by political theorists. Traditionally, the attention of political theorists as well as political scientists focused on what it means for the people to rule, to the neglect of the equally important question of who the relevant people should be. In recent years, however, an increasing number of political theorists have tackled the problem of defining the demos and offered a wide range of answers. The article argues that empirical democracy measurement projects should take into account the variety of conceptions of the demos debated today instead of assuming consensus on this dimension. It also discusses how this can be done systematically. The arguments are developed with reference to the most ambitious and comprehensive democracy measurement project yet: Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem).
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-11-20T06:09:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720966481
  • Is Populism a Political Strategy' A Critique of an Enduring Approach
    • Authors: Daniel Rueda
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The political-strategic approach is one of the most employed frameworks within the methodologically heterogeneous subfield of populism studies. In the last two decades, it has contributed to the analysis of populism both in Latin America and the United States and, more recently, in Western and Eastern Europe. That being said, a close inspection of its axioms and its conceptualization of the phenomenon shows that it is built on ill-conceived premises. This article intends to be a comprehensive critique of the approach that can contribute to the methodological progress of the field. It criticizes the three main dysfunctions of the approach: selective rationalism, leader-centrism, and normative bias.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-11-20T06:04:01Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720962355
  • Should the Equality Act 2010 Be Extended to Prohibit Appearance
    • Authors: Andrew Mason, Francesca Minerva
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The UK Equality Act 2010 prohibits direct and indirect discrimination with respect to nine characteristics: age, disability, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity, race, religion or belief, sex, and sexual orientation. We argue that the best way of understanding the Act is to see it as protecting those who are vulnerable to systematic disadvantage, partly in virtue of being at risk of experiencing discrimination that violates what we call the meritocratic principle. If this is a key principle underpinning the Act, then there is a compelling case for extending the legislation to include the protection of at least one further characteristic, namely, appearance. We consider but reject various difficulties that might be raised with extending the Act in this way, including the objection that those vulnerable to forms of appearance discrimination that violate the meritocratic principle could be adequately protected by treating them as disabled.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-11-11T10:16:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720966480
  • Constraining Denaturalization
    • Authors: Patti Tamara Lenard
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Citizenship has been treated, since World War II, as a robust political and legal status. Recent political events have prompted the reassessment of the conditions under which it can be justly removed, however. Using the lens of democratic theory, I consider one particular instance of denationalization, namely, the withdrawal of citizenship from naturalized citizens when the granting state believes that the applicant ‘misrepresented’ themselves, that is, engaged in some form of deception, during the process of naturalization. There is an intuitive plausibility to the thought that if an applicant for citizenship lies or fails to provide all of the requested information, she should be denied citizenship. It seems equally plausible that, if citizenship status is nevertheless granted under these conditions, it can be permissibly removed. However, I argue that this conclusion is too quick: to be permissible, denaturalization procedures must be significantly constrained, in the ways that I outline.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-11-04T10:02:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720964666
  • Political Participation and Workplace Voice: The Spillover of Suppression
           by Supervisors
    • Authors: Bram Geurkink, Agnes Akkerman, Roderick Sluiter
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article aims to establish the connection between people’s voice at work and their political voice. We theorize and model a spillover mechanism from supervisors’ responses to workplace voice to political participation. Applying structural equation modeling on a unique dataset (N = 3129), we find that while support and suppression of workplace voice both affect political participation, they do so through different mechanisms. In addition, we find that supervisors’ suppressive responses to employees’ voice can trigger both positive and negative effects on different forms of political participation. Thereby, we contribute to the understanding of the link between participation at work and participation in politics.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-10-01T06:35:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720960969
  • Does Freedom of Expression Cause Less Terrorism'
    • Authors: Lasse Skjoldager Eskildsen, Christian Bjørnskov
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      It is often assumed that there is a trade-off between civil rights and national safety although the association is theoretically ambiguous. This article therefore explores this association by estimating the effect of degrees of freedom of expression on the risk of terrorist attacks. We first note that different theoretical arguments support both a positive and negative association between freedom of expression and terrorism. We explore this association empirically in a large panel of 162 countries observed between 1970 and 2016. Distinguishing between media freedom and discussion freedom, and separating democracies and autocracies, we find that discussion freedom is unambiguously associated with less terrorism in democracies.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-24T05:45:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720950223
  • Established and Excluded' Immigrants’ Economic Progress, Attitudes
           toward Immigrants, and the Conditioning Role of Egalitarianism and
           Intergroup Contact
    • Authors: Conrad Ziller
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Immigrants’ economic progress, on the one hand, serves as an indicator of successful integration and should serve to mitigate natives’ concerns about potential economic or welfare state–related burdens of immigration. On the other hand, the fact of immigrants improving their social status may also induce perceptions of competition and group-related relative deprivation. This study examines whether immigrants’ progress leads either to improved attitudes toward immigrants or to a greater perception of immigration-related threat. Specifically, I focus on how individuals’ egalitarian values and experiences in intergroup contact condition their responses to immigrants’ economic progress. Using data from the European Social Survey 2014, combined with country-level change scores in income gaps between natives and immigrants, I find that respondents who encountered negative experiences in intergroup contact respond to immigrants’ progress with increasing anti-immigrant sentiment. A survey experiment manipulating exposure to information about group-specific income trends mirrors this finding. The results have important implications for debates about immigrants’ integration and the economic motives underlying immigration-related attitudes.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-24T05:45:01Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720953561
  • Explaining Change in Legislatures: Dilemmas of Managerial Reform in the UK
           House of Commons
    • Authors: Alexandra Meakin, Marc Geddes
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How do institutions adapt and reform themselves in response to new challenges' This article considers the role of ideas and posits that the concept of ‘dilemma’ – clashes of beliefs played out through power relations and practices – offers a complementary tool to understand institutional change. It draws on the 2014 appointment of a new Clerk to the UK House of Commons – in which conflicting beliefs about the House of Commons administration opened a dilemma for key parliamentary actors – as a token case study to highlight the value of the concepts of beliefs, practices and dilemmas. It further broadens out these findings to consider the value of a wider interpretive approach for understanding how institutions may adapt and change. In doing so, it makes (1) a theoretical contribution by exploring the role of ideas in causing institutional change and (2) an empirical contribution through its analysis of parliamentary administration, an understudied area.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-24T05:44:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720955127
  • Economic Populist Sovereignism and Electoral Support for Radical
           Right-Wing Populism
    • Authors: Oscar Mazzoleni, Gilles Ivaldi
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Sovereignism is at the crux of the current wave of radical right-wing populism. Populist parties advocate ‘taking back control’ and generally do so in the name of the ‘people’, pledging to restore economic well-being. This article argues that populism and sovereignism are inherently connected in radical right-wing populism politics through a set of values that emphasize popular and national sovereignty. To test the empirical validity of our proposition, we focus on two established European radical right-wing populist parties, namely the Rassemblement National in France and the Swiss People’s Party and use data from an original survey. We find that while Rassemblement National and Swiss People’s Party voters diverge in general economic orientations, they share similar economic populist sovereignist values that significantly shape electoral support for those parties. These findings suggest that economic populist sovereignism may represent an important driver of support for the radical right-wing populism, alongside other correlates of radical right-wing populism voting, such as perceived immigration threat.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-24T05:44:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720958567
