Subjects -> JOURNALISM AND PUBLICATION (Total: 219 journals)
    - JOURNALISM (31 journals)
    - JOURNALISM AND PUBLICATION (148 journals)
    - NEW AGE PUBLICATIONS (8 journals)
    - PUBLISHING AND BOOK TRADE (32 journals)

JOURNALISM AND PUBLICATION (148 journals)                     

Showing 1 - 17 of 17 Journals sorted by number of followers
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity     Open Access   (Followers: 68)
Scientometrics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
British Journal of General Practice     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 41)
Information Today     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 35)
Journal of World History     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 33)
Language     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 31)
Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 30)
Advances in Journalism and Communication     Open Access   (Followers: 27)
Communication Papers : Media Literacy & Gender Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 23)
Journalism & Mass Communication Educator     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Arizona Quarterly: A Journal of American Literature, Culture, and Theory     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 21)
Grey Room     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Journalism & Communication Monographs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Memory     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Journal of International and Intercultural Communication     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Advances in Protein Chemistry and Structural Biology     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 18)
Latin American Research Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 17)
Latin American Perspectives     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Journal of the Early Republic     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 14)
Cahiers d'histoire. Revue d'histoire critique     Open Access   (Followers: 14)
Journal of Media Ethics : Exploring Questions of Media Morality     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Transport Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Journal of Literacy Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Journal of LGBT Youth     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Journal of Literary & Cultural Disability Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Journal of Jewish Identities     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
Journal of Healthcare Risk Management     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
L'Homme     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Asian Journal of Information Management     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Digital Journalism     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Brookings-Wharton Papers on Urban Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Communication & Society     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Natural Language Semantics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Journal of the Short Story in English     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Journal of Latin American Geography     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Communication Cultures in Africa     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Southern African Journal of Anaesthesia and Analgesia     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Asian Journal of Marketing     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Journal of Late Antiquity     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Arethusa     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Journalism Research     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
CIC. Cuadernos de Informacion y Comunicacion     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Journal of Transatlantic Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Religion, State and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Brookings-Wharton Papers on Financial Services     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
African Journalism Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Syntax     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Prometheus : Critical Studies in Innovation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Physics of the Solid State     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Frontiers in Research Metrics and Analytics     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Integrative Environmental Sciences     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
La corónica : A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
BMS: Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Sztuka Edycji     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Time     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Illustration     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Australasian Marketing Journal (AMJ)     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
OJS på dansk     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Information Privacy and Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Islamic Law and Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Revue archéologique de l'Est     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
De Arte     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
In die Skriflig / In Luce Verbi     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Museum International Edition Francaise     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Missionalia : Southern African Journal of Mission Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Asian Journal of Animal Sciences     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
American Journalism     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
La Presse Médicale     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Journalism History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Nordic Journal of Media Management     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Communication and Media in Asia Pacific (CMAP)     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Publishers Weekly     Free   (Followers: 2)
Archives of Cardiovascular Diseases Supplements     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Brazilian Journalism Research     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Annales françaises d'Oto-rhino-laryngologie et de Pathologie Cervico-faciale     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Bibliometrics in Business and Management     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Connections : A Journal of Language, Media and Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Bulletin of the Comediantes     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Index on Censorship     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Investment Analysts Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
World Futures: Journal of General Evolution     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Stellenbosch Theological Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Revue européenne des migrations internationales     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Verbum et Ecclesia     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
E-rea     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Développement durable et territoires     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Atención Primaria     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Investigative and Clinical Dentistry     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Thyroid Research     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ufahamu : A Journal of African Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Journal of European Periodical Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cahiers de la Méditerranée     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Archivos de Medicina Veterinaria     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Apparence(s)     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Actas Urológicas Españolas     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Studia Socialia Cracoviensia     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Hipertext.net : Anuario Académico sobre Documentación Digital y Comunicación Interactiva     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
GRUR International     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Periodica Mathematica Hungarica     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Études caribéennes     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
European Science Editing     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Merrill-Palmer Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodístico     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Documentación de las Ciencias de la Información     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revue archéologique du Centre de la France     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Entertainment Technology and Management     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Journalistica - Tidsskrift for forskning i journalistik     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Les Cahiers d'Outre-Mer     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Research Integrity and Peer Review     Open Access  
Sensorium Journal     Open Access  
Komunika     Open Access  
RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism     Open Access  
Law, State and Telecommunications Review     Open Access  
Norsk medietidsskrift     Open Access  
#PerDebate     Open Access  
IRIS - Revista de Informação, Memória e Tecnologia     Open Access  
Papers of The Bibliographical Society of Canada     Open Access  
Trípodos     Open Access  
Media & Jornalismo     Open Access  
Espaço e Tempo Midiáticos     Open Access  
Variants : Journal of the European Society for Textual Scholarship     Open Access  
Comunicación y Ciudadanía     Open Access  
Newspaper Research Journal     Full-text available via subscription  
Improntas     Open Access  
Cuadernos.info     Open Access  
Âncora : Revista Latino-Americana de Jornalismo     Open Access  
Revista Observatório     Open Access  
Comunicação Pública     Open Access  
Pozo de Letras     Open Access  
El Argonauta español     Open Access  
InMedia     Open Access  
Signo y Pensamiento     Open Access  
L'Espace Politique     Open Access  
Tracés     Open Access  
Géocarrefour     Open Access  
Tydskrif vir Letterkunde     Open Access  
Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe     Open Access  
TD : The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa     Open Access  
Revue d’économie industrielle     Open Access  
Astérion     Open Access  
Pollack Periodica     Full-text available via subscription  
General Relativity and Gravitation     Hybrid Journal  

