Subjects -> HUMANITIES (Total: 1023 journals)
    - ASIAN STUDIES (155 journals)
    - CLASSICAL STUDIES (156 journals)
    - DEMOGRAPHY AND POPULATION STUDIES (168 journals)
    - ETHNIC INTERESTS (166 journals)
    - GENEALOGY AND HERALDRY (9 journals)
    - HUMANITIES (341 journals)
    - NATIVE AMERICAN STUDIES (28 journals)

NATIVE AMERICAN STUDIES (28 journals)

Showing 1 - 25 of 25 Journals sorted alphabetically
American Indian Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
American Music     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 24)
American Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 29)
Anuario de Estudios Americanos     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Comparative American Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Corpus. Archivos virtuales de la alteridad americana     Open Access  
European journal of American studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Globe : revue internationale d’études québécoises     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of American Linguistics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Journal de la Société des Américanistes     Open Access  
Journal of the Early Republic     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Magallania     Open Access  
Native South     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
PaleoAmerica : A Journal of Early Human Migration and Dispersal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
Political Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Revista de Indias     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Southeastern Archaeology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Southern Cultures     Full-text available via subscription  
Studies in American Indian Literatures     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Studies in Latin American Popular Culture     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Trace     Open Access  
Wicazo Sa Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
William Carlos Williams Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Similar Journals
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Political Studies
Journal Prestige (SJR): 1.485
Citation Impact (citeScore): 2
Number of Followers: 43  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0032-3217 - ISSN (Online) 1467-9248
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1166 journals]
  • Policy Preferences Influence Vote Choice When A New Party Emerges:
           Evidence from the 2017 French Presidential Election

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      Authors: Eric Guntermann, Romain Lachat
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      A common explanation for electoral victories is that the winning candidate adopted issue positions that appealed to voters, implying that citizens’ choices are based on policy preferences. However, it is not straightforward to determine the causal direction between citizens’ issue preferences and their party choice. An alternative possibility, strongly supported by prior research, is that voters adopt the positions of the parties they vote for to rationalize their votes. The 2017 French presidential election offers a unique opportunity to address that question, as it saw the victory of a candidate who was not backed by one of the established parties. Using panel data, we show that policy preferences measured prior to Macron’s emergence as a candidate led voters with a particular bundle of preferences to support him. We conclude that policy preferences clearly do matter to vote choice and that this effect is most visible when a new party emerges.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-10-08T02:28:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211046329
       
  • Fuzzy Frontiers' Testing the Fluidity of National, Partisan and Brexit
           Identities in the Aftermath of the 2016 Referendum

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      Authors: John Kenny, Anthony Heath, Lindsay Richards
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      British and English national identities have long been considered to have porous boundaries whereby English individuals consider the terms more or less interchangeable. However, there is no empirical evidence to demonstrate whether primary feelings of either Britishness or Englishness are highly fluid within-individuals or whether individuals are consistent in their perceptions of their British or English identity. This is especially relevant in the post-Brexit referendum context where national identity is highly correlated with Brexit attitudes. Using panel data, we demonstrate that there is a notable degree of fluidity between identifying as British or English. This is higher than the fluidity between other national identities in the UK as well as more fluid than moving between any partisan or EU referendum identities. Remainers are more fluid than Leavers in their Englishness, whereas they are similar in the fluidity of their Britishness.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-10-08T01:45:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211050001
       
  • Making the Paris Agreement: Historical Processes and the Drivers of
           Institutional Design

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      Authors: Jen Iris Allan, Charles B Roger, Thomas N Hale, Steven Bernstein, Yves Tiberghien, Richard Balme
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      After a decade-long search, countries finally agreed on a new climate treaty in 2015. The Paris Agreement has attracted attention both for overcoming years of gridlock and for its novel features. Here, we build on accounts explaining why states reached agreement, arguing that a deeper understanding requires a focus on institutional design. Ultimately, it was this agreement, with its specific provisions, that proved acceptable to states rather than other possible outcomes. Our account is multi-causal and draws methodological inspiration from the public policy and causes of war literatures. Specifically, we distinguish between background, intermediate, and proximate conditions and identify how they relate to one another, jointly producing the ultimate outcome we observe. Our analysis focuses especially on the role of scientific knowledge, non-state actor mobilization, institutional legacies, bargaining, and coalition-building in the final push for agreement. This case-based approach helps to understand the origins of Paris, but also offers a unique, historically grounded way to examine questions of institutional design.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-10-06T12:26:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211049294
       
  • Why Change a Winning Team' Explaining Post-Election Cabinet Reshuffles
           in Four Westminster Democracies

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      Authors: Thomas G Fleming
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Incumbent prime ministers who win re-election often reshuffle their cabinet ministers. These post-election cabinet reshuffles have important implications for policymaking and present a puzzle: why would prime ministers alter the ‘winning team’ that has just received an electoral mandate' Existing literature has largely overlooked post-election reshuffles, so offers few compelling answers. At most, a plausible but under-theorised and untested conventional wisdom suggests that electoral success increases prime ministers’ authority over their ministers. This article thus provides the first systematic study of post-election cabinet reshuffles in single-party governments. It argues that re-elected prime ministers use a temporary increase in their authority to pre-empt future leadership challenges by moving or sacking cabinet rivals. Larger election victories should thus produce larger reshuffles. However, analysis of post-election cabinet reshuffles in four ‘Westminster’ democracies since 1945 shows no support for this expectation, suggesting that further work is needed to understand these important political events.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-10-06T12:25:31Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211049293
       
  • Are Populists Politically Intolerant' Citizens’ Populist Attitudes
           and Tolerance of Various Political Antagonists

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      Authors: Linda Bos, Lisanne Wichgers, Joost van Spanje
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Political tolerance—the willingness to extend civil rights to political antagonists—is a key democratic norm. We argue that because voters with populist attitudes have an ambiguous relationship with democracy and keep a narrow definition of the people, they are more likely to be politically intolerant. We study the Netherlands, a less likely case to find political intolerance. Using data from a representative household panel survey (n = 1999), we investigate the extent to which populist attitudes translate into general intolerant attitudes and specific intolerance toward political antagonists. Our analyses show that voters with stronger populist attitudes are less supportive of democratic norms, more intolerant of opposing views online, and of specific political opponents. However, they are not explicitly intolerant by limiting individual civil rights or supporting intolerant measures toward political antagonists. These findings show that even in a system engrained with compromise, populist citizens show signs of political intolerance.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-10-05T12:11:18Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211049299
       
  • Bread or Roses: How Economic Inequality Affects Regime Support in
           China'

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      Authors: Xian Huang, Cai Zuo
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Much comparative politics scholarship has examined whether economic inequality affects democratic values or political support in democracies. Nevertheless, they lack a close examination of the political effects of economic inequality and, more importantly, how economic inequality shapes political support in non-democracies. We provide an empirical test of the effect of economic inequality on regime support using the China data from the Asian Barometer Survey between 2002 and 2015. We argue and demonstrate that perceived economic inequality significantly reduces regime support in China. Moreover, using a causal mediation analysis, we find that the detrimental effect of perceived economic inequality on regime support is not driven by demands for redistribution, but rather by the political value orientation. These findings advance our understanding of the connection between economic inequality and political values and the economic base of political legitimacy in non-democracies.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-09-28T08:51:11Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211048040
       
  • Authority and Immigration

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      Authors: David Miller
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      States claim to have authority over prospective immigrants who have not yet been admitted but are nonetheless expected to comply with immigration law. But what could ground such an authority claim' The service conception of authority defended by Raz appears not to apply in this case. Nor can it be argued that immigrants give their consent to the state by applying for admission. Another approach appeals to the practice of reciprocity between states in respecting each other’s immigration regimes, but many immigrants will fall outside of its scope. Instead, the article defends the view that the natural duty of justice requires immigrants to comply with the state’s immigration regime provided that it is reasonably just. This does not require that the immigrant herself should have authorised the regime through democratic participation. However, the natural duty argument has to be qualified by recognising that some migrants can legitimately appeal to necessity as grounds for breaching the duty and entering unauthorised.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-09-20T10:01:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211046423
       