  • Together or Not' Dynamics of Public Attitudes on UN and NATO
    • Authors: Osman Sabri Kiratli
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This study investigates the driving forces of public endorsement of two major intergovernmental organizations—the UN and NATO. More specifically, I scrutinize the effects of two sets of independent variables on individual support for security intergovernmental organizations: respondents’ subjective evaluation of the domestic economic conditions and the gap between the home country’s foreign policy preferences and the mean preference within the said intergovernmental organization. For the empirical analysis, I employ cross-sectional survey data acquired from Pew Global Attitudes Surveys covering a sample of 37 countries and 10 waves spanning 2007–2017. The statistical analyses lend strong support for both hypotheses. Specifically, citizens who are dissatisfied with the national economic conditions are less likely to be in favor of intergovernmental organizations. The negative correlation between the perceptions of domestic economic performance and attitudes toward intergovernmental organizations is particularly compelling in countries that contribute more to the budget of that intergovernmental organization. Second, in countries where the foreign policy preferences converge with the other members of an intergovernmental organization, public opinion is more favorably disposed toward that intergovernmental organization.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-24T05:43:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720956326
  • Partisan Dealignment and Personal Vote-Seeking in Parliamentary Behaviour
    • Authors: Thomas G Fleming
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      What shapes legislators’ incentives for personal vote-seeking in parliament' Recent work suggests that partisanship among voters deters personal vote-seeking, by limiting its effectiveness. This has potentially significant implications for policy-making, election results and patterns of accountability. However, empirical tests of this argument remain few in number and have several limitations. This article thus offers a new test of the relationship between partisanship and personal vote-seeking. Using legislators’ bill proposals as an indicator of their personal vote-seeking activity, I analyse legislative behaviour in the UK House of Commons between 1964 and 2017. I find that members of parliament make more legislative proposals when voters are less partisan. Moreover, partisanship appears to moderate the influence of other drivers of personal vote-seeking: electorally vulnerable legislators make more legislative proposals, but only at low levels of partisanship. These findings provide new evidence that voters’ relationships with political parties affect legislators’ electoral strategies and parliamentary behaviour.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-21T07:44:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720953506
  • Permissive Winners' The Quality of Democracy and the Winner–Loser
           Gap in the Perception of Freedoms
    • Authors: Alejandro Monsiváis-Carrillo
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Voters usually differ in their assessment of the regime’s legitimacy, depending on their status as winners or losers. However, how wide or narrow the winner–loser gap is also depends on the quality of democratic institutions. Using survey data from 18 Latin American countries, this research provides evidence that winners and losers respond differently to the quality of democracy. While most research is concerned with the losers’ consent, this study shows that the winners express more favorable assessments of the supply of freedoms, even in regimes where democracy is weak or undermined by the deliberate efforts of the political authorities. Instead, in their perception of freedoms, losers are more willing to acknowledge if the quality of democracy improves or declines. These results suggest that the potential consequences of the winner–loser gap for regime stability are highly dependent on the democratic attributes of the political context.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-18T12:27:30Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720952230
  • Explaining Attitudes Toward Refugees and Immigrants in Europe
    • Authors: Lamis Abdelaaty, Liza G Steele
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      While there is a large literature on attitudes toward immigrants, scholars have not systematically examined the determinants of attitudes toward refugees. Often, refugees are simply treated as a subset of immigrants, under the assumption that attitudes toward both sets of foreigners are similar. In this article, we examine whether there are distinctions between attitudes toward refugees and immigrants, as well as variation in their determinants. We address these questions using individual-level data from 16 countries in the 2002 and 2014 waves of the European Social Survey. We demonstrate that these two groups of foreigners are, indeed, viewed as distinct and that differences emerge because attitudes toward refugees are more often related to macro-level factors while immigrants are more frequently associated with micro-level economic concerns. By distinguishing between refugees and immigrants, this article addresses an important gap in the academic literature on attitudes toward foreigners in Europe.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-14T10:03:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720950217
  • More than Words: A Multidimensional Approach to Deliberative Democracy
    • Authors: Ricardo Fabrino Mendonça, Selen A Ercan, Hans Asenbaum
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Since its inception, a core aspiration of deliberative democracy has been to enable more and better inclusion within democratic politics. In this article, we argue that deliberative democracy can achieve this aspiration only if it goes beyond verbal forms of communication and acknowledges the crucial role of non-verbal communication in expressing and exchanging arguments. The article develops a multidimensional approach to deliberative democracy by emphasizing the visual, sonic and physical dimensions of communication in public deliberation. We argue that non-verbal modes of communication can contribute to public deliberation when they (1) are used as part of reason-giving processes, (2) enable the inclusion of marginalized actors in public debates and (3) induce reflection and encourage new ways of thinking about the public controversies at hand.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-14T10:03:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720950561
  • Input from Whom' Public Reactions to Consultation Measures
    • Authors: Anthony Kevins
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Most legislation neither affects nor interests citizens equally. But should this variation in interest and affectedness impact who gets to influence policy reforms' This article examines US public opinion on this issue using a national survey experiment varying both the policy outcome (a bill’s passage/failure) and the type of constituency input granted by elected representatives (none/constituency surveys/targeting interested constituents/targeting affected constituents). It then compares reactions across treatment groups, examining the impact of outcome favourability as well as external and internal political efficacy. Results suggest that granting constituents explicit policy influence consistently affected perceived responsiveness in the expected manner, but that the different consultation procedures had more varied effects on decision acceptance. Furthermore, where the procedures impacted decision acceptance, they pushed the reactions of both the pleased and the displeased towards more muted responses. Finally, similar ‘cushion effects’ were present when external and internal political efficacy were incorporated into the analysis.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-14T10:02:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720956327
  • The Myth of Power-Sharing and Polarisation: Evidence from Northern Ireland
    • Authors: Matthew Whiting, Stefan Bauchowitz
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Whether power-sharing increases polarisation or not in post-conflict societies remains deeply contested. Yet, we currently lack an adequate conceptualisation of polarisation to assess the link (if any) between the two. This article offers a new conceptualisation of polarisation and uses this to gather evidence from Northern Ireland to argue that the assumption that power-sharing entrenches polarisation is not the reality that many think it is. By examining legislator voting records, speeches by party leaders, manifestos and public opinion data, we disaggregate polarisation into different issues, track it over time, and examine both elite and mass levels. We find that overall polarisation declined, albeit some limited polarisation remained in cultural and identity issues, but these were of low salience. We argue that this is the result of parties using identity instrumentally for electoral distinction in a system of convergence – a process that is independent of the effects of power-sharing.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-12T11:27:15Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720948662
  • A Tale of Populism' The Determinants of Voting for Left-Wing Populist
           Parties in Spain
    • Authors: Hugo Marcos-Marne
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Evidence indicates that populist attitudes matter for voting decisions, but findings are still inconclusive about whether this happens regardless of individuals’ positioning on more traditional dimensions of electoral competition. This article focuses on the probability of voting for populist parties in Spain, a country where only left-wing populist parties existed in 2015–2016. Therefore, not all populist individuals, who were spread across the left–right axis, had a natural voting option that combined their populist and left–right preferences. Although this situation could make it more likely that stronger populist attitudes increase likelihood of voting populist regardless of preferences on other political dimensions, the results of this analysis show otherwise. Stronger populist attitudes significantly increase the likelihood of voting for left-wing populist parties only among individuals located in the left side of the ideological axis. The effect seems largely influenced by preferences related to economic redistribution.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-09-09T07:05:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720950215