           

Similar Journals
Journal Cover
Latin American Perspectives
Journal Prestige (SJR): 0.259
Number of Followers: 15  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0094-582X - ISSN (Online) 1552-678X
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1176 journals]
  • Bolsonaro, the Last Colonizer

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Manuel Domingos Neto, Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The traditional relationship between the Brazilian state and indigenous peoples is based on the state’s “protection.” Under the ultraconservative Bolsonaro government, the state has been taken over by elites with rural and extractive capital who plan on exploiting the Amazon rain forest at any cost and see indigenous peoples as an obstacle to their goal. The military also has a noteworthy position in this offensive, which strikes at the heart of what are considered human rights. The legislative and judiciary branches continue to confront this ambiguous policy, which is accompanied by laws, statutes, national agreements, and international conventions that lack clarity and precision. If Bolsonaro were to be reelected it might mean the extinction of surviving indigenous ethnicities.A relação tradicional entre o Estado brasileiro e os povos originários é baseada na “tutela” do Estado. O governo ultraconservador de Bolsonaro reflete a captura do Estado pelas elites do capital agrário e extrativista que pretendem dispor da floresta amazônica a qualquer custo, considerando os povos originários como obstáculo à sua agenda. Os militares têm posição de destaque nesta ofensiva que afronta as noções elementares de direitos humanos. Ora, os poderes Legislativo e Judiciário lidam com essa política de maneira ambígua, acompanhando leis, estatutos e convenções nacionais e internacionais de forma pouco precisa e pouco clara. Se Bolsonaro for reeleito, isso poderá acelerar a extinção das etnias indígenas sobreviventes.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2023-01-13T09:32:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147598
       
  • Development Projects, Models of Capitalism, and Political Regimes in
           Brazil, 1988–2021

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Carlos Eduardo Santos Pinho
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The Bolsonaro government combines authoritarianism with a model of capitalism that destroys social rights. Despite the expansion of the neoliberal reforms put in place during the 1990s and the decline of the inclusionary policies of the 2000s, there is a causal link between the content of neoliberal public policies, the drop in the level of political participation in their implementation, the militarization of the Bolsonaro government, and the decay of democratic institutions in Brazil.O governo Bolsonaro combina o autoritarismo com um modelo de capitalismo destruidor de direitos sociais. Além do aprofundamento das reformas neoliberais dos anos 1990 e da regressão das políticas de inclusão dos anos 2000, há uma relação de causalidade entre o conteúdo de políticas públicas neoliberais, a redução do nível de participação política em sua implementação, a militarização do governo Bolsonaro e a degeneração de instituições democráticas no Brasil.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2023-01-13T09:30:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147595
       
  • Tongues of Fire: Silas Malafaia and the Historical Roots of
           Neo-Pentecostal Power in Bolsonaro’s Brazil

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Andre Pagliarini
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Evangelical Christians and especially Neo-Pentecostals in Brazil have gone from accepting a position as junior partners in a broad governing coalition led by the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) to asserting themselves as an indispensable pillar of the Jair Bolsonaro administration. A close examination of the career of the prominent Bolsonarist pastor Silas Malafaia suggests that if progressives want to improve their political relationship with evangelical voters they must first find discursive and material ways to neutralize or at least work around the most prominent and virulently conservative faith leaders.Os cristãos evangélicos (em particular os neo-pentecostais) no Brasil passaram de aceitar uma posição de ser parceiros menores numa coligação governamental abrangente dirigida pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) para impor-se como pilar imprescindível do governo de Jair Bolsonaro. Uma análise exhaustiva da trajetória do renomado pastor bolsonarista, Silas Malafaia constata que se os progessistas quiserem melhorar a sua relação política com eleitores evangélicos, eles devem por primeiro descobrir meios discursivos e materiais para neutralizar ou, no mínimo, evitar os líderes religiosos que são os mais preeminentes e fortemente conservadores nesses grupos sociais.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2023-01-10T10:31:15Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221147593
       
  • Commentary: Unearthing the Root Causes of Central American Migration

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Louis A. Pérez
      Pages: 198 - 200
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Volume 49, Issue 6, Page 198-200, November 2022.