  • Explaining Public-Private Partnership Projects through Political Factors:
           An Assessment of Developing Countries

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      Authors: Noemí Peña-Miguel, Beatriz Cuadrado-Ballesteros
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article analyses the effect of political factors on the use of Public Private Partnerships in developing countries. According to a sample of 80 low- and middle-income countries over the period 1995–2017, our findings suggest that Public Private Partnership projects are affected by political ideology, the strength of the government and electoral cycles. Concretely, they tend to be used by left-wing governments to a greater extent than governments with other ideologies. Public Private Partnerships also tend to be more frequently used by fragmented governments and when there is greater political competition. There is also some evidence (although slight) on the relevance of the proximity of elections in explaining Public Private Partnerships in developing countries.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-09-13T12:56:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211040382
       
  • Towards a Democratic Theory of Silence

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      Authors: Sean WD Gray
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Contemporary democratic theory is focused on empowering the voices of citizens in collective decision-making. The opposite of voice is silence. Increasingly, citizens are remaining silent rather than vocally participating in politics. Among democratic theorists, silent citizenship is equated to civic disengagement and disempowerment. I expand this view by theorizing the conditions under which silence is also a political expression. My analysis identifies four types of silence that can politically communicate. The resulting framework draws out the communicative dimension of silence, providing new tools to assess the unique interpretative challenges and dangers that silent citizenship presents for a democratic system.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-09-06T09:54:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211043433
       
  • The New Authoritarianism in Public Choice

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      Authors: David Froomkin, Ian Shapiro
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Much early public choice theory focused on alleged pathologies of democratic legislatures, portraying them as irrational, manipulable, or subject to capture. Recent years have seen the emergence of a new strand of argument, reaffirming the old skepticism of legislatures but suggesting that transferring power from legislatures to chief executives offers a solution. Just as the earlier prescriptions ignored the pathologies of the agencies empowered to check and constrain legislatures, so the new scholarship overlooks the pathologies of executive power. The primary sources of congressional dysfunction call for reforms that would strengthen Congress instead of hobbling it in new ways that exacerbate the drift toward authoritarian presidentialism in the American system. Executive aggrandizement is a consequence of decades of institutional malfunction, worsened by right-wing attacks on legislative capacity. This has been the enduring impact of the public choice movement since the 1950s, but its twenty-first century offshoot is especially malign.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-09-01T05:02:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211041893
       
  • Where Do the Less Affluent Vote' The Effect of Neighbourhood Social
           Context on Individual Voting Intentions in England

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      Authors: Prisca Jöst
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      A widely accepted finding in the literature on political participation is that individuals living in poorer neighbourhoods are less likely to vote than those living in more affluent neighbourhoods. Yet, why some poor residents of the most deprived neighbourhoods are more likely to vote than others is still understudied. This article presents a new theoretical framework arguing that when they believe that most others vote in the neighbourhood, poor citizens are more likely to follow their example than wealthy citizens. To empirically test these claims, I develop a two-level multilevel model using survey data and the Index of Multiple Deprivation for England. My findings point to the higher importance of a social norm of voting for the political behaviour of poor individuals than wealthy individuals. Social norms define which behaviour is right and proper. They are enforced through social interactions with others.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-27T12:21:38Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211027480
       
  • Intergenerational Exploitation

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      Authors: Nicola Mulkeen
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Earlier generations can jeopardise the opportunities, resources and well-being of their successors. Indeed, there is a growing unease with earlier generations leaving large-scale public debts to be paid by younger generations, and many worry that our policies and institutions are being shaped to advantage the interests of older generations at the expense of the young. While much theoretical (and empirical) literature now exists on the many ways in which earlier generations can unjustly jeopardise the well-being of their successors, very little has appeared on how the former’s decisions can generate specifically exploitative relationships. This is all the more surprising, in light of the fact that very large theoretical literatures exist on both intergenerational justice and exploitation. The aim of the article is to bring these two literatures into long overdue contact with one another and analyse an under-researched and yet fundamental problem – intergenerational exploitation. The article answers two questions. (1) What exactly is intergenerational exploitation' (2) What makes this type of exploitation wrong'
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-26T10:09:52Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211040210
       
  • Protest Demobilization In Post-Revolutionary Settings: Trajectories To
           Counter-Revolution And To Democratic Transition

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      Authors: Katia Pilati, Giuseppe Acconcia, David Leone Suber, Henda Chennaoui
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article examines two outcomes of demobilization in post-revolutionary contexts, democratic transition and counter-revolution. Complementing elite-driven approaches, we argue that the way demobilization ends is conditional upon the capacity of challengers to promote enduring alliances. Following a paired controlled comparison, we analyse two cases, Egypt and Tunisia and processes of alliance building and fragmentation preceding the 2013 coup d’Etat in Egypt, and the adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 in Tunisia. Data from semi-structured and in-depth interviews were collected through fieldwork in multiple localities of Egypt and Tunisia between 2011 and 2019. Results show that the fragmentation of the challengers’ coalition in post-revolutionary Egypt contributed to a counter-revolution while, in Tunisia, challengers’ alliances rooted in the pre-revolutionary period lasted throughout the phase of demobilization and supported a democratic transition. We conclude by discussing some alliance-based mechanisms accounting for a democratic transition: intergroup trust-building, brokerage and ideological boundary deactivation.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-25T10:14:26Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211034050
       
  • Comradely Critique

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      Authors: Lukas Slothuus
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      What does it mean to disagree with people with whom you usually agree' How should political actors concerned with emancipation approach internal disagreement' In short, how should we go about critiquing not our enemies or adversaries but those with whom we share emancipatory visions' I outline the notion of comradely critique as a solution to these questions. I go through a series of examples of how and when critique should differ depending on its addressee, drawing on Jodi Dean’s figure of the comrade. I develop a contrast with its neighbours the ally and the partisan, thus identifying key elements of comradely critique: good faith, equal humanity, equal standing, solidarity, collaboration, common purpose and dispelling fatalism. I then analyse Theodor W. Adorno and Herbert Marcuse’s private correspondence on the 1960s German student movement as an illustration of (imperfect) comradely critique. I conclude by identifying a crucial tension about publicness and privateness.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-17T12:59:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211040011
       
  • Insider Status-Membership Involvement Offer Trade Off' The Case of
           Green Parties and Environmental Organisations

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      Authors: Torill Stavenes, Milka Ivanovska Hadjievska
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article theorises and empirically investigates the membership involvement offer in political parties and interest groups in contemporary democracies, to better understand the potential that these political organisations have in performing the role of transmission belts between citizens and the state. The expectation is that parties and interest groups that become insiders will curtail the participatory opportunities for members in decision-making processes, but that insider parties will offer broader avenues for membership involvement than insider interest groups. We explore these propositions by focusing on two Green parties and two environmental public interest groups in the contrasting institutional settings of Norway and the United Kingdom. Our analysis based on primary case study data indicates that insider green parties maintain more inclusive participatory structures than insider environmental groups. The receipt of state benefits leads to less membership involvement in political organisations, unless the state demands recipients of such benefits to be organised democratically.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-12T10:48:09Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211034956
       
  • The Online Market’s Invisible Hand: Internet Media and Rising
           Populism

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      Authors: Andrew Bennett, Didem Seyis
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Given the recent surge of global populism, this article explores the relationship between Internet/social media and support for populist parties by focusing on the structure of the online marketplace. We argue that structure shapes digital networks’ incentives in terms of the content they favor, and marketing strategies they employ to distribute content on a mass scale. Specifically, concentrated/oligopolistic markets mean powerful digital entities that can leverage the regulatory process—thereby weakening constraints and incentivizing consumption/profit above all else. Consequently, these entities can freely favor more incendiary/attention-generating content, and use their outsized influence to saturate the online marketplace with targeted advertising—all of which can amplify the diffusion of populist rhetoric and intensify support bases. Using original data on Internet ownership concentration, social media user-traffic, and populist party vote share in 34 democracies, our findings suggest that concentration of Internet ownership and online audiences each contribute to rising support for populism.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-12T10:47:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211033230
       