  • Do Sociotropic Concerns Mask Prejudice' Experimental Evidence on the
           Sources of Public Opposition to Immigration
    • Authors: Omer Solodoch
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Does opposition to immigration mostly stem from prejudice or from sociotropic concerns about broad economic and cultural implications on the nation as a whole' Previous work on immigration preferences cannot answer this question because the two explanations are observationally equivalent when focusing on the attitudes of natives. I analyze a unique survey experiment that asks both natives and immigrants of various origins to evaluate different profiles of visa applicants to the Netherlands. The experiment also assigns an “ingroup treatment”—applications by individuals of the same ethnocultural background as the respondent. Using this rich data, I show that sociotropic concerns are the major source of immigration preferences, while ethnic biases play a moderate role. Remarkably, the ingroup treatment has limited effects on admission. However, bias against specific immigrant groups is detected in preferences of immigrant respondents and of those who sympathize with the far-right Freedom Party.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-08-28T01:26:26Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720946163
  • Political Leaders, Economic Hardship, and Redistribution in Democracies:
           Impact of Political Leaders on Welfare Policy
    • Authors: Sung Min Han, Kangwook Han
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This study analyzes how political leaders’ material backgrounds affect redistributive policies in democracies. Building on political socialization theory, we argue that politicians with personal experience of economic hardship are more likely to have sympathetic attitudes toward redistribution than those without such experience, particularly where political constraints are weak. We posit that firsthand knowledge of economic hardship helps political leaders understand why the poor need government redistribution, and leads them to support more generous social welfare policies. Analyzing an original dataset of leaders’ material background in 74 democratic countries between 1980 and 2011, we find that leaders who experienced economic hardship in their youth increase social welfare spending during their tenure, particularly when political constraints are weak. Following prior studies on leaders’ personal experiences and policy outcomes, this study provides a new approach to redistribution and welfare policy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-08-08T09:38:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720938992
  • Prefigurative Politics and Social Movement Strategy: The Roles of
           Prefiguration in the Reproduction, Mobilisation and Coordination of
    • Authors: Luke Yates
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Recent work historicises and theoretically refines the concept of prefigurative politics. Yet disagreements over the question of whether or how it is politically effective remain. What roles does prefiguration play in strategies of transformation, and what implications does it have for understandings of strategy' The article begins to answer this question by tracking the concept’s use, from discussions of left strategy in the 1960s, a qualifier of new social movements in the 1980s–1990s, its application to protest events in the 2000s, to its contemporary proliferation of meanings. This contextualises reflections on the changing arguments about the roles of prefiguration in social movement strategy. Based on literature about strategy, three essential categories of applied movement strategy are identified: reproduction, mobilisation and coordination. Prefigurative dynamics are part of all three, showing that the reproduction of movements is strategically significant, while the coordination of movements can take various ‘prefigurative’ forms.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-22T07:20:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720936046
  • The Right Men: How Masculinity Explains the Radical Right Gender Gap
    • Authors: Elizabeth Ralph-Morrow
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The radical right is disproportionately supported by men, yet there is little research on masculinity’s role in creating this discrepancy. This article breaks new ground in using masculinity as an analytical construct to explain the gender gap in one of the UK’s most significant radical right organisations: the English Defence League. Drawing on original qualitative data and interviews with past and present English Defence League activists, this article argues that English Defence League beliefs and practices were distinctly masculine. In promoting an ideology that subordinated Muslim men and women, and in providing a forum for displaying and enacting manhood, the English Defence League facilitated the supply of masculinity and therefore attracted far more men than women. The approach used in this article shows how theoretical analyses of masculinity can be incorporated within political science and offers a powerful new lens through which to understand radical right parties and movements.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-22T07:19:54Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720936049
  • Russian Intervention in Syria: Exploring the Nexus between Regime
           Consolidation and Energy Transnationalisation
    • Authors: David Maher, Moritz Pieper
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Interpretations of Russia’s military intervention in Syria overwhelmingly focus on Russia’s political motivations. An alternative view foregrounds Russia’s economic motivations, namely, the construction of a multi-billion-dollar gas pipeline traversing Iran, Iraq and Syria. This article examines the salience of Russia’s economic motivations and considers two related aspects: First, if Russian intervention aims to secure areas of strategic importance for the proposed pipeline. Second, if Russian intervention realises longer term political and commercial interests that include proposed future pipeline projects. The evidence suggests Russian military policies towards Syria are unlikely to be motivated primarily by the prospect of a proposed gas pipeline, but that regime consolidation is a more immediate policy goal. This article then posits that Russian intervention has a distinct ‘dual logic’ aimed at integrating the interests of key regional actors into a transnational energy network, while stabilising Russia’s regional dominance within this network.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-15T11:37:52Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720934637
  • Inclusion without Solidarity: Education, Economic Security, and Attitudes
           toward Redistribution
    • Authors: Margarita Gelepithis, Marco Giani
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Highly educated individuals tend to be less supportive of redistribution by most accounts because they have more to lose and less to gain from it. In this article, we use European Social Survey data to develop the argument that university education reduces support for redistribution in large part independently of the improved material circumstances with which it is associated. While university encourages a range of progressive ideas related to cultural inclusivity, it simultaneously encourages conservative redistribution preferences that are reinforced—but only partly explained—by the economic security it tends to provide. In short, European universities foster norms of cultural inclusion, while simultaneously eroding norms of economic solidarity.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-15T10:47:54Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720933082
  • Discontent With What' Linking Self-Centered and Society-Centered
           Discontent to Populist Party Support
    • Authors: Heiko Giebler, Magdalena Hirsch, Benjamin Schürmann, Susanne Veit
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Previous studies aimed at explaining populist support emphasize the crucial role of populist attitudes and ideology among the general population. With respect to the role of discontent and grievances as drivers of populist support—often at the heart of theoretical work on populism—however, empirical results are rather mixed. We argue that the apparent contradictions are partly due to insufficient conceptualization of discontent. We distinguish between societal-centered discontent, which is more based on a general, negative subjective assessment of society, and self-centered discontent that expresses a negative assessment of one’s personal situation. In line with our expectations, regression results for Germany confirm that society-centered discontent, but not self-centered discontent, is important for populist party support. Moreover, we find that society-centered discontent also moderates the relation between populist attitudes and populist support. We conclude that beyond ideologies, populism capitalizes on the cultivation of collective—but not individual—discontent.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-14T10:10:34Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720932115
  • YouTube and Political Ideologies: Technology, Populism and Rhetorical Form
    • Authors: Alan Finlayson
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Digital (participatory and shareable) media are driving profound changes to contemporary politics. That includes, this article argues, important changes to the production, dissemination and reception of political ideas and ideologies. Such media have increased the number and political range of ‘ideological entrepreneurs’ promoting forms of political thought, while also giving rise to distinct genres of political rhetoric and communication. All of this is affecting how people come to be persuaded by and to identify with political ideas. In developing and justifying these claims, I draw on the Political Theory of Ideologies, Digital Media Studies and Rhetorical Political Analysis. I begin by showing how a populist ‘style’, induced by broadcast media, has been intensified by digital media, affecting ideological form and content. Next I consider, in detail, a particular example – YouTube – showing how it shapes political, ideological, communication. I then present a case-study of the UK-based political YouTuber Paul Joseph Watson. I show how the political ideology he propagates can be understood as a blend of Conservatism and Libertarianism, expressed in a Populist style, centred on the ‘revelation’ of political truths and on a promise of therapeutic benefits for followers. In a closing discussion I argue that this may be understood as a kind of ‘charismatic’ authority, and that such a political performance style is typical of these kinds of media today.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-14T10:09:54Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720934630