      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-11-29T09:48:12Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221134810
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 6 (2022)
       
  • Sebastián Lelio’s Una mujer fantástica: Intimate Citizenship, Trans
           Activism, and the Gender Identity Law in Chile

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Penny Miles
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      When Una mujer fantástica reached the height of Oscar success in March 2018, Chilean trans populations were fighting to secure legal recognition, and they were doing so at a time of political transition from a leftist to a rightist government. The film’s international success ensured that the gender identity bill remained on the table. Use of the concepts of intimate citizenship and frame resonance to analyze the social and political role of the film’s trans representation shows how they offer visual framing and visual resonance for Chilean activism. The protagonist’s story created a visual frame to reinforce trans activist claims at a key moment in the congressional debates as the soft power of the Oscars was brought to bear on them.Cuando Una mujer fantástica alcanzó la cima del éxito en los óscares de marzo de 2018, las poblaciones trans chilenas luchaban por asegurarse reconocimiento legal en un momento de transición política—el paso de un gobierno de izquierda a uno de derecha. El éxito internacional de la película aseguró que el proyecto de ley sobre identidad de género permaneciera sobre la mesa. El uso de los conceptos de ciudadanía íntima y resonancia de marco para analizar el rol social y político de la representación trans en la película muestra cómo esto nos brinda tanto encuadre como resonancia visual al activismo chileno. La historia de la protagonista generó un marco visual que refuerza las afirmaciones de activistas trans en un momento clave en los debates del Congreso, los cuales se vieron influenciado por el poder blando de los óscares.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-12-15T12:30:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131593
       
  • The Rise of Fascism in Brazil

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Armando Boito
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Analysis of Brazil’s Bolsonaro administration, its most active social support base, and the political crisis that gave rise to it shows that, operating with a concept of fascism embedded in the Marxist tradition, it can be characterized as (neo)fascist. The political crisis of 2015–2018 that led to it involved a crisis of hegemony of the bloc in power, the crisis of party representation of the dominant classes, political activism by the state bureaucracy, the political defensiveness of the workers’ and lower-class movement, and the formation of a reactionary middle-class movement. The option for fascism was not without risks, as is reflected today by the demonstrations of dissatisfaction with its administration.Uma análise do governo Bolsonaro no Brasil, a sua base social a mais ativa e a crise política que lhe deve origem, mostra que, baseado num conceito de fascismo enquadrado na tradição marxista, este governo pode ser denominado como (neo)fascista. O governo (neo)fascista de Bolsonaro era decorrente de uma crise política nos anos 2015-2018 que implicou uma crise de hegemonia no bloco de poder, uma crise de representação partidária das classes dominantes, um ativismo político na burocrâcia estatal, uma atitude defensiva política do movimento dos trabalhadores e classes pobres e a formação de um movimento reacionário da classe média. A opçao fascista não é isento de riscos vis-à-vis a burguesia como se reflete hoje nas manifestações de insatisfação com a administração burguesa.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-12-10T10:26:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221140419
       
  • U.S. Hegemony in Latin America during an Age of Challenges: The Perception
           of Threats by the U.S Southern Command

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Lívia Peres Milani
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      U.S. hegemony in Latin America is being challenged by the economic presence of foreign powers, such as China, in the region. Much of the literature that discusses this phenomenon deals with the economic and political dimensions of Chinese expansion and the U.S. reaction. Another aspect of this phenomenon is the effects of these changes on the way threats are perceived by U.S. military personnel operating in Latin America. An analysis of declassified documents produced by U.S. Southern Command during the Trump and Biden administrations identifies the threats and challenges perceived by military officials during these two administrations.A hegemonia estadunidense na América Latina vem sendo contestada em razão dos desafios representados pela presença econômica de potências estrangeiras, como a China, na região. Grande parte da literatura que discute este fenômeno tem analisado as dimensões econômicas e políticas da expansão chinesa e as reações estadounidenses. Outro aspecto desse fenômeno são os efeitos destas mudanças na maneira como as ameaças são percibidas pelos militares estadunidenses que operam na América Latina. uma análise dos documentos desclassificados produzidos pelo U.S Southern Command (Comando Sul) durante os governos Trump e Biden, identificando os desafios e ameaças que foram percebidos pelos militares durante estes dois governos.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-12-03T07:44:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221140418
       
  • Book Review Popular Struggle and Resistance in Latin America

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Ronald H. Chilcote
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-11-30T10:07:33Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221140417
       
  • Book Review: A Generation of Conflict in Contemporary Brazil

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Ronald H. Chilcote
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-11-30T10:06:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221138566
       
  • State Violence against Mapuche Women in Chile, 1998–2018

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Hillary Hiner, Karina González
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Mapuche women both suffer and resist state violence in Chile, particularly with regard to neoliberal, multinational extractive projects in the southern regions and the militarized police that protect these projects. While there is a great deal of historical scholarship on topics related to women or the Mapuche people from 1990 on, there is relatively little specifically on the struggles of Mapuche women. Additionally, the majority of texts on state terrorism and women in Chile focus on the Pinochet dictatorship and non-Mapuche women. A study from the perspective of decolonial feminism reveals the persistence of the “coloniality of gender” while critically reflecting on the tensions between Mapuche women and the Chilean feminist movement.Las mujeres mapuches sufren y resisten violencia estatal en Chile, particularmente en lo relacionado a los proyectos extractivos neoliberales y multinacionales en las regiones del sur y la concomitante presencia de la policía militarizada que protege dichos proyectos. Si bien y desde 1990 ha habido una gran cantidad de investigación histórica sobre temas relacionados con las mujeres, por un lado, y el pueblo mapuche por otro, hay relativamente poca literatura en torno a las luchas de las mujeres mapuche. Lo que es más, la mayor parte de los textos sobre terrorismo de Estado y mujeres en Chile se centra en la dictadura de Pinochet y mujeres que no son mapuche. Un estudio abordado desde una perspectiva de feminismo descolonial nos revela la persistencia de la “colonialidad de género”, al mismo tiempo que reflexiona, de manera crítica, sobre las tensiones entre las mujeres mapuche y el movimiento feminista chileno.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-11-21T07:13:56Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221129835
       