  • Capabilities and Linguistic Justice

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      Authors: Nico Brando, Sergi Morales-Gálvez
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Language conditions our socio-political world in fundamental ways. How public institutions deal with linguistic diversity, and how they distribute linguistic benefits, has an important impact on an individuals’ life. This article studies the value of language in multilingual environments by evaluating the debate on linguistic justice through the capabilities approach. It studies the value of language to assess what principles of justice are required to secure individual freedom. First, we explore the value of language within the framework proposed by the capabilities approach. Second, we assess the role of language in enabling the development of certain capabilities. As a first attempt to comprehensively address the relationship between linguistic justice and the capabilities approach, it evaluates how linguistic justice theories fare in fostering four capabilities from Martha Nussbaum’s list. We provide a conceptually sound normative assessment of the role played by language within the capabilities framework, and how it translates into policy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-12T10:45:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211033846
       
  • Authoritarianism and Immigration Attitudes in the UK

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      Authors: Adam Peresman, Royce Carroll, Hanna Bäck
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Opposition to immigration has featured prominently in the “cultural backlash” to globalization in Western nations and was a key determinant of Britain’s Brexit referendum. In this article, we draw on theories of intergroup threat to examine the effect of “right-wing authoritarianism” on immigration attitudes in the UK. Previous research suggests that cultural aspects of immigration are especially important in shaping anti-immigrant attitudes. We use an original survey measuring attitudes toward immigration from differing skill levels and national origins. We find that right-wing authoritarianism is a much stronger predictor of immigration attitudes than other attributes. In addition, the effect of right-wing authoritarianism varies by immigrant origin, most strongly predicting opposition toward immigrant groups that may be perceived as culturally distant. We also find evidence that these effects are driven by the “aggression” component of right-wing authoritarianism, a facet of authoritarianism that captures a predisposition toward the enforcement of group norms.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-12T10:41:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211032438
       
  • Deliberative Democracy, More than Deliberation

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      Authors: Mary F Scudder
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      What is the relationship between deliberation and democracy' Despite the volumes dedicated to this question, recent admissions by prominent deliberative democrats—that we need not pursue a necessarily deliberative political system, but merely a democratic one—suggest that this remains an open question. Here, I defend the deliberative model’s staying power against those who argue that it has been set normatively adrift. Addressing concerns of “concept-stretching,” I show that the deliberative model provides much more than a defense of the practice of deliberation. Indeed, its key contribution is the answer it provides to the question of what democracy itself means in large pluralistic societies. Moreover, I show that by de-centering the practice of deliberation from deliberative theories of democracy, we can acknowledge the weakness of deliberation and the strengths of non-deliberative practices, while retaining the model’s normative commitments.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-12T10:40:44Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211032624
       
  • Border-Crossing: Immigration Law, Racism and Justified Resistance

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      Authors: Guy Aitchison
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Aside from the case of refugees under international law, are non-citizen outsiders morally justified in unlawfully entering another state' Recent answers to this question, based on a purported right of necessity or civil disobedience, exclude many cases of justified border-crossing and fail to account for its distinctive political character. I argue that in certain non-humanitarian cases, unlawful border-crossing involves the exercise of a remedial moral right to resist the illegitimate exercise of coercive power. The case accepts, for the sake of argument, two conventional assumptions among defenders of immigration restrictions: that states have a ‘right to exclude’ and that migrants have a prima facie duty to respect borders. Nonetheless, where immigration law is racist or otherwise discriminatory, it violates the egalitarian standards at the core of any authority it can plausibly claim over outsiders. In such cases, it may be resisted even where the law is facially non-discriminatory.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-12T10:39:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211030184
       
  • Cancel Culture: Myth or Reality'

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      Authors: Pippa Norris
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In recent years, a progressive “cancel culture” in society, right-wing politicians and commentators claim, has silenced alternative perspectives, ostracized contrarians, and eviscerated robust intellectual debate, with college campuses at the vanguard of this development. These arguments can be dismissed as rhetorical dog whistles devoid of substantive meaning, myths designed to fire up the MAGA faithful, outrage progressives, and distract from urgent real-world problems. Given heated contention, however, something more fundamental may be at work. To understand this phenomenon, the opening section defines the core concept and theorizes that perceptions of this phenomenon are likely to depend upon how far individual values fit the dominant group culture. Within academia, scholars most likely to perceive “silencing” are mismatched or non-congruent cases, where they are “fish-out-of-water.” The next section describes how empirical survey evidence is used to test this prediction within the discipline of political science. Data are derived from a global survey, the World of Political Science, 2019, involving almost 2500 scholars studying or working in over 100 countries. The next section describes the results. The conclusion summarizes the key findings and considers their broader implications. Overall, the evidence confirms the “fish-out-of-water” congruence thesis. As predicted, in post-industrial societies, characterized by predominately liberal social cultures, like the US, Sweden, and UK, right-wing scholars were most likely to perceive that they faced an increasingly chilly climate. By contrast, in developing societies characterized by more traditional moral cultures, like Nigeria, it was left-wing scholars who reported that a cancel culture had worsened. This contrast is consistent with Noelle-Neumann’s spiral of silence thesis, where mainstream values in any group gradually flourish to become the predominant culture, while, due to social pressures, dissenting minority voices become muted. The ratchet effect eventually muffles contrarians. The evidence suggests that the cancel culture is not simply a rhetorical myth; scholars may be less willing to speak up to defend their moral beliefs if they believe that their views are not widely shared by colleagues or the wider society to which they belong.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-08-11T09:17:05Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211037023
       
  • Which Promises Actually Matter' Election Pledge Centrality and
           Promissory Representation

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      Authors: Jonathan Mellon, Christopher Prosser, Jordan Urban, Adam Feldman
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Parties make hundreds of campaign promises but not all are seen by voters as central to a party’s offering. Studies of government promise fulfillment accept that not all promises are equivalent but in practice treat all promises equally because they lack an appropriate means of measuring promise centrality. To demonstrate the importance of accounting for pledge fulfillment, we develop a conjoint experiment method to measure public opinion about promise centrality which can be used to construct centrality weights. We demonstrate this approach’s utility by examining the 2017 UK Conservative manifesto. Centrality weighting reduces our assessment of Conservative promise keeping by 21 percentage points (1.3 standard deviations of typical promise-completion rates found in comparative studies). Weighting increases the centrality of EU promises sevenfold and immigration promises sixfold, and reduces the centrality of miscellaneous administrative promises by more than half. These results illustrate that pledge centrality cannot be ignored when assessing pledge fulfillment.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-07-15T12:34:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211027419
       
  • Winning, Losing, and the Quality of Democracy

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      Authors: Richard Nadeau, Jean-François Daoust, Ruth Dassonneville
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Citizens who voted for a party that won the election are more satisfied with democracy than those who did not. This winner–loser gap has recently been found to vary with the quality of electoral democracy: the higher the quality of democracy, the smaller the gap. However, we do not know what drives this relationship. Is it driven by losers, winners, or both' And Why' Linking our work to the literature on motivated reasoning and macro salience and benefiting from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project—covering 163 elections in 51 countries between 1996 and 2018, our results show that the narrower winner–loser gap in well-established electoral democracies is not only a result of losers being more satisfied with democracy, but also of winners being less satisfied with their victory. Our findings carry important implications since a narrow winner–loser gap appears as a key feature of healthy democratic systems.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-07-12T12:25:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211026189
       