  • Does It Pay Off' The Effects of Party Leadership Elections on
           Parties’ Trustworthiness and Appeal to Voters
    • Authors: Bram Wauters, Anna Kern
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In the last few decades, political parties in several Western countries have opened up the process of leadership selection to all party members. So far, research has mainly focused on the drivers of this development, taking into account both internal factors (reducing power of middle-level party elites) and external factors (increasing the party’s attractiveness). Only few studies have tested the effects of these external arguments. In this study, we investigate whether parties that select their leader inclusively (1) exhibit higher levels of trustworthiness, and are more appealing to (2) voters and (3) potential members. Based on the procedural fairness argument, we expect a positive effect of inclusive procedures. We conduct a vignette experiment with fictional parties and find that inclusive selection procedures do not strengthen citizens’ perceptions of trustworthiness. Moreover, citizens are not more willing to vote or join parties with inclusive selection procedures.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-09T11:55:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720932064
  • Class, Power and the Structural Dependence Thesis: Distributive Conflict
           in the UK, 1892–2018
    • Authors: Carlo V Fiorio, Simon Mohun, Roberto Veneziani
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Can political parties, social movements and governments influence market outcomes and shape the functioning of a capitalist economy' Is it possible for social democratic parties, and the labour movement in general, to promote a significant redistribution of income in favour of labour' According to proponents of the structural dependence thesis, the answer to both questions is negative, because the structural dependence of labour upon capital severely constrains feasible income distributions. This article provides a long-run analysis of the UK, which casts doubts on the structural dependence thesis. There is some evidence of a short-run profit-squeeze mechanism, but income shares are much more variable in the long-run than the structural dependence argument suggests, and the power resources available to social classes are among the key determinants of distributive outcomes.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-06T10:33:00Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720928259
  • The Good Politician and Political Trust: An Authenticity Gap in British
    • Authors: Viktor Orri Valgarðsson, Nick Clarke, Will Jennings, Gerry Stoker
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      There are three broad sets of qualities that citizens might expect politicians to display: competence, integrity and authenticity. To be authentic, a politician must be judged to be in touch with the lives and outlooks of ordinary people and previous research has suggested that this expectation has grown more prevalent in recent times. In this article, we use survey evidence from Britain – from citizens, parliamentarians and journalists – to explore which groups are prone to judge politicians by which criteria. While all groups give the highest absolute importance to integrity traits, we establish that distrusting citizens are significantly more likely to prioritise authenticity. For political elites and journalists, we find indications that authenticity is less valued than among citizens: politicians place more relative importance on integrity traits while journalists value competence most. We reflect on these findings and how they help us understand the growing crisis afflicting British politics.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-07-02T10:03:55Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720928257
  • When Planets Collide: The British Conservative Party and the Discordant
    • Authors: Michael Kenny, Jack Sheldon
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores how the British Conservative Party has dealt with the dilemmas arising from its pursuit of two increasingly discordant goals: delivering Brexit and maintaining the domestic Union. Drawing on interviews and analyses of parliamentary debates, we identify a resurgence in the 2016–2019 period of an older belief in a unitarist state, and a new form of pro-Union activism in policy terms. Against those commentators who depict Britain’s Conservatives as having abandoned their unionist vocation, we explore the coalescence of a more assertive and activist strain of unionist sentiment. But we also find a willingness among Conservatives at the centre to sub-contract thinking about non-English parts of the UK to ‘local’ political representatives such as the Democratic Union Party and the Scottish Conservatives, and a growing anxiety about how to handle emergent tensions between the competing priorities associated with delivering Brexit and maintaining the domestic Union.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-20T09:25:03Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720930986
  • The Role of Political Attention in Moderating the Association between
           Political Identities and Anthropogenic Climate Change Belief in Britain
    • Authors: John Kenny
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      US research shows that the partisan divide among elites on climate change has been mirrored by division at the citizen level, with this division being especially prominent among more politically engaged citizens. Using British Election Study data from 2016, this article examines whether a similar phenomenon is occurring in Britain, a country that experienced an increase in climate sceptic media coverage in the aftermath of the passing of the 2008 Climate Change Act. The results show that UK Independence Party and Conservative Party partisans as well as Leavers who pay more attention to politics are less likely to believe in the existence of anthropogenic climate change in contrast to Labour Party partisans and Remainers where increased political attention is associated with greater belief. These findings point to the inherent difficulties of bringing public beliefs on climate change in line with the scientific consensus in the presence of divided elite cues.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-19T08:22:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720928261
  • Political Veganism: An Empirical Analysis of Vegans’ Motives, Aims,
           and Political Engagement
    • Authors: Deborah Kalte
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Scholars increasingly argue that the vegan lifestyle reflects a broader pattern of how political behavior is becoming more individualized and private. Veganism is particularly viewed as an unconventional form of political participation, as it is conducted to address ethical concerns and to change market practices. However, this argumentation lacks detailed empirical data. By means of an original standardized survey of a purposive sample of 648 vegans in Switzerland, this study shows that (1) a vast majority of vegans is politically motivated and aims to induce change in society at large; (2) they are highly engaged in a broad variety of political activities; and (3) politically motivated vegans live vegan more strictly and are more politically active than vegans motivated by personal concerns. This study contributes to the understanding of political participation in current times, and the insights gained may prove useful to vegan movement groups or the food industry.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-19T08:21:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720930179
  • Do Populist Parties Increase Voter Turnout' Evidence From Over 40
           Years of Electoral History in 31 European Democracies
    • Authors: Arndt Leininger, Maurits J Meijers
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      While some consider populist parties to be a threat to liberal democracy, others have argued that populist parties may positively affect the quality of democracy by increasing political participation of citizens. This supposition, however, has hitherto not been subjected to rigorous empirical tests. The voter turnout literature, moreover, has primarily focused on stable institutional and party system characteristics – ignoring more dynamic determinants of voter turnout related to party competition. To fill this double gap in the literature, we examine the effect of populist parties, both left and right, on aggregate-level turnout in Western and Eastern European parliamentary elections. Based on a dataset on 315 elections in 31 European democracies since 1970s, we find that turnout is higher when populist parties are represented in parliament prior to an election in Eastern Europe, but not in Western Europe. These findings further our understanding of the relationship between populism, political participation and democracy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-17T10:33:33Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720923257
  • Is China a Deviant Case' A Societal-Level Test of the Modernization
    • Authors: Yingnan Joseph Zhou
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Some view China as a deviant case to the modernization theory. This view is based on two observations. First, the Chinese middle class shows no distinct democratic orientations. Second, one’s trust in the Chinese Communist Party regime rises as he or she gets financially better off. However, the modernization theory by its nature is a societal-level theory, and it has not yet been tested at the societal level in China. This study undertakes this task by examining the relationship between a province’s economic development and its political trust in the central government and its tolerance of public criticism of the government. The two provincial-level variables are estimated by Multilevel Regression and Poststratification using data from China Survey 2008, CGSS 2010, 2012, 2013, and the 2010 National Census. The results, which are corroborated by county-level Multilevel Regression and Poststratification, strongly support the modernization theory.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-07T12:13:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720924807
  • Undermining a Rival Party’s Issue Competence through Negative
           Campaigning: Experimental Evidence from the USA, Denmark, and Australia
    • Authors: Henrik Bech Seeberg, Alessandro Nai