  • Russian Foreign Policy in Latin America and the Caribbean in the
           Twenty-first Century

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Ekaterina Kosevich
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      A comprehensive examination of Russia's foreign policy in Latin America and the Caribbean shows that, while interstate relations varied in the first quarter of the twenty-first century with shifts in the international environment and the foreign and domestic sociopolitical situation, this policy was symbolic, ill-considered, and reactive. Post-Soviet Russia has not created a system of partnerships in the region that would ensure the stability of foreign policy outcomes in the face of fluctuations of the regional conjuncture.Un análisis exhaustivo de la política exterior de Rusia en América Latina y el Caribe muestra que, si bien las relaciones interestatales variaron en el primer cuarto del siglo XXI con cambios en el entorno internacional y la situación sociopolítica exterior e interna, esta política fue simbólica, poco recomendable y reactiva. La Rusia postsoviética no ha creado un sistema de asociaciones en la región que garantice la estabilidad de los resultados en política exterior ante las fluctuaciones de la coyuntura regional.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-11-21T05:47:55Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221138285
       
  • Commentary

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: George Leddy
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-11-01T12:42:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131518
       
  • The Effects of Postconflict Memory: Forced Sterilization in Peru

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Alejandra Ballón Gutiérrez, Mariana Ortega-Breña
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Forced sterilization was common practice in Peru in the 1990s, especially under the national reproductive health and family planning program developed in the midst of the armed conflict (1980–2000). However, in spite of the concomitant serious violations of fundamental rights, this practice was not included in the investigations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Recently published images, videos, testimonies, and texts provide new evidence regarding the role of the armed forces in these eugenic procedures, the largest state-run population control program in the Americas.La esterilización forzada fue una práctica común en el Perú durante la década de 1990, especialmente dentro del marco del programa nacional de salud reproductiva y planificación familiar que se desarrolló en medio del conflicto armado (1980-2000). Sin embargo, a pesar de las concomitantes graves violaciones a los derechos humanos fundamentales, esta práctica no fue incluida en las investigaciones de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación. Imágenes, videos, testimonios y textos recientemente publicados nos dan nuevas evidencias en torno al papel de las fuerzas armadas en estos procedimientos eugenésicos y lo que fuera el programa estatal de control de población más grande de las Américas.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-31T11:56:27Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221133839
       
  • False Generosity: A Freirean Reflection on Food Aid and Lima’s
           Comedores Populares

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Sarah Rachelle Renkert
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Paulo Freire is known for his liberatory approach to education. Less discussed are his reflections on charitable giving, aid, and welfare programs, which he criticizes for their “false generosity.” He argues that superficially generous acts of giving are often false in that they serve to uphold uneven power dynamics and the economic status quo, maintaining the oppressed in a position of manipulability and dependency. The distribution of aid by populist state actors is often rife with paternalistic false generosity, allowing politicians to use their positions of power to reap benefits from recipients. Peru’s state-sponsored comedores populares (communal kitchens that distribute state-subsidized food aid) have employed false generosity to build political loyalty in seeking to control an unpaid labor force that maintains a seemingly benevolent image of the generous state.Paulo Freire es conocido por su liberador enfoque en torno a la educación. Menos discutidas son sus reflexiones sobre las donaciones caritativas, la ayuda y los programas de bienestar, asuntos que criticó como basados en una “falsa generosidad”. Según él, los actos caritativos superficialmente generosos a menudo resultan falsos en tanto permiten conservar una dinámica de poder desigual y el status quo económico, manteniendo a los oprimidos en una posición de manipulabilidad y dependencia. La distribución de la ayuda por parte de actores estatales populistas a menudo está plagada de una falsa generosidad paternalista, asunto que permite a los políticos usar su posición de poder para obtener beneficios de quienes la reciben. Los comedores populares patrocinados por el Estado en Perú (cocinas comunales que distribuyen ayuda alimentaria subsidiada por el gobierno) han empleado dicha falsa generosidad para construir lealtad política en un intento por controlar una fuerza laboral no remunerada y mantener, a la vez, una imagen aparentemente benevolente de un Estado generoso.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-27T12:53:07Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221128792
       
  • Victims and Ex-Combatants in Colombia: The Aulas de Paz Model of Truth,
           Forgiveness, and Reconciliation