  • Media Freedom and the Escalation of State Violence

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      Authors: Sabine C Carey, Belén González, Neil J Mitchell
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      When governments face severe political violence, they regularly respond with violence. Yet not all governments escalate repression under such circumstances. We argue that to understand the escalation of state violence, we need to pay attention to the potential costs leaders might face in doing so. We expect that the decision to escalate state violence is conditional on being faced with heightened threats and on possessing an information advantage that mitigates the expected cost of increasing state violence. In an environment where media freedom is constrained, leaders can deny or reframe an escalation of violations and so expect to reduce potential domestic and international costs attached to that decision. Using a global dataset from 1981 to 2006, we show that state violence is likely to escalate in response to increasing violent threats to the state when media freedom is curtailed – but not when the media are free from state intervention. A media environment that the government knows is free to sound the alarm is associated with higher political costs of repression and effectively reduces the risk of escalating state violence, even in the face of mounting armed threats.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-27T08:16:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211020243
       
  • Do We Live in a ‘Post-Truth’ Era'

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      Authors: Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Have we entered a ‘post-truth’ era' This article is an attempt to answer this question by (a) offering an explication of the notion of ‘post-truth’ from recent discussions, (b) deriving a testable implication from that explication, to the effect that we should expect to see decreasing information effects – that is, differences between actual preferences and estimated, fully informed preferences – on central political issues over time and then (c) putting the relevant narrative to the test by way of counterfactual modelling, using election year data for the period of 2004–2016 from the American National Election Studies’ Times Series Study. The implication in question turns out to be consistent with the data: at least in a US context, we do see evidence of a decrease in information effects on key, political issues – immigration, same-sex adoption and gun laws, in particular – in the period 2004–2016. This offers some novel, empirical evidence for the ‘post-truth’ narrative.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-25T11:30:52Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211026427
       
  • Globalization and Austerity: Flipping Partisan Effects on Fiscal Policy
           During (Recent) International Crises

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      Authors: Damian Raess
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates the effect of government partisanship on fiscal policy outputs during the three international economic crises of 1981–1984, 1990–1994 and 2008–2013. Encompassing 19–23 advanced democracies, the statistical analysis suggests that partisan effects have increased over time and are characterized, in the two last crises, by a “new asymmetry” whereby left governments pursued more contractionary fiscal policies than non-left governments over the course of the business cycle. Furthermore, it attributes left governments’ endorsement of austere fiscal policies to the constraining effects of financial markets in the context of high/surging debt. This is supported by qualitative analysis of select government responses to the Global Financial Crisis, shedding new light on the new austerity that started in the early 2010s. The ideological mix with political partisanship during hard times surely is confusing to ordinary citizens. The article cautiously points to a neglected yet important international economic origin of our political discontents.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-19T07:27:28Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211015811
       
  • Citizen Responses to Ethnic Representation

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      Authors: William O’Brochta
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Can country leaders improve citizens’ ethnic outgroup views by changing ethnic representation in government' Years of pressure from the international community calling for leaders to make particularly their cabinets more ethnically representative seems to suggest that ethnic representation—conceptualized as descriptive and substantive representation and ministerial cooperation—is key to improving citizens’ outgroup views. I argue that increasing ethnic representation influences majority and minority citizens differently; minority citizens’ outgroup views will become more favorable, while majority citizens’ views will worsen. Using a pre-registered vignette experiment with ethnic Albanians and Macedonians in North Macedonia, I show that ethnic representation does not provide the improvements in outgroup relations that many have hoped. Both groups’ affect toward and perceptions of the cabinet change somewhat, but increasing ethnic representation does not improve overall outgroup attitudes. These results suggest that ethnic representation alone does not lead to more productive interethnic relationships.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-17T10:08:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211019834
       
  • Looking for ‘Voice’ in Business and Citizen Groups:
           Who’s Being Heard'

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      Authors: Joost Berkhout, Marcel Hanegraaff, William A Maloney
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Why do some associations provide members with an effective voice whereas others appear to have internal democracy in name only' We theoretically combine population ecology with Hirschman’s strategic response model. This leads us to hypothesize that in dense, competitive organizational environments, the effective alternatives available make it likely that dissatisfied members respond with exit rather than voice. However, in low-dense, monopoly-like situations dissatisfied members demand and receive effective voice options. We further hypothesize that the particular sets of incentives of firms and individuals as members moderates this effect. We assess our argument on the basis of the Comparative Interest Group elite survey among interest group leaders in five European countries and at the EU level. We control for the level of professionalization and use country dummies to identify country-level differences. We find strong empirical support for our theoretical argument. The contribution of this article is to theoretically connect macro-level population-level factors to micro-level intra-organizational processes and specifies the nature of the organizational link between interests in society and those represented in the interest group system.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-11T08:28:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211019318
       
  • Discursive Strategies and Sequenced Institutional Change: The Case of
           Marriage Equality in the United States

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      Authors: Giulia Mariani, Tània Verge
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Building on historical and discursive institutionalism, this article examines the agent-based dynamics of gradual institutional change. Specifically, using marriage equality in the United States as a case study, we examine how actors’ ideational work enabled them to make use of the political and discursive opportunities afforded by multiple venues to legitimize the process of institutional change to take off sequentially through layering, displacement, and conversion. We also pay special attention to how the discursive strategies deployed by LGBT advocates, religious-conservative organizations and other private actors created new opportunities to influence policy debates and tip the scales to their preferred policy outcome. The sequential perspective adopted in this study allows problematizing traditional conceptualizations of which actors support or contest the status quo, as enduring oppositional dynamics lead them to perform both roles in subsequent phases of the institutional change process.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-11T08:28:00Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211020581
       
  • Apocalypticism as Radical Realism' On the Dangers and Benefits of
           Wishful Thinking in Prefigurative Politics

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      Authors: Ben Cross
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In this article, I aim to bring apocalypticism and radical realism into conversation, with a view to their mutual interest in prefigurative politics. On one hand, radical realists may worry that an apocalyptic approach to prefigurative politics may be marred by wishful thinking. On the other hand, radical realists can (and sometimes do) acknowledge that wishful thinking is sometimes desirable. I argue that an apocalyptic approach to prefigurative politics suggests one way of guarding against the dangers of wishful thinking, while allowing space for its potential benefits; prefigurativists have reason to pay at least some attention to what Bernard Williams calls ‘The First Political Question’. I will argue for this claim with reference to the case of Omar Aziz, a Syrian activist who played a pivotal role in the construction of local councils in the aftermath of the 2011 protests.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-09T11:47:01Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211018407
       
  • Taking Back Control over Markets: Jürgen Habermas on the Colonization
           of Politics by Economics

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      Authors: Peter J Verovšek
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Recent developments have highlighted the tension between democracy and late capitalist economics. In the wake of the Great Recession, international market forces have increasingly taken de facto control of politics. My basic thesis is that a modified version of Jürgen Habermas’ colonization thesis, which opposes the takeover of social and political life by the forces of power (administration) and money (economics), productively conceptualizes these developments. I argue that this framework can help to both diagnose and combat the dangers associated with the overexpansion of functional systemic forces, as well as the broader instrumentalization that they promote. By drawing on his political writings on the future of the European Union after the crisis of the Eurozone, I oppose interpretations of Habermas as a pacified liberal by demonstrating that he shares Karl Marx’s commitment to combatting naturalized views of economics and material reproduction as a force that lie outside of human control.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-09T11:46:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211018621
       
  • The Flying Heads of Settler Colonialism; or the Ideological Erasures of
           Indigenous Peoples in Political Theorizing

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      Authors: Yann Allard-Tremblay, Elaine Coburn
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This essay relies on the insight that settler colonialism is an ongoing structure geared toward the elimination of Indigenous presence to argue that ideologies that legitimate and naturalize settler occupation are equally ongoing. More specifically, the ideologies that justify settler colonialism in major states like Australia, Canada, and the United States, are like Flying Heads that shape-shift and recur over time. We explore how two notorious ideological tropes—terra nullius and the myth of the Vanishing Race—recur in the work of contrasting contemporary theorists. Ultimately, Flying Head ideologies of settler colonialism cannot be defeated by reasoned argument alone, but by structural transformations beyond the settler-colonial relations that necessitate and sustain them. Following diverse Indigenous theorists and activists, we briefly explore prefigurative resurgent practices and how Indigenous political imaginaries, like the Dish with One Spoon, offer alternatives to transcend the settler colonial present.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-06-09T11:46:28Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211018127
       