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Much party communication encourages voters to lower issue-related evaluations of rival parties. Yet, studies of such influence are rare. Drawing on research on political parties’ negative campaigning, this article starts to fill this gap. We triangulate evidence from four survey experiments across six issues in Denmark, the US, and Australia, and show that a party’s negative campaigning decreases voters’ evaluations of the target party’s issue-handling competence (i.e. issue ownership), but does not backlash on voters’ evaluations of the sponsor. Such attack on the target party does not have to be tied to a negative policy development like the crime rate to undermine the target party’s competence evaluations. At the same time, a negative policy development only undermines a party’s evaluations when it is accompanied by a rival party’s negative campaigning attack. The implications for party competition and the mass-elite linkage are important.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-07T12:12:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720916162
  • Stereotypes, Who to Blame' Exploring Individual-Level Determinants of
           Flemish Voters’ Political Gender Stereotypes
    • Authors: Robin Devroe
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The gender of political candidates is associated with particular personality traits, capacities and opinions. The extent to which voters apply these political gender stereotypes to their evaluation of political candidates is influenced by both contextual- and individual-level attributes. This article, based on an experimental study conducted among a representative sample of the Flemish (Belgian) population, examines the individual-level determinants of voters’ political gender stereotypes. Our results indicate that political gender stereotypes are only present to a limited extent in Flanders, even among the most likely groups such as older and lower educated voters. Furthermore, stereotype reliance is generally not conditioned by individual-level determinants. Most importantly, the finding that respondents’ perceptions of female candidates is primarily based on their level of agreement with the content of the presented policy position, demonstrates that other cues outweigh the importance of candidate gender.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-05T09:15:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720924808
  • Diversity and Perceptions of Immigration: How the Past Influences the
    • Authors: Lauren McLaren, Anja Neundorf, Ian Paterson
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The question of whether high immigration produces anti-immigration hostility has vexed researchers across multiple disciplines for decades. And yet, understanding this relationship is crucial for countries dependant on immigrant labour but concerned about its impact on social cohesion. Absent from most of this research are theories about the impact of early-years socialisation conditions on contemporary attitudes. Using the British sample of the European Social Survey (2002–2017) and two innovative approaches to modelling generational differences – generalised additive models and hierarchical age‒period‒cohort models – this paper shows that rather than producing hostility to immigration, being socialised in a context of high immigrant-origin diversity is likely to result in more positive attitudes to immigration later in life. This implies that through generational replacement, countries like the UK are likely to become increasingly tolerant of immigration over time. Importantly, however, a context of high-income inequality may diminish this effect.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-02T06:17:39Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720922774
  • Just What Is Ontological Political Theory Meant to do' The Method and
           Practice of William E. Connolly
    • Authors: Clayton Chin
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article provides a critical appraisal of the ontological method of political theorizing through an examination of the methodological development of the work of William E. Connolly. Connolly has often been taken as a paradigmatic figure of the ‘ontological turn’. This is not only because of the significance of his work in the field but because he is one of its major methodological articulators. However, there has been no systematic evaluation of that method and its development. This paper rectifies that lacuna by critically illustrating Connolly’s turn from a post-positivistic interpretivism to his much noted ‘onto-political method’. It argues that the latter, while usually thought to be modelled on the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and Michel Foucault, is structured by Heidegger’s understanding of ontological difference. The paper then argues that this leads to several problematic tendencies within Connolly’s model that undermine the critical-explanatory and normative power of his methodology by compromising the critical reflexivity ontology is meant to provide. All of this raises some concerns and criticisms of the use of ontological method of political theorizing, which has escaped sustained methodological analysis and scrutiny.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-06-01T10:06:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720925491
  • Connecting Contextual and Individual Drivers of Anti-Americanism in Arab
    • Authors: Saskia Glas, Niels Spierings
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Existing studies propose that anti-Americanism in the Arab region is fueled by American interventions, citizens’ religion, and relative deprivation. However, these three have not been addressed simultaneously or integrated into one framework. This study does so by developing and testing a context-dependent framework. Empirically, we apply multilevel regression to 32 Global Attitudes Project and 34 Arab Barometer surveys that cover more than 58,000 respondents. Contrasting dominant understandings, we find that American interventions fuel both political and societal anti-Americanism and that relatively deprived citizens are not more anti-American. Moreover, our results show (highly religious) Muslims are more politically and societally anti-American than (less religious) non-Muslims, particularly in Arab countries with fewer (highly religious) Muslims and American interventions. Altogether, anti-Americanism is context-dependent and shaped by different but interconnected mechanisms.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-27T06:29:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720923261
  • The Only (Other) Poll That Matters' Exit Polls and Election Night
           Forecasts in BBC General Election Results Broadcasts, 1955–2017
    • Authors: Stuart Wilks-Heeg, Peter Andersen
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article examines the role of results forecasts and exit polls in BBC general election night broadcasts from 1955 to 2017. Despite the substantial role played by academics in results programmes, in devising forecasts and analysing results as they emerge, academic literature on election night broadcasts is scant. This article charts the development of election night forecasting over time and its implications for the structure and content of election night broadcasts. It draws on a unique new data set of verbatim transcripts of the first hour of every BBC election night broadcast from 1955–2017 to quantify the attention paid to forecasts and exit polls and assess how they frame discussion of the likely outcome and its potential political consequences. The article concludes that the function of election night broadcasts as ‘the first draft of psephology’ merits closer attention for both the political narratives and the academic research agendas they generate.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-25T06:12:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720906324
  • ‘A Life of Their Own’' Traditions, Power and ‘As If Realism’
           in Political Analysis
    • Authors: Karl Pike
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores the role of tradition in the social world and offers a theory of why some traditions ‘stick’. Building on the ontological insight of ‘as if realism’, I argue that traditions are constitutive both of an actor’s beliefs and of their institutional context, and so critical to political analysis. The relative resonance of traditions can be understood as contingent upon power relations and ideational maintenance of traditions by groups of upholders – what could be termed ‘socially contingent’. Traditions help us understand why a person believes what they believe and how a person’s strategic calculations are affected by perceptions of what others believe. They exert a powerful pull to political actors as orientation tools in complex social settings and through the symbols and argumentation attached by those who uphold them. While traditions are contingent upon people’s beliefs, it is ‘as if’ they have a life of their own.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-22T09:22:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720921502
  • Seeing the Other Side' Perspective-Taking and Reflective Political
           Judgements in Interpersonal Deliberation
    • Authors: Lala Muradova
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      A healthy democracy needs citizens to make reflective political judgements. Sceptics argue that reflective opinions are either nonexistent or rare. Proponents of deliberative democracy suggest that democratic deliberation is capable of prompting reflective political reasoning among people. Yet, little is known about the mechanisms underlying this relationship. This article offers a bridge between psychology and political theory and proposes a theory of perspective-taking in deliberation. It argues that under the right conditions, deliberation induces more reflective judgements by eliciting the process of perspective-taking – actively imagining others’ experiences, perspectives and feelings – in citizen deliberators. Two institutional features of deliberative forums are emphasized: the presence of a diversity of viewpoints and the interplay of fact-based rational argumentation and storytelling. I test the plausibility of this theory using a case study – the Irish Citizens’ Assembly – thereby, relying on qualitative in-depth interview data and quantitative survey data. I further substantiate my findings with a laboratory experiment.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-22T09:21:26Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720916605
  • Shaping Public Opinion about Regional Integration: The Rhetoric of