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Juan Camilo Gaviria, Laura Baron Mendoza, James Meernik
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      In recent years there has been increasing interest in the interactions and relationships between victims of armed conflict and former members of armed nonstate actors. For many survivors, a critical element of restoration and repair is coming to terms with the violence that was visited upon them. At the same time, many of those who took part in acts of violence have sought to account for and apologize for their behavior—to unburden themselves of their knowledge, recover their own lost humanity, and be reconciled with those whom they victimized. The victim and the perpetrator are both vital elements in any effort at truth telling and reconciliation and ultimately the successful reincorporation of ex-combatants into the population. The method used by Aulas de Paz (Classrooms of Peace) in Colombia is effective in fostering interaction between ex-combatants and victims that can contribute to truth, forgiveness, and reconciliation. It is a theoretically grounded strategy of individual and collective healing that can help advance restorative justice in states affected by armed conflict.Los últimos años han visto un creciente interés en las interacciones y relaciones entre víctimas de conflictos armados y antiguos miembros de actores armados no estatales. Para muchos sobrevivientes, aceptar la violencia que se les impuso resulta un elemento crítico para la restauración y reparación. Al mismo tiempo, muchos de quienes participaron en actos de violencia han buscado rendir cuentas y disculparse por su comportamiento con el objeto de librarse de su conocimiento, recuperar la propia humanidad perdida y reconciliarse con aquellos a quienes victimizaron. La víctima y el perpetrador son elementos vitales en cualquier esfuerzo por hablar la verdad, fomentar la reconciliación y, en última instancia, reincorporarar exitosamente a los excombatientes a la población. El método utilizado por Aulas de Paz en Colombia fomenta de manera efectiva la interacción entre excombatientes y víctimas, asunto que puede contribuir a la verdad, el perdón y la reconciliación. Se trata de una estrategia teóricamente fundamentada de sanación individual y colectiva que puede promover la justicia restaurativa en los estados afectados por conflictos armados.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-20T01:01:05Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131046
       
  • Implementing Limited E-participation on Mobility Policy in Bogotá

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Dustin Robertson
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The ability of city dwellers to participate in decisions about mobility is a crucial expression of urban democracy. Optimists hope that e-participation—engagement of citizens through information and communication technologies—can deepen democracy and empower the public by giving it a greater decision-making role. In Bogotá, Colombia, during the second administration of the center-right mayor Enrique Peñalosa (2016–2019), however, government agencies implemented limited and constrained forms of e-participation that failed to deliver on this promise. Beyond the perennial digital divide, e-participation was designed and operationalized in ways that restricted the scope for actual democratic improvements. These included limiting participation to superficial decisions, failing to link participation to specific actions, and creating rigorous participation protocols that excluded a majority of the population and avoided dissent.La capacidad de los habitantes citadinos para participar en las decisiones que afectan la movilidad es una expresión crucial de la democracia urbana. Los optimistas esperan que la participación electrónica (el compromiso de los ciudadanos a través de las tecnologías informáticas y de comunicación) pueda profundizar dicha democracia y empoderar al público al otorgarle un mayor papel en la toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, en Bogotá, Colombia, durante la segunda administración del alcalde de centroderecha Enrique Peñalosa (2016-2019), las agencias gubernamentales implementaron formas limitadas y restringidas de participación electrónica que no cumplieron esta promesa. Más allá de la perenne brecha digital, la participación electrónica se diseñó y puso en práctica de forma que pudiera restringirse el alcance de las mejoras democráticas reales. Estas tácticas incluyeron limitar la participación a decisiones superficiales, no establecer vínculos entre la participación y acciones específicas, así como rigurosos protocolos de participación que excluyeran a la mayor parte de la población y evitaran la disensión.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-15T11:41:09Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221129609
       
  • Power, Legitimacy, and Institutions in the October 2019 Uprising in Chile

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: César Guzmán-Concha
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The 2019 uprising in Chile was the outcome of an erosion of political arrangements and the politicization of popular unrest that developed over three decades. Two explanations for it—the political mobilization of the groups that emerged from the neoliberal reforms (the “new people” approach) and the mismatch between institutions and society (the “decoupling” approach)—can be reconciled by emphasizing the connections between elite and popular politics. Analyzing the long-standing relationship between power, legitimacy, and political institutions provides a framework for understanding this and other events of massive unrest.El levantamiento de 2019 en Chile resultó de una erosión de los acuerdos políticos y la politización del malestar popular desarrollado a lo largo de tres décadas. Podemos reconciliar dos de las explicaciones al respecto—la movilización política de los grupos surgidos de las reformas neoliberales (el enfoque de la “gente nueva”) y el desajuste entre las instituciones y la sociedad (el enfoque de “desacoplamiento”)—si enfatizamos las conexiones entre la élite y la política popular. El análisis de la relación de larga data entre el poder, la legitimidad y las instituciones políticas nos proporciona un marco posible para entender este y otros eventos de disturbios masivos.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-09-23T06:36:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124919
       