  • Contesting Autocracy: Repression and Opposition Coordination in Venezuela

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      Authors: Maryhen Jiménez
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Opposition coordination varies widely in electoral autocracies. Sometimes, opposition parties are highly coordinated and create alliances, present joint candidates or common policy platforms. Yet, at other times, oppositions choose to challenge incumbents individually. This article seeks to explain what drives opposition parties to coordinate in non-democratic regimes. It finds that opponents’ decision-making and strategy formation is influenced by the amount of repression they face from the incumbent regime. It argues that repression has a curvilinear relationship with opposition coordination. When repression is low and high, opposition coordination will be informal or clandestine. However, when repression is at intermediate levels, opposition parties will formally coordinate to dislodge authoritarian incumbents. This article illustrates this argument through an analysis of the Venezuelan opposition under Chavismo (1999–2018), combining 129 interviews with party elites, journalists, academics, and regime defectors, along with archival research at key historical moments.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-05-21T07:48:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721999975
       
  • Shared Membership Beyond National Identity: Deservingness and Solidarity
           in Diverse Societies

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      Authors: Allison Harell, Keith Banting, Will Kymlicka, Rebecca Wallace
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Liberal nationalists argue that identification with the nation promotes feelings of mutual obligation, including support for redistribution. Existing attempts to test this hypothesis have focused on whether the higher sense of national identity among the majority increases support redistribution. We argue for a twofold shift in focus. First, beyond the majority’s own national identity, we need to explore their perceptions of whether minorities share this identity. Second, we need to shift from one-dimensional ideals of ‘identity’ to more complex ideas of attachment and commitment. Do members of the majority view minorities as committed to the nation and willing to make sacrifices for it' Drawing on a custom-designed online survey in Canada, we show that three salient out-groups (Aboriginal peoples, French-speaking Canadians and immigrants) are seen by majority respondents as less committed to Canada, and that this is a powerful predictor of support for general and inclusive redistribution.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-05-08T07:01:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721996939
       
  • Small-Scale Deliberation and Mass Democracy: A Systematic Review of the
           Spillover Effects of Deliberative Minipublics

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      Authors: Ramon van der Does, Vincent Jacquet
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Deliberative minipublics are popular tools to address the current crisis in democracy. However, it remains ambiguous to what degree these small-scale forums matter for mass democracy. In this study, we ask the question to what extent minipublics have “spillover effects” on lay citizens—that is, long-term effects on participating citizens and effects on non-participating citizens. We answer this question by means of a systematic review of the empirical research on minipublics’ spillover effects published before 2019. We identify 60 eligible studies published between 1999 and 2018 and provide a synthesis of the empirical results. We show that the evidence for most spillover effects remains tentative because the relevant body of empirical evidence is still small. Based on the review, we discuss the implications for democratic theory and outline several trajectories for future research.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-05-06T06:21:25Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211007278
       
  • Voter Decision-Making in a Context of Low Political Trust: The 2016 UK EU
           Membership Referendum

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      Authors: Nick Clarke, Will Jennings, Jonathan Moss, Gerry Stoker
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Using volunteer writing for Mass Observation, we explore how British citizens decided whether to leave the EU. The 2016 referendum was the biggest decision made by the British electorate in decades, but involved limited voter analysis. Many citizens did not have strong views about EU membership in early 2016. The campaigns did not help to firm up their views, not least because so much information appeared to be in dispute. Voters, often characterised as polarised, were reluctant and uncertain. Many citizens took their duty to decide seriously, but were driven more by hunch than careful analysis. In 2016, voters reacted against elites they did not trust at least as much as they embraced the ideas of trusted elites. This contrasts with the 1975 Referendum on the Common Market, when the vote was driven by elite endorsement. In low-trust contexts, voters use cues from elites as negative rather than positive stimulus.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-05-06T06:17:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211003419
       
  • Educational Attainment Has a Causal Effect on Economic, But Not Social
           Ideology: Evidence from Discordant Twins

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      Authors: Stig Hebbelstrup Rye Rasmussen, Aaron Weinschenk, Asbjørn Sonne Nørgaard, Jacob von Bornemann Hjelmborg, Robert Klemmensen
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In this article, we examine the nature of the relationship between educational attainment and ideology. Some scholars have argued that the effect of education on political variables like ideology is inflated due to unaccounted-for family factors, such as genetic predispositions and parental socialization. Using the discordant twin design and data from a large sample of Danish twins, we find that after accounting for confounders rooted in the family, education has a (quasi)-causal effect on economic ideology, but not social ideology. We also examine whether the relationship between education and economic ideology is moderated by levels of economic hardship in the local context where individuals reside. We find that the (quasi)-causal effect of education on economic ideology increases in economically challenged areas.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:58:31Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211008788
       
  • Justice and Internal Displacement

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      Authors: Jamie Draper
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article develops a normative theory of the status of ‘internally displaced persons’. Political theorists working on forced migration have paid little attention to internally displaced persons, but internally displaced persons bear a distinctive normative status that implies a set of rights that its bearer can claim and correlate duties that others owe. This article develops a practice-based account of justice in internal displacement, which aims to answer the questions of who counts as an internally displaced person and what is owed to internally displaced persons (and by whom). The first section addresses the question of who counts as an internally displaced person by offering an interpretation of the conditions of non-alienage and involuntariness. The second section articulates an account of what is owed to internally displaced persons that draws on and refines the idea of ‘occupancy rights’. The third section sets out an account of the role of the international community in supplementing the protection of internally displaced persons by their own states.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:58:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211007641
       
  • Foreign-Born Population Growth, Negative Outgroup Contact, and
           Americans’ Attitudes Towards Legal and Unauthorized Immigration

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      Authors: James Laurence, Harris Hyun-soo Kim
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Individual attitudes towards immigration are powerfully driven by ethnic context, that is, size of foreign-born population. We advance the literature by examining how the change (growth) in foreign-born population, in addition to its size (level), is related to two distinct outcomes: natives’ views on legal and unauthorized immigration. By analysing a probability US sample, we find that an increase in the state-level immigration population is positively related to Americans’ approval of a policy aimed at containing the flow of undocumented immigrants. The proportion of immigrants in a state, however, is not a significant predictor of support for such restrictive policy. With respect to legal immigration, neither the amount of recent change in, nor the size of, the immigration population matters. Our study provides strong evidence for contextual effects: net of compositional factors, a dynamic change in foreign-born population has an independent impact on how Americans view unauthorized, but not legal, immigration.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:56:37Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005920
       
  • Public Reason, Partisanship and the Containment of the Populist Radical
           Right

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      Authors: Gabriele Badano, Alasia Nuti
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article discusses the growth of the populist radical right as a concrete example of the scenario where liberal democratic ideas are losing support in broadly liberal democratic societies. Our goal is to enrich John Rawls’ influential theory of political liberalism. We argue that even in that underexplored scenario, Rawlsian political liberalism can offer an appealing account of how to promote the legitimacy and stability of liberal democratic institutions provided it places partisanship centre stage. Specifically, we propose a brand-new moral duty binding ‘reasonable’ partisans committed to pluralism. This duty establishes conditions where partisans must strategically transform society’s public reason (i.e. transform the visions for society their parties campaign on) in ways that promise to attract back support from illiberal and antidemocratic competitors. While this strategic behaviour might seem impermissible, we show that Rawls’ distinctive account of sincerity in democratic deliberation is uniquely placed to justify it as perfectly ethical.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:56:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005917
       
  • Does Europe Need an Emergency Constitution'