           Justification and Party Cues
    • Authors: Konstantin Vössing
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The article investigates how justifications used by politicians to explain their positions on policies of regional integration shape public opinion about these policies. I argue that support for a policy position increases when politicians tailor their justifications to the expectations of their audience, and I suggest that this happens even when party cues offer a less effortful way of forming opinions. I test my theoretical expectations in laboratory experiments with diverse samples, which manipulate party cues and justifications for a policy of European integration. I find that citizens use justifications and cues to form opinions. The relative importance of the two factors depends on individual dispositions and political context. In a non-competitive context (study 1), politically invested citizens use cues, while uninvested citizens use justifications. In a competitive context (study 2), the opinions of politically invested citizens are shaped by both factors, while the opinions of uninvested citizens become erratic.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-22T09:21:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720905130
  • Estimating the Effect of Competitiveness on Turnout across Regime Types
    • Authors: Kristin Eichhorn, Eric Linhart
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Electoral turnout as an indicator of political participation, political equality and, thus, democratic performance is one of the most important variables in the study of elections. While numerous studies have contributed to the explanation of electoral turnout, the picture is still incomplete. Notably, a variable which pertains to the core of elections, the competitiveness of electoral races, is not fully understood yet. We contribute to filling this gap by accounting for different effects of competitiveness in democracies and autocracies, as well as against the background of varying institutional settings. Our analyses suggest that vote margins are a suitable measure of competitiveness, but only in democracies with plurality or majority electoral systems. Ex ante measures of competitiveness capture the concept of competitiveness more comprehensively and are applicable across electoral systems and regime types.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-11T07:47:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720914645
  • CORRIGENDUM: Child-rearing With Minimal Domination: A Republican Account
    • Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-11T02:55:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720922403
  • When You Win, Nothing Hurts: The Durability of Electoral Salience on
           Individuals’ Satisfaction with Democracy
    • Authors: Matthew Loveless
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      There is a substantial literature on the impact of having voting for an electorally victorious party on individual voters’ satisfaction with democracy. Yet, there have been few evaluations as to temporally salient are elections to the satisfaction levels for those who voted for a “winning” party and those who voted for a “losing” party. Using rounds 1–8 of the European Social Surveys, I find evidence from 92 elections in 27 European countries that both the levels of and the difference between satisfaction levels of “winners” and “losers” do not attenuate quickly but rather last almost 5 years. That is, it appears that “winners” are more satisfied with democracy and stay that way. While this confirms earlier, smaller studies, the absence of a causal connection between the time from election and satisfaction levels poses a significant challenge to the current literature about the electoral mechanism of this relationship.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-04T04:58:35Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720910356
  • The Dark Side of Politics: Participation and the Dark Triad
    • Authors: Philip Chen, Scott Pruysers, Julie Blais
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Personality traits are one piece in the larger puzzle of political participation, but most studies focus on the Five-Factor Model of personality. We argue that the normative implications of the influence of personality on politics are increased when the personality traits being studied correlate with negative social behaviors. We investigate the role of the Dark Triad on political participation as mediated through political beliefs such as interest and knowledge. We find that Psychopathy and Narcissism are positively associated with political interest, but Narcissism is also negatively associated with political knowledge. In addition, both Psychopathy and Narcissism exert a direct, positive influence on participation. Our results imply that individuals exhibiting higher levels of Narcissism are not only less knowledgeable but also more interested in politics and more likely to participate when given the opportunity.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-28T10:33:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720911566
  • IMF = I’M Fired! IMF Program Participation, Political Systems, and
           Workers’ Rights
    • Authors: Su-Hyun Lee, Byungwon Woo
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How do International Monetary Fund programs and conditions affect labor rights' Recognizing the diversity of International Monetary Fund conditionality, we argue that the more stringent International Monetary Fund labor market conditionality is, the worse labor rights become. However, this negative effect can be mitigated if there exist domestic political institutions that have incentives and abilities to provide protections over workers: one such case is a closed-list proportional representation system; another case is a leftist government that relies on political supports of workers. Our empirical analysis demonstrates that the more labor conditionality a program includes, the worse labor rights the country sustains. In addition, we report that the negative effect is partially mitigated when domestic political circumstances are favorable to the political representation of workers under a proportional representation system or under a leftist government.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-27T01:39:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720905318
  • Where Help Is Needed Most' Explaining Reporting Strategies of the
           International Trade Union Confederation
    • Authors: Faradj Koliev
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How do international non-governmental organizations select countries for naming and shaming' I argue that three focal actors influence non-governmental organizations’ shaming decisions: inter-governmental organizations, governments, and non-governmental organization members. Moreover, drawing on existing research, non-governmental organizations might respond differently to focal actors’ preferences, by either targeting states that have been criticized by focal actors or, alternatively, targeting those who have escaped their scrutiny. To test these propositions, the article conducts multiple interviews and gathers original data on shaming within the International Trade Union Confederation during period 1991–2011. The main findings are threefold. First, focal actors, except governments, have a significant influence on International Trade Union Confederation shaming. The members’ preferences regarding which states should be singled out have the strongest impact. Second, the International Trade Union Confederation is likely to adopt a bandwagoning strategy by shaming states that have been targeted by focal actors, rather than focusing on states that have escaped their criticism. Third, as a result of the bandwagoning approach, the International Trade Union Confederation mainly targets states with poor labor rights conditions.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-27T01:38:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720903244
  • Policy Polarization, Income Inequality and Turnout
    • Authors: Matthew Polacko, Oliver Heath, Michael S Lewis-Beck, Ruth Dassonneville
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Past research on the relationship between income inequality and turnout has produced mixed results, with some studies suggesting that income inequality leads to lower turnout while other studies find little or no significant effects. In this article, we investigate the extent to which these mixed results are due to the contingent nature of inequality on turnout, which depends upon the nature of the policy options that are presented to the electorate. We test these expectations on data from national elections in 30 established democracies from 1965 through 2017 covering 300 elections. Regression analysis using country-level fixed effects reveals consistent evidence in favor of our hypotheses: Inequality tends to have a negative impact on turnout, especially in depolarized party systems, but as party system polarization increases the negative impact of inequality is mitigated.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-27T01:34:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720906581
  • Second-Order Political Thinking: Compromise versus Populism
    • Authors: Christian F Rostbøll
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The literature often mentions that populism is in conflict with the politics of compromise. However, the opposition remains vague and undertheorized. This article confronts populism and compromise in a novel way by analyzing them as types of second-order political thinking and ideologies of democracy. Second-order political thinking provides a set of ideas and concepts that frames and regulates how we relate to others in politics, and how we make political decisions for, with, or against them. By contrasting populism and compromise as types of second-order political thinking, we will better be able to understand each and normatively compare them. Thus, we see that (1) compromise is inherently most attractive as second-order political thinking, and (2) populism fails as an ideology of democracy, because it cannot explain the meaning and value of the democratic system as a set of authoritative institutions and procedures.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-27T01:32:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720910171
  • Moaners, Gloaters, and Bystanders: Perceived Fairness of the United
           Kingdom’s 2016 Referendum on the European Union
    • Authors: Florian S Schaffner