  • Place, Violence, and Resistance: Impacts of Mining in the Chilean Andes

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Anita Carrasco
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The indigenous community of Estación San Pedro has turned a sense of place into an act of resistance to the impacts of mining on its homeland in the Chilean Andes. In 2007 San Pedrinos wrote to the headquarters of Chile’s National Copper Corporation claiming compensation for historical dispossession of water, forced migration from their homeland, and the disintegration of their traditional way of life. San Pedrinos continue to return to their homeland despite the mining corporation’s historical attempts to obliterate them.La comunidad indígena de Estación San Pedro ha convertido su sentido de lugar en un acto de resistencia ante los impactos de la minería en su tierra natal, localizada en los Andes chilenos. En 2007, los san pedrinos escribieron a la sede de la Corporación Nacional del Cobre de Chile exigiendo una compensación por el despojo histórico de agua, la migración forzada de su lugar natal y la desintegración de su forma de vida tradicional. Los san pedrinos continúan regresando a su tierra natal a pesar de los intentos históricos de la corporación minera por destruirlos.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-09-21T12:15:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124921
       
  • Building a Culture of Peace: The San José de Apartadó Peace
           Community

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Malely Linares Sánchez, Inmaculada Postigo Gómez, Román D. Moreno Fernández
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The case of the Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó (San José de Apartadó Peace Community) in the Urabá region of Antioquia, Colombia—a geostrategic territory disputed by various actors in conflict—calls attention to the importance of the transformation and handling of social and political conflicts and building a culture of peace.El caso de la Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó en la región de Urabá en Antioquia, Colombia, un territorio geoestratégico disputado por diversos actores en conflicto, nos remite a la importancia de la transformación y manejo de los conflictos sociales y políticos, así como la construcción de una cultura de paz.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-09-02T10:32:12Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221120000
       
  • Cross-Border Social Practices of Mexican Merchant Women

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Marlene Celia Solís Pérez, Martha García Ortega, Félix Acosta Díaz, Gerardo Ordóñez Barba
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The results of a qualitative study of cross-border social practices of Mexican women engaged in small-scale trade on Mexico’s northern and southern borders reveal that, although their social practices are a response to an instrumental rationality and imply a certain economic autonomy, they develop on the basis of agency and social networks that enable reproduction of reciprocal relations and family livelihood strategies as types of informal labor, giving rise to a form of globalization from below.Los resultados de un estudio cualitativo de las prácticas sociales transfronterizas de las mujeres mexicanas dedicadas al comercio a pequeña escala en las fronteras norte y sur de México revelan que, si bien sus prácticas sociales son en respuesta a una racionalidad instrumental e implican una cierta autonomía económica, dichas prácticas se desarrollan sobre la base de la agencia, así como redes sociales que permiten la reproducción de las relaciones recíprocas y estrategias de subsistencia familiar como tipos de trabajo informal. Todo ello da lugar a una forma de globalización desde abajo.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-06-25T04:00:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221106160
       
  • The Central American Exodus and the Labor Border: U.S. Border Control
           Outsourcing in Southern Mexico

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Anna Mary Garrapa
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The “labor border” is an analytical tool, a legal device for controlling incoming migration flows through government initiatives related to the employment system. Two programs for temporary legalization of migrants implemented by the Mexican government in the context of the so-called Central American exodus—the Estas en Tu Casa (You Are at Home) plan and the Emisión de Tarjetas de Visitante por Razones Humanitarias (Issuance of Visitor Cards for Humanitarian Reasons) program—are examples of such devices. A review based on recent research on their impacts on the mobility of migrants as they cross the southern Mexican border on their way to the United States contributes to the debate over the outsourcing of border controls in the framework of the dependent relationship between Mexican migration policy and U.S. security strategy.La “frontera laboral” es una herramienta analítica, un dispositivo legal para controlar los flujos migratorios entrantes a través de iniciativas gubernamentales relacionadas con el sistema de empleo. Dos programas de legalización temporal de migrantes implementados por el gobierno mexicano en el contexto del llamado éxodo centroamericano—el plan Estas en Tu Casa y el programa Emisión de Tarjetas de Visitante por Razones Humanitarias—son un ejemplo de dichos dispositivos. Una revisión basada en investigaciones recientes sobre sus impactos en la movilidad de los migrantes al cruzar la frontera sur de México en su camino hacia los Estados Unidos contribuye al debate sobre la externalización de los controles fronterizos en el marco de la relación de dependencia entre la política migratoria mexicana y la estrategia de seguridad de los Estados Unidos.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-06-25T04:00:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221106169
       
  • Governance, Participation, and Hegemony: Governing Cananea and the Sonora
           River Region

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Valeria Guarneros-Meza
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Building upon critical debates on network governance in policy making and complementary debates on corporate social responsibility in Mexican mining, a study of the municipality of Cananea and the Sonora River region of Mexico indicates that the (mis)management of information and implementation of participatory mechanisms produced administrative domination in the relationships between government authorities and the mining corporation. Gramscian understandings of hegemony have limitations when dealing with decentered relations beyond state actors. Therefore, Foucauldian concepts of governmentality are useful to complement understandings of power relations in governance arrangements.A partir de los debates críticos sobre la gobernanza de redes en la formulación de políticas y debates complementarios sobre la responsabilidad social corporativa en la minería mexicana, un estudio en torno al municipio de Cananea y la región del río Sonora, en territorio mexicano, argumenta que el (mal) manejo de la información y la implementación de mecanismos participativos produjeron dominación administrativa en las relaciones entre las autoridades gubernamentales y la corporación minera. Las interpretaciones gramscianas de la hegemonía se topan con limitantes cuando se trata de relaciones descentradas que van más allá de los actores estatales. Por lo tanto, los conceptos foucaultianos de la gubernamentalidad son útiles para complementar la comprensión de las relaciones de poder en los acuerdos de gobernanza.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-06-24T01:08:09Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221106146
       