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      Authors: Christian Kreuder-Sonnen
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The European Union is increasingly shaped by emergency politics as a mode of rule. Other than the state of exception in domestic constitutions, emergency politics at the European level is largely unregulated—with important negative effects for the integrity and normative quality of the European Union’s legal and political order. This article discusses whether and how a European-level emergency constitution could dampen the costs to constitutionalism by formally pre-regulating the assumption and exercise of emergency powers in the European Union. It proposes design principles that a European emergency constitution would need to meet in order to be desirable. They include prescriptions on who should declare an emergency and who should wield emergency authority up to what constitutional limit. While a European emergency constitution could theoretically alleviate some of the normative concerns about emergency politics, it is plagued by issues of implementation that only a fundamental constitutional overhaul of the European Union could address.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:56:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005336
       
  • Civil Society in Hybrid Regimes: Trade Union Activism in Post-2003 Iraq

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      Authors: Benjamin Isakhan
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores the relationship between hybrid regimes and civil society. It examines the extant debate between ‘neo-Tocquevilleans’ and their opponents over whether or not a robust civil society portends democratic transition and consolidation. It demonstrates the limits of these two models by arguing that civil society in hybrid regimes can in fact agitate against the state, advocate for democratic freedoms and achieve significant political reforms even when these do not lead to broader democratization. To demonstrate, this article documents the case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions through 15 years of complex Iraqi politics, from the 2003 US-led intervention and during the incumbency of Prime Minister’s Maliki (2006–2014) and Abadi (2014–2018). By analysing primary materials produced by and about the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions, it finds that this case holds important lessons for those seeking to understand the complex interface between civil society and the state in hybrid regimes.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:55:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211005322
       
  • How We Fail to Know: Group-Based Ignorance and Collective Epistemic
           Obligations

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      Authors: Anne Schwenkenbecher
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Humans are prone to producing morally suboptimal and even disastrous outcomes out of ignorance. Ignorance is generally thought to excuse agents from wrongdoing, but little attention has been paid to group-based ignorance as the reason for some of our collective failings. I distinguish between different types of first-order and higher order group-based ignorance and examine how these can variously lead to problematic inaction. I will make two suggestions regarding our epistemic obligations vis-a-vis collective (in)action problems: (1) that our epistemic obligations concern not just our own knowledge and beliefs but those of others, too and (2) that our epistemic obligations can be held collectively where the epistemic tasks cannot be performed by individuals acting in isolation, for example, when we are required to produce joint epistemic goods.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-29T08:52:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211000926
       
  • Free Time Across the Life Course

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      Authors: Malte Jauch
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In most industrialised countries, citizens enjoy a very large amount of free time towards the end of their lives, when they are retired, but find it very costly to access free time during the middle part of their lives. This is concerning because those who die early are deprived of the reward of free time that retirement holds. Extreme discrepancies between a time-rich old age and a time-scarce middle age are not, however, inevitable: some states incentivise long work hours during middle age in combination with early retirement, whereas others incentivise shorter work hours during middle age and later retirement. This variation raises the thus far unexplored question of how a just society should design policies that affect the costs of access to free time across the life course. I answer this question by using a hypothetical decision-situation where prudent choosers must allocate access to free time across different life stages.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T09:06:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/00323217211000733
       
  • Towards a Concept of Political Robustness

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      Authors: Eva Sørensen, Christopher Ansell
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How effective are different political institutions, policy-making processes and policies when it comes to mediating, mitigating and managing vertical and horizontal political tensions caused by disruptive societal challenges and political polarization' The present crisis for liberal democracy places this question high on the research agenda. A concept of political robustness is helpful for identifying the properties of political systems with a strong capacity for coping with political instability and conflict. This article defines political robustness, draws the contours of a conceptual framework for analysis of the political robustness of political systems and applies it illustratively to the political robustness of liberal democracies. We propose that the robustness of a political system depends on how much those who voice political demands—which differs greatly over time and between regimes—are involved in aggregating and integrating political demands into binding decisions.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T06:11:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721999974
       
  • Evoking Equality: The Gender Sensitivity of Parliaments through their
           Symbolic Function

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      Authors: Tània Verge
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article examines parliaments as symbol-makers beyond the actions of individual Members of Parliament or parliamentary party groups. In doing so, it develops an analytical framework for studying how legislatures symbolically represent women and, more generally, how they stand for gender equality. The article identifies who are the symbol-makers on behalf of the institution and outlines several indicators that allow assessing how the symbolic may further the gender sensitivity of parliaments. The indicators are clustered into two domains: on one hand, physical spaces, and, on the other hand, communications and public outreach. Drawing on examples from parliaments around the world, the article documents the wide range of available repertoires aimed at eroding the association between politics and masculinity. It also discusses the expected impact of symbolic activity on the targeted audiences and pinpoints the ways in which descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation build onto each other.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T06:10:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721998931
       
  • Does In-Group Consolidation Polarize Attitudes Toward Immigrants'

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      Authors: Mikko Leino, Juha Ylisalo
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Scholars have identified a host of individual-level and contextual factors associated with variation in people’s attitudes toward immigrants. In this article, we argue that individual traits that are conducive to a positive or negative attitude toward immigrants tend to be more strongly connected to attitudes the larger the share of people with similar traits in the individual’s immediate living environment. This is because interacting with like-minded people is likely to strengthen one’s pre-existing views. We test this reasoning using data on more than 3000 individuals nested within more than 100 neighborhoods in the city of Turku, Finland. We find that the attitudes of young adults tend to be more positive the more people with characteristics predicting a positive attitude there are in their neighborhood, while their attitudes tend to be more negative the more people there are with a low level of education, a strong predictor of negative attitudes.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-04-09T05:59:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721998929
       
  • The Death of May’s Law: Intra- and Inter-Party Value Differences in
           Britain’s Labour and Conservative Parties

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      Authors: Alan Wager, Tim Bale, Philip Cowley, Anand Menon
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Party competition in Great Britain increasingly revolves around social or ‘cultural’ issues as much as it does around the economic issues that took centre stage when class was assumed to be dominant. We use data from surveys of members of parliament, party members and voters to explore how this shift has affected the internal coalitions of the Labour and Conservative Parties – and to provide a fresh test of ‘May’s Law’. We find a considerable disconnect between ‘neoliberal’ Conservative members of parliament and their more centrist voters on economic issues and similarly significant disagreement on cultural issues between socially liberal Labour members of parliament and their more authoritarian voters. We also find differences in both parties between parliamentarians and their grassroots members, albeit that these are much less pronounced. May’s Law, not for the first time, appears not to be borne out in reality.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-26T10:14:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721995632
       
  • Populism or Nationalism' The ‘Paradoxical’ Non-Emergence
           of Populism in Cyprus

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      Authors: Giorgos Venizelos
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite the deep financial crisis and profound political disillusionment – conditions that are treated as necessary and sufficient. Putting emphasis on Cyprus’ key historical particularities, the article inquires into the ways Cyprus’ political past, and the subsequent salient ‘national question’, produce ambiguous notions of ‘the people’ on the one hand, and impede the potentials for a ‘populist moment’ on the other hand. By assessing the performative dynamics of oppositional parties in Cyprus, the empirical analysis suggests that the absence of populism is rooted in the following factors: First, nationalist discourse prevails over, and significantly weakens, populist discourse. Second, self-proclaimed challenger parties served ‘old wine in new bottles’ further undermining their position and claims. The failure of populism to take root in Cyprus, brings to the fore important theoretical insights relevant to the non-emergence of populism even under favourable conditions.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-25T06:47:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721989157
       
  • Populist Attitudes: Bringing Together Ideational and Communicative
           Approaches