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Referendums divide the electorate into winners, losers, and abstainers. Research has shown that these three groups tend to differ substantially in their evaluations of the fairness of a referendum. However, no study has investigated the nature and determinants of citizens’ perceptions of the fairness of a national referendum from long before until long after the vote. I address this lacuna by studying perceived fairness of the Brexit referendum using a four-wave panel dataset that tracks perceptions of fairness from before the referendum to 10 months after. The results demonstrate that winners, losers, and abstainers differ significantly in their fairness expectations and fairness evaluations after the vote and that the gap between them widened over time. Strength of identification with the referendum camps substantially moderates perceived fairness. Winners who expected to win did not expect the referendum to be conducted more fairly than winners who expected to lose.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-22T08:32:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719891845
  • Procedures Matter: Strong Voice, Evaluations of Policy Performance, and
           Regime Support
    • Authors: Matthew Rhodes-Purdy
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Many scholars assume that policy performance determines popular support for political systems. Yet in the wake of recent economic crises, patterns of performance and regime support have diverged in many countries, and popular perceptions of performance often fail to reflect the actual quality of governance. To resolve these paradoxes, I draw on recent scholarship on regime support and procedural fairness. I show that strong voice (the ability of citizens to influence political outcomes and a key element of procedural justice in democracies) influences regime support in a way not accounted for in this literature: by moderating the relationship between policy performance and perceptions of performance. These findings show that people will evaluate equivalent outcomes more favorably if they are produced using fair procedures. As performance has long been shown to positively influence support, procedural justice has an additional, indirect influence on people’s attitudes toward political systems.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-14T04:51:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720903813
  • Electoral Systems and Policy Congruence
    • Authors: Benjamin Ferland
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Many studies examined the state of citizen-elite congruence at the party system, legislative and government stages of representation. Few scholars examined, however, whether citizen preferences are adequately represented in enacted policies. The article addresses this gap in the literature and examines the role of electoral systems in fostering citizens-policy congruence. Building on studies of government congruence and responsiveness, we expect levels of policy congruence to be greater under majoritarian electoral systems than under proportional representation electoral systems and as the number of parties in government decreases. In order to test these expectations, we make use of data from the International Social Survey Programme and examine the proportions of respondents whose preferences are congruent with government levels of spending in eight major policy domains. Overall, the results do not support our expectations and indicate that levels of policy congruence are similar across electoral systems and government types. In line with recent works on electoral systems and representation, our findings support the claim that majoritarian and proportional representation electoral systems both have mechanisms which allow governments to represent their citizens similarly.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-08T05:10:59Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719895428
  • Distrust in Government and Preference for Regime Change in China
    • Authors: Lianjiang Li
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The article argues that distrust in government reflects a preference for regime change in authoritarian China. It shows that individuals who have stronger distrust in government also have a stronger preference for multiparty electoral competition which runs against the gist of one-party rule and would be a stepping stone toward representative democracy. The article suggests that the relationship between trust in government and system support in an established democracy is fundamentally different from its variant in an authoritarian state. The target of distrust shifts from an electorally accountable government to a self-appointed one, while the target of support shifts from a system that protects freedom and rights to one that restricts them. The article concludes that the buffer between distrust in government and preference for regime change is particularly thin and fragile in China, where the vices of authoritarianism are proven and the virtues of democracy look promising.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-06T10:00:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719892166
  • Deliberative Civic Culture: Assessing the Prevalence of Deliberative
           Conversational Norms
    • Authors: Julia Jennstål, Katrin Uba, PerOla Öberg 
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Citizens’ adherence to deliberative civic values fulfils a vital function in deliberative democratic systems. We propose a way to measure the prevalence and variations of such values as a first step to better understanding how this works. Based on survey data, we demonstrate that, in Sweden, adherence to the values of reasoning and listening is stronger than adherence to the strategic rhetorical, non-deliberative values. This may have important implications for our understanding of how deliberation and democracy work in this particular context. There are also, however, important individual-level variations of adherence to deliberative civic values related to age, education, gender and Swedish background. Taken together, this opens up for a new research agenda where comparative analyses of deliberative civic values and how it relates to political behaviour are particularly encouraged.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-03-30T09:19:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719899036
  • Measuring Nation States’ Deliberativeness: Systematic Challenges,
           Methodological Pitfalls, and Strategies for Upscaling the Measurement of
    • Authors: Dannica Fleuß, Karoline Helbig
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      A theoretically reflected and empirically valid measurement of nation states’ democratic quality must include an assessment of polities’ deliberativeness. This article examines the assessment of deliberativeness suggested by two sophisticated contemporary measurements of democratic quality, that is, the Democracy Barometer and the Varieties of Democracy-project. We feature two sets of challenges, each measurement of deliberativeness must meet: First, it must address the methodological challenges arising in the course of conceptualizing, operationalizing, and aggregating complex concepts (see Munck and Verkuilen, 2002). Second, attempts to measure nation states’ deliberativeness are confronted with specific conceptual and systematic challenges which we derive from recent deliberative democracy scholarship. We argue that both Democracy Barometer and Varieties of Democracy-project provide highly sophisticated assessments of democratic quality, but ultimately fail to capture nation states “deliberativeness” in a theoretically reflected and methodologically sound manner. We examine the methodological, pragmatic, and systematic reasons for these shortcomings. The crucial task for measurements of nation states’ deliberativeness consists in providing a conceptual approach and methodological framework for “upscaling” existing meso-level measurements (such as the DQI). The concluding section presents conceptual and methodological strategies that can enable researchers to meet these challenges and to provide a theoretically grounded and empirically valid measurement of nation states’ deliberativeness.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-03-18T09:11:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719890817
  • Child-rearing With Minimal Domination: A Republican Account
         This is an Open Access Article Open Access Article

    • Authors: Anca Gheaus
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Parenting involves an extraordinary degree of power over children. Republicans are concerned about domination, which, on one view, is the holding of power that fails to track the interests of those over whom it is exercised. On this account, parenting as we know it is dominating due to the low standards necessary for acquiring and retaining parental rights and the extent of parental power. Domination cannot be fully eliminated from child-rearing without unacceptable loss of value. Most likely, republicanism requires that we minimise children’s domination. I examine alternative models of child-rearing that are immune to republican criticism.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-03-04T10:00:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720906768
  • Deliberation, Democracy, and the Digital Landscape
    • Authors: Simone Chambers, John Gastil
      First page: 3
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Deliberative scholarship is particularly well positioned to offer insight on our new digital reality. The papers in this Special Issue showcase both the methodological pluralism that flourishes in deliberative democracy studies and the productive collaborations across methodologies. This Special Issue shows how deliberative theory can place digital media in a wider theoretical context, sharpen our understanding of the Internet’s worst features, and show the way forward to a better design for digital public engagement. Whether online or offline, democracy will always remain a work in progress, and these essays should help us navigate a course toward a more deliberative democracy in the digital age.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-16T07:09:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719901123
  • Linking Theories of Motivation, Game Mechanics, and Public Deliberation to
           Design an Online System for Participatory Budgeting
    • Authors: John Gastil, Michael Broghammer
      First page: 7