  • The Fourth Transformation and the Trajectory of Neoliberalism in Mexico

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Richard W. Coughlin
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The 2018 electoral victories of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (hereafter, AMLO) and his political party, Morena, may represent a significant inflection point in the development of neoliberalism in Mexico. The trajectory of neoliberalism has unfolded in terms of what Nils Gilman refers to as the “twin insurgency”—a plutocratic insurgency that, since the 1970s, has been restructuring capitalism on a transnational basis and a criminal insurgency that has flourished within the denationalized social spaces of neoliberalism. López Obrador’s national project, termed “the Fourth Transformation,” is an effort to anchor processes of capital expansion in Mexico within a restoration of political community centered on AMLO’s policy agenda and political rhetoric. In a broader context, it is also a process of state transformation historically shaped by the twin insurgency and characterized by the emergence of new hybrid modes of organized violence.Las victorias electorales de 2018 de Andrés Manuel López Obrador (en adelante, AMLO) y su partido político, Morena, pueden representar un punto de inflexión significativo en el desarrollo del neoliberalismo en México. La trayectoria del neoliberalismo se ha desarrollado en términos de lo que Nils Gilman llama la “insurgencia gemela”, una insurgencia plutocrática que, desde la década de 1970, ha reestructurado el capitalismo sobre una base transnacional y una insurgencia criminal que ha florecido dentro de los espacios sociales desnacionalizados del neoliberalismo. El proyecto nacional de López Obrador, denominado “la Cuarta Transformación”, es un esfuerzo por anclar los procesos de expansión de capital en México dentro de una restauración de la comunidad política centrada en la agenda política y la retórica política de AMLO. En un contexto más amplio, también es un proceso de transformación estatal históricamente moldeado por la insurgencia gemela y caracterizado por el surgimiento de nuevos modos híbridos de violencia organizada.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-06-04T10:10:31Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221103875
       
  • Introduction: Social Struggle in Neoliberal Central America

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Adrienne Pine
      First page: 3
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-31T11:51:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131506
       
  • Worker Resistance in the Formation of the Maquiladora Enclave: in Honduras

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Mateo Crossa Niell
      First page: 16
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      In contrast to the triumphalist corporate view that regularly champions the maquiladora industry as a lever of economic progress for Honduras, the maquila has caused fragmentation of production and widespread pauperization of social life, epitomizing an enclave economy aimed at international markets and threatening the very lives of workers. Substantial worker resistance has been characteristic of the maquila throughout its history.Contra la visión empresarial y triunfalista de la industria maquiladora como una palanca de progreso económico para Honduras, la maquila ha provocado la fragmentación productiva y una pauperización extendida de la vida social, representando de esta manera el galardón de una economía de enclave volcada a los mercados internacionales que pone en entredicho la vida misma de los trabajadores. Importantes experiencias de resistencia obrera se han desarrollado en la maquila a lo largo de su historia.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-07-26T10:23:17Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221114808
       
  • The Fight to End Neoliberal Madness in Honduras

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Adrienne Pine
      First page: 33
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      While limited in numbers, unionized workers at the two psychiatric hospitals in Honduras have had an important impact in the evolving struggle to improve conditions in their facilities and their country. In the 57 years since the union was formed, its members have modified their strategies in response to major political changes, including the implementation of neoliberal policies led by international financial institutions, and the 2009 coup. The union has fought to achieve better conditions for workers and patients while facing serious challenges, including a context of institutional psychiatry that has dramatically failed to meet the mental health care needs of the Honduran population over the past century and neoliberal policies that have increased structural vulnerability, trauma, and the incidence of associated embodied manifestations—including mental illness—among Hondurans while increasing stigma against the mentally ill and drastically weakened the infrastructure and quality of health care through defunding and privatization.Aunque limitados en número, los trabajadores sindicalizados en los dos hospitales psiquiátricos de Honduras han tenido un impacto importante en la lucha progresiva por mejorar las condiciones en las instalaciones y su país. En los 57 años transcurridos desde la formación del sindicato, sus miembros han modificado sus estrategias en respuesta a los principales cambios políticos, incluyendo la implementación de políticas neoliberales liderada por instituciones financieras internacionales, y el golpe de estado de 2009. La lucha militante del sindicato por mejorar las condiciones para los trabajadores y los pacientes ha enfrentado serios desafíos. Estos incluyen un contexto de psiquiatría institucional que ha fracasado dramáticamente, probándose incapaz de satisfacer las necesidades de atención de salud mental de la población hondureña durante el siglo pasado, así como las políticas neoliberales que han aumentado la vulnerabilidad estructural, el trauma y la incidencia de manifestaciones somáticas asociadas (como las enfermedades mentales) entre los hondureños. Al mismo tiempo el neoliberalismo ha aumentado el estigma contra los enfermos mentales, mientras que la infraestructura y la calidad de la atención a la salud se han debilitado drásticamente a raíz de la desfinanciación y la privatización.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-11-09T02:08:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221131516
       