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      Authors: Glenn Kefford, Benjamin Moffitt, Annika Werner
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      The study of populist attitudes has thus far drawn heavily on ideational definitions of populism, focussing almost exclusively on attitudes related to dimensions such as people-centredness and anti-elitism. However, these accounts have largely ignored other approaches to populism, especially the discursive-performative school which see populism as something that is communicated and done by political actors. We argue that when studying populist attitudes, these approaches are not mutually exclusive. In this article, we develop a novel measure of attitudes towards populist communication and consider how these interact with populist ideational attitudes. Testing our measures on the Australian case, we demonstrate that attitudes towards populist communication exist independently of populist ideational attitudes, and that they have a significant effect on voting behaviour and on attitudes related to the ideational approach. Therefore, we argue that studies of populist attitudes need to take attitudes towards populist communication into account in future work.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-24T09:03:31Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721997741
       
  • The Grammar of Social Power: Power-to, Power-with, Power-despite and
           Power-over

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      Authors: Arash Abizadeh
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      There are two rival conceptions of power in modern sociopolitical thought. According to one, all social power reduces to power-over-others. According to another, the core notion is power-to-effect-outcomes, to which even power-over reduces. This article defends seven theses. First, agential social power consists in a relation between agent and outcomes (power-to). Second, not all social power reduces to power-over and, third, the contrary view stems from conflating power-over with a distinct notion: power-despite-resistance. Fourth, the widespread assumption that social power presupposes the capacity to overcome resistance is false: social power includes the capacity to effect outcomes with others’ assistance. Fifth, power-with can be exercised via joint intentional action, strategic coordination and non-strategic coordination. Sixth, agential social power is best analysed as a capacity to effect outcomes, with the assistance of others, despite the resistance of yet others. Seventh, power-over and power-with are not mutually exclusive: each can ground the other.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-24T09:01:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721996941
       
  • State-Led Gentrification and Self-Respect

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      Authors: Katy Wells
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Gentrification is a global and highly controversial issue. This article develops an account of what can be troubling, specifically, about state support for gentrification processes. Recent research points to the fact that gentrification processes are being used by policy-makers in many parts of the world as tools for urban ‘renewal’ or transformation. However, it is claimed that this is often at the cost of badly off residents of these areas. I argue that where the state supports or encourages gentrification processes that either (a) impose non-trivial costs on badly off residents of gentrifying areas or (b) fail to benefit these residents in certain ways, the state disrespects these residents by failing to show due regard for their interests. In doing so, it threatens their self-respect. Having made this argument, I also consider how certain kinds of state investment once gentrification processes have occurred can threaten the self-respect of original residents.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-20T06:05:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721989168
       
  • Objective Conditions Count, Political Beliefs Decide: The Conditional
           Effects of Self-Interest and Ideology on Redistribution Preferences

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      Authors: Klaus Armingeon, David Weisstanner
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How can we explain variation in demand for redistribution among cross-pressured voters' We argue that redistributive preferences reflect an interaction between material self-interest and political ideology. The self-interest argument predicts growing opposition to redistribution as income increases, while the argument of ideologically driven preferences suggests that left-leaning citizens are more supportive of redistribution than right-leaning citizens. Focusing on cross-pressured voters, we expect that the difference in redistribution preferences between left- and right-leaning citizens is smaller at the bottom of the income hierarchy than at the top. Among the group of left-leaning citizens, the role of material self-interest is expected to be smaller than among right-leaning citizens. We provide evidence in line with our argument analysing data from the European Social Survey in 25 European democracies between 2008 and 2018.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-18T06:25:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721993652
       
  • A Strike against the Left: General Strikes and Public Opinion of Incumbent
           Governments in Spain

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      Authors: Alison Johnston, Kerstin Hamann, Bonnie N Field
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Political links between labor unions and leftist political parties have weakened over the last four decades in Western Europe, reducing the former’s influence on the latter. Unions’ prolonged organizational decline suggests that their capacity to pressure left parties should become more limited. We examine whether unions can use general strikes to influence public opinion when left parties in government pursue austerity policies. Executing a distributive lag time series analysis of quarterly public opinion data from 1986 to 2015 in Spain, we find that Socialist governments incurred significant public opinion penalties in the wake of a general strike. Not only did PSOE prime ministers lose confidence from the public, but they also witnessed a significant reduction in voting intentions. In contrast, Spain’s conservative governments incurred no such public opinion penalties in response to general strikes. We conclude that general strikes carry significant political costs for left governments that stray from union ideals.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-16T06:39:14Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721989926
       
  • Foundational Moments, Representative Claims and the Ecology of Social
           Ignorance

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      Authors: Mihaela Mihai
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article identifies a blind spot in constructivist theories of representation and their account of legitimacy in terms of the challenge posed by ecologies of social ignorance, generally and especially during foundational moments. Social ignorance is conceptualised here not merely as the absence of knowledge or true belief but as a social practice of legitimising epistemically problematic political imaginaries and the institutional systems they underpin. In dialogue with social epistemologists and phenomenologists, the article shows how representation can nurture social ignorance, despite the availability of ample opportunities for political contestation and alternative opinion formation. A permanent feature of democratic politics, this problem becomes most salient during moments of constitutional re-founding, such as regime change, post-conflict reconstruction or constitutional referenda, when representative claims can reconfigure a community’s political imaginary, rendering it more or less ignorant. The representative claims made by the Vote Leave’s key figures during the Brexit referendum campaign serve as illustration.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-06T05:55:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721995639
       
  • Losers’ Consent in Changing Welfare States: Output Dissatisfaction,
           Experienced Voice and Political Distrust

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      Authors: Lisanne de Blok, Staffan Kumlin
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Mature welfare states must increasingly handle growing fiscal pressures and a multitude of needs with smaller resources. Meanwhile, evaluations of policy outputs are characterized as ‘the weakest link’ in welfare state support, resulting in generalized political distrust. We assess the procedural fairness argument that citizens are not only concerned with welfare state outcomes but also assess the fairness of the processes of service delivery. The fairness perspective has usually been tested in cross-sectional studies, experiments or on the ‘input side’ of democracy. By contrast, we use primary three-wave panel data on evaluations and experiences with welfare state institutions. The random-effects within-between framework allows improved causal evidence that both outputs (service quality satisfaction) and procedural fairness (experienced voice opportunities) affect political trust. Crucially, however, perceived fairness mitigates detrimental effects of poor outcomes. This is because procedural voice matters, especially for the formation of political trust among losers.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-06T05:02:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721993646
       
  • Party Responsiveness to Public Opinion in Young Democracies

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      Authors: Raimondas Ibenskas, Jonathan Polk
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Are political parties in young democracies responsive to the policy preferences of the public' Compared to extensive scholarship on party responsiveness in established democracies, research on party responsiveness in young democracies is limited. We argue that weaker programmatic party–voter linkages in post-communist democracies create incentives for parties to respond to their supporters rather than the more general electorate. Such responsiveness occurs in two ways. First, parties follow shifts in the mean position of their supporters. Second, drawing on the research on party–voter congruence, we argue that parties adjust their policy positions to eliminate previous incongruence between themselves and their supporters. Analyses based on a comprehensive dataset that uses expert surveys, parties’ manifestoes and election surveys to measure parties’ positions, and several cross-national and national surveys to measure voters’ preferences provide strong support for this argument.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-03-06T04:57:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321721993635
       
  • From Big Bang to Brexit: The City of London and the Discursive Power of
           Finance

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      Authors: Scott James, Hussein Kassim, Thomas Warren
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article aims to generate new insights into the City’s influence during the Brexit negotiations. Integrating theories of discursive institutionalism and business power, we set out to analyse the dynamic ‘discursive power’ of finance. From this perspective, a key source of the City’s influence historically has been a powerful strategic discourse about London’s role as Europe’s leading global financial centre. This was strengthened following the financial crisis to emphasise its contribution to the ‘real’ economy and emerging regulatory threats from the EU. We argue that Brexit challenges the City’s discursive power by removing ‘ideational constraints’ on acceptable policy discourse, and undermining the ‘discursive co-production’ of financial power by government and industry. By encouraging financial actors to re-evaluate their interests, this has contributed to increasing discursive fragmentation and incoherence. Evidence for this comes from the City’s ambiguous policy preferences on Brexit, and the emergence of a rival pro-Brexit ‘discursive coalition’.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-02-05T04:52:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720985714
       