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Existing systems for online civic engagement and public consultation need a better architecture if they are to realize the aspirations of deliberative democracy. To improve the design of such systems, we develop an empirical model of online civic engagement that connects common game mechanics to four key democratic processes and outcomes—inclusion, deliberative engagement, sound and influential public input, and long-term civic impacts. We then link game mechanics and deliberation with theories of motivation to show how these mechanics can leverage people’s drives to fulfill basic needs, forge social connections, and gain status. To illustrate our model in more concrete terms, we show how game mechanics could motivate both participants and policymakers in an online participatory budgeting system. We conclude by describing a multi-stage experimental approach to testing this model within an existing system of online participatory budgeting.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T09:53:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719890815
  • Constructing Digital Democracies: Facebook, Arendt, and the Politics of
    • Authors: Jennifer Forestal
      First page: 26
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Deliberative democracy requires both equality and difference, with structures that organize a cohesive public while still accommodating the unique perspectives of each participant. While institutions like laws and norms can help to provide this balance, the built environment also plays a role supporting democratic politics—both on- and off-line. In this article, I use the work of Hannah Arendt to articulate two characteristics the built environment needs to support democratic politics: it must (1) serves as a common world, drawing users together and emphasizing their common interests and must also (2) preserve spaces of appearance, accommodating diverse perspectives and inviting disagreement. I, then, turn to the example of Facebook to show how these characteristics can be used as criteria for evaluating how well a particular digital platform supports democratic politics and providing alternative mechanisms these sites might use to fulfill their role as a public realm.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-05-22T09:17:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719890807
  • Deliberation and Identity Rules: The Effect of Anonymity, Pseudonyms and
           Real-Name Requirements on the Cognitive Complexity of Online News Comments
    • Authors: Alfred Moore, Rolf Fredheim, Dominik Wyss, Simon Beste
      First page: 45
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How do identity rules influence online deliberation' We address this question by drawing on a data set of 45 million comments on news articles on the Huffington Post from January 2013 to May 2015. At the beginning of this period, the site allowed commenting under what we call non-durable pseudonyms. In December 2013, Huffington Post moved to regulate its forum by requiring users to authenticate their accounts. And in June 2014, Huffington Post outsourced commenting to Facebook altogether, approximating a ‘real-name’ environment. We find a significant increase in the cognitive complexity of comments (a proxy for one aspect of deliberative quality) during the middle phase, followed by a decrease following the shift to real-name commenting through Facebook. Our findings challenge the terms of the apparently simple trade-off between the goods and bads of anonymous and real-name environments and point to the potential value of durable pseudonymity in the context of online discussion.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-13T04:34:03Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719891385
  • Demographics and (Equal') Voice: Assessing Participation in Online
           Deliberative Sessions
    • Authors: Ryan Kennedy, Anand E Sokhey, Claire Abernathy, Kevin M Esterling, David MJ Lazer, Amy Lee, William Minozzi, Michael A Neblo
      First page: 66
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Critics of deliberative democracy have worried that deliberation may mirror (or even exacerbate) inequalities in participation across categories such as gender, race, and age. Accordingly, we investigate the potential for technology and design to ameliorate these concerns, looking at the extent to which online deliberative sessions facilitate inclusive participation. In a large study of online deliberation (over 1600 participants nested in hundreds of online sessions), we examine differences in the amount and nature of participation across demographic categories, as well as the effect of forum characteristics on such differences. Though our results are mixed, we read them with cautious optimism: the online format is not immune to inequalities in participation and satisfaction, but we do not observe differences across some demographics, and most observed differences are substantively minor. Moreover, features of online deliberation environments show promise for addressing some of the problems plaguing in-person designs.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-03-11T06:53:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719890805
  • Exploring the Relationship Between Campaign Discourse on Facebook and the
           Public’s Comments: A Case Study of Incivility During the 2016 US
           Presidential Election
    • Authors: Patrícia Rossini, Jennifer Stromer-Galley, Feifei Zhang
      First page: 89
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Social media is now ubiquitously used by political campaigns, but less attention has been given to public discussions that take place on candidates’ free public accounts on social media. Also unclear is whether there is a relationship between campaign messaging and the tone of public comments. To address this gap, this article analyzes public comments on Facebook accounts of candidates Trump and Clinton during the US election presidential debates in 2016. We hypothesize that attack messages posted by the candidates predict uncivil reactions by the public and that the public is more likely to be uncivil when attacking candidates. We use content analysis, supervised machine learning, and text mining to analyze candidates’ posts and public comments. Our results suggest that Clinton was the target of substantially more uncivil comments. Negative messages by the candidates are not associated with incivility by the public, but comments are significantly more likely to be uncivil when the public is attacking candidates. These results suggest that the public discourse around political campaigns might be less affected by what campaigns post on social media than by the public’s own perceptions and feelings toward the candidates.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-06T10:23:13Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719890818
  • What Kind of Disagreement Favors Reason-Giving' Analyzing Online
           Political Discussions across the Broader Public Sphere
    • Authors: Rousiley CM Maia, Gabriella Hauber, Thais Choucair, Neylson JB Crepalde
      First page: 108
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This study adopts a systemic approach, focusing on real-world online discussions in legislative-, media-, and activist-based forums, to explore a set of factors that affects reasoned disagreement in digital environments. While conventional analysis investigates the effects of disagreement on civic and political participation, this study unpacks forms of disagreement that retain a principled link with reason-giving. Our findings demonstrate that context matters for shaping online communication, but that other variables have even stronger correlations. Specifically, moderating disagreement—conceptualized as a way of disagreeing that nevertheless signals a background of agreement in the conversation—strongly increases the likelihood of justificatory behavior, and it does so in more categories than bold disagreement. In conclusion, we argue that forms of disagreement and their respective consequences deserve more empirical and normative attention, not only to advance debates on deliberation but also to critically understand the communicative complexities in a new media landscape.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-27T01:35:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719894708
  • Deliberative Systems Theory and Citizens’ Use of Online Media: Testing a
           Critical Theory of Democracy on a High Achiever
    • Authors: Cathrine Holst, Hallvard Moe
      First page: 129
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Deliberative systems theory is a promising candidate for a normative theory of democracy that combines ideal requirements with feasibility. Yet, recent theoretical elaborations and studies of citizens’ online media use inspired by the theory suffer from an incomplete account of the public sphere’s epistemic function, too rough interpretations of participatory levels, shortcomings in the understanding of online media, and a context-insensitive notion of policy reform. Addressing these weaknesses, the article argues for a refined version of deliberative systems theory. Particular attention is given to feasibility considerations. Reviewing studies of online democracy in Norway, the article shows that the theoretical critique has practical significance. It is also argued that the amended version of the deliberative systems approach produces a diagnosis of Norwegian online democracy more in line with reasonable expectations to a high achiever. This is taken as a prima facie indicator of feasibility.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-06T10:25:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719890809
  • Truth, Deliberative Democracy, and the Virtues of Accuracy: Is Fake News
           Destroying the Public Sphere'
    • Authors: Simone Chambers
      First page: 147
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Do fake news and what some have labeled our post-truth predicament represent a new and deadly challenge to the epistemic presuppositions of the public sphere' While many commentators have invoked Hannah Arendt to help answer this question, I argue that Arendt is the wrong place to look. Instead, I suggest that, on one hand, deliberative democracy and Jürgen Habermas’ idea of democracy as truth-tracking offer a more helpful framework for assessing and combating the threat of fake news and, on the other hand, Bernard Williams’ virtues of accuracy identify the citizen virtues necessary to counteract fake news. The virtues of accuracy, I contend, can be facilitated and encouraged through structural and regulatory features in the public sphere. We are indeed seeing a recalibration and significant push back on fake news due to both structural changes and ordinary citizens becoming more epistemically responsible consumers of digital information.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2020-04-02T01:30:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321719890811
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