  • Water and Socio-Environmental Crisis in Guatemala City’s
           Metropolitan Area

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Patrick Illmer
      First page: 55
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The water crisis in Guatemala City’s metropolitan area reflects the interaction of two dimensions of the deployment of power in low-income neighborhoods—the direct exercise of power over actors and spaces by elites or political centers and micropolitical operations. This interaction produces patterns of behavior that deepen socio-spatial segregation, social fragmentation, and the delimitation of horizons of political possibility among broad sectors of the urban population.La crisis del agua en el área metropolitana de la Ciudad de Guatemala refleja la interacción de dos dimensiones a partir del despliegue del poder en barrios de bajos ingresos—esto es, el ejercicio directo del poder sobre actores y espacios por parte de élites o centros políticos y operaciones micropolíticas. Esta interacción produce patrones de comportamiento que profundizan la desegregación socio-espacial, la fragmentación social y la delimitación de horizontes de posibilidad política entre amplios sectores de la población urbana.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-09-03T11:55:07Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221120014
       
  • Defending Territory, Challenging Neoliberalism in Postwar Guatemala:
           Peaceful Resistance La Puya

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Patrick Illmer
      First page: 71
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Beyond the more spontaneous and reactive urban mass protests against corruption, the most sustained and explicit challenge to neoliberal policies in postwar Guatemala has been advanced by rural communities. As the case of Peaceful Resistance La Puya and its opposition to a mining project indicates, this form of agency has gone beyond indigenous territories to localized resistances in areas of mixed or primarily ladino population. A key factor in explaining the persistence of this process of defense of territory is the emphasis its members put on preserving the strong horizontal features of their locally rooted mobilizing structure. This has reinforced their antagonistic position toward the promoters of the mining project while encouraging the appropriation of the struggle among community members.Más allá de las masivas protestas urbanas de índole más espontáneo y reactivo contra la corrupción, el desafío más sostenido y explícito a las políticas neoliberales en la Guatemala de la posguerra ha sido aquel promovido por las comunidades rurales. Como indica el caso de Resistencia Pacífica La Puya y su oposición a un proyecto minero, esta forma de agencia ha trascendido los territorios indígenas para dar lugar a resistencias localizadas en áreas de población mixta o principalmente ladina. Un factor clave para explicar la persistencia de esta defensa del territorio es el énfasis que sus miembros ponen en preservar las fuertes características horizontales de su estructura de movilización, arraigada localmente. Esto ha reforzado su posición antagónica hacia los promotores del proyecto minero al tiempo que fomenta la apropiación de la lucha por miembros de la comunidad.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-09-28T07:27:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124540
       
  • La red que crece: Platform Politics and Social Struggle in Neoliberal
           Guatemala

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Eric Sippert
      First page: 107
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Free-trade policies have opened the Guatemalan economy to international forces and sparked massive internal and international migration, creating new forms of social struggle produced by and engaging with these processes. A review of the 2008 advent of a grassroots organization in Western Highland Guatemala involved in binational United States–Guatemalan fair trade and migrant and solidarity organizing uses the concept of the platform instead of the network to highlight continuities and ruptures between past and present struggles. This perspective disrupts the vertical/horizontal dichotomy in social movement studies and sheds light on the effects of technological change on grassroots resistance to neoliberalism.Las políticas de libre comercio han abierto la economía guatemalteca a las pujanzas internacionales y provocado una migración masiva tanto interna como internacional, creando nuevas formas de lucha social producidas por y comprometidas con estos procesos. Este repaso del advenimiento, en 2008, de una organización de base en las Tierras Altas Occidentales de Guatemala involucrada en promover el comercio justo binacional entre Estados Unidos y Guatemala, así como la organización migrante y los nexos de solidaridad, utiliza el concepto de la plataforma en lugar de la red para resaltar las continuidades y rupturas entre luchas pasadas y presentes. Esta perspectiva irrumpe en la dicotomía vertical/horizontal subyacente a los estudios de movimientos sociales y nos brinda una perspectiva sobre los efectos del cambio tecnológico en las resistencias de base al neoliberalismo.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:42:05Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221128536
       
  • Poisonous Exports: Pesticides, Peasants, and Conservation Paradigms in
           Guatemala

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Liza Grandia
      First page: 124
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
       U.S. intervention in Guatemala’s agricultural autonomy over the past 80 years has been a toxic blend of commission and omission. From the Green Revolution on, the United States has exported both harmful pesticides and ideological frameworks to persuade indigenous and other locally rooted small farmers to abandon traditional, chemical-free agriculture. Although U.S.-funded programs suggested that with proper labor protocols agrochemicals can be applied without harm on export plantations, there are no conditions for "safe use