  • Mandate or Donors' Explaining the UNHCR’s Country-Level
           Expenditures from 1967 to 2016

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      Authors: Svanhildur Thorvaldsdottir, Ronny Patz, Klaus H Goetz
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In recent decades, many international organizations have become almost entirely funded by voluntary contributions. Much existing literature suggests that major donors use their funding to refocus international organizations’ attention away from their core mandate and toward serving donors’ geostrategic interests. We investigate this claim in the context of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), examining whether donor influence negatively impacts mandate delivery and leads the organization to direct expenditures more toward recipient countries that are politically, economically, or geographically salient to major donors. Analyzing a new dataset of UNHCR finances (1967–2016), we find that UNHCR served its global mandate with considerable consistency. Applying flexible measures of collective donor influence, so-called “influence-weighted interest scores,” our findings suggest that donor influence matters for the expenditure allocation of the agency, but that mandate-undermining effects of such influence are limited and most pronounced during salient refugee situations within Europe.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-02-05T04:50:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720974330
       
  • Losing the Discursive Battle but Winning the Ideological War: Who Holds
           Thatcherite Values Now'

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      Authors: Stephen Farrall, Emily Gray, Phil Mike Jones, Colin Hay
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      In what ways, if at all, do past ideologies shape the values of subsequent generations of citizens' Are public attitudes in one period shaped by the discourses and constructions of an earlier generation of political leaders' Using Thatcherism – one variant of the political New Right of the 1980s – as the object of our enquiries, this article explores the extent to which an attitudinal legacy is detectable among the citizens of the UK some 40 years after Margaret Thatcher first became Prime Minister. Our article, drawing on survey data collected in early 2019 (n = 5781), finds that younger generations express and seemingly embrace key tenets of her and her governments’ philosophies. Yet at the same time, they are keen to describe her government’s policies as having ‘gone too far’. Our contribution throws further light on the complex and often covert character of attitudinal legacies. One reading of the data suggests that younger generations do not attribute the broadly Thatcherite values that they hold to Thatcher or Thatcherism since they were socialised politically after such values had become normalised.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-02-03T05:47:39Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720986701
       
  • Othering, Alienation and Establishment

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      Authors: Tariq Modood, Simon Thompson
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article examines the relationship between religion and the state, focusing on cases of establishment in which one religion is formally recognized. Arguing that religious establishment is wrong if it causes some citizens to feel alienated, we reject the criticism that feelings of alienation are too subjective a foundation for a robust normative case about establishment. We base our argument on an account of collective identities, which may have an ‘inside’ but are also subject to a process of othering in which a dominant group imposes an identity on a subordinate group. The establishment of a religion may contribute to othering, and the othered group may consequently be alienated from the state. However, since establishment does not always cause alienation, it is necessary to seek evidence and engage in a dialogue in order to understand a group’s own account of its experience of its situation.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-30T09:35:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720986698
       
  • On the Surprising Implications of Coercion Theory

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      Authors: Miriam Ronzoni
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      According to much of self-labelled coercion theory, the state is both the ground of egalitarian demands of distributive justice, and the (sole) domain to which such demands apply, in virtue of its exercise of coercive power which only distributive equality can justify. This article argues that, when properly unpacked in its theoretical commitments, coercion theory has surprising implications both within and beyond borders. Within borders, coercion is either *fully* justified by its necessity for autonomy; or it is not, in which case egalitarian distributions cannot do the trick, either – although *political* equality might. Beyond borders, the view turns out to have significantly demanding global implications, contrary to how it is often presented. It indeed differs from global egalitarianism simpliciter, but it gives rise to an interesting, complex set of cross-border obligations which reach far beyond the ‘global sufficiency, domestic equality’ picture. This surprising account of the implications of coercion theory rests on a crucial insight: when closely examined, the view turns out to be grounded in a natural duty of justice account of political obligation.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-23T05:45:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720985720
       
  • The Role of Self-Interest in Deliberation: A Theory of Deliberative
           Capital

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      Authors: Afsoun Afsahi
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      How do successful deliberations unfold' What happens when they unravel' In this article, I propose that we think of the dynamics of participant engagement within deliberation as series of self-interested and reciprocal investments in and divestments from deliberative capital. This article has three parts. First, I draw on the literatures on deliberative democracy and social capital to outline a theory of deliberative capital. I highlight the important role self-interest plays in the process of those initial investments – instances of engagement in positive deliberative behaviours. Second, drawing from my experience as a facilitator, I give an account of the particular indicators of investments and divestments that we might expect to see in a given deliberative engagement. Third, I briefly outline two innovative facilitation techniques that can be utilized at the beginning or during a deliberative process that trigger self-interest, which incentivizes investments and discourages divestments.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-21T07:36:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720981491
       
  • Human Rights Violations, Political Conditionality and Public Attitudes to
           Foreign Aid: Evidence from Survey Experiments

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      Authors: Niheer Dasandi, Jonathan Fisher, David Hudson, Jennifer vanHeerde-Hudson
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      There has been much criticism of donor governments who give aid to states that violate human rights. This has fuelled concerns about how such coverage affects public support for foreign aid. In response, donors increasingly use aid suspensions to signal to domestic audiences that a regime has been sanctioned and aid is not misspent. This article examines how reports of rights violations affect attitudes to aid and what, if any, impact donor responses have on public perceptions. We conduct survey experiments using nationally representative samples of the British public. Our findings demonstrate that reports of rights abuses reduce public support for aid. However, contrary to conventional wisdom, any response from donors, whether it be to justify continuing aid or to cut aid, prevents a decline in support. In policy terms, the findings demonstrate the importance of government responsiveness in maintaining public support for a frequently contested aspect of foreign policy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-18T10:14:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720980895
       
  • Too Old to Forget: The Dynamics of Political Trust among Immigrants

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      Authors: Chiara Superti, Noam Gidron
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      Scholars have argued that immigrants’ trust in institutions is the result of the exposure to host-country institutions but also shaped by past experiences in the country of origin. These experiences create a “home-country point of reference,” a political/institutional memory that becomes the relevant comparison for any political/institutional interaction in the host country. We develop further this concept and unpack its key determinants—the age at migration and the historical conditions of the home country at the specific time of migration. Only those immigrants who were too old to forget the historical and contextual features of the country-of-origin institutions at the time of migration will rely on this comparison when interacting with institutions in the host country. Across time, there is both a continuous positive/negative accumulation of trust for the host-country institutions among those with less/more democratic points of reference. We examine immigrants’ political trust using survey evidence from Israel.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-15T04:59:52Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720980899
       
  • Citizens’ Governance Spaces: Democratic Action Through Disruptive
           Collective Problem-Solving

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      Authors: Carolyn M Hendriks, Albert W Dzur
      Abstract: Political Studies, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates the practical form of citizen engagement that occurs in collective problem-solving efforts such as civic enterprises, grassroots initiatives and self-help groups. Drawing on extensive empirical evidence from diverse policy fields, it articulates the distinct experimental and disruptive policy work that citizens enact in these citizens’ governance spaces and challenges dominant interpretations which view them as either (i) a testament to the capacity of citizens to effectively solve complex public problems or (ii) a symptom of advanced neoliberalism where states off-load complex problems onto citizens. The article moves beyond this dualism to consider the motivations, challenges, available resources and distinct democratic work enacted by citizens in these spaces of bottom-up governance. Citizens’ governance spaces, the article concludes, offer important lessons – both in terms of potential benefits and risks – for the project of deepening the quality and reach of citizen participation in modern systems of democracy.
      Citation: Political Studies
      PubDate: 2021-01-15T04:59:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0032321720980902
       
 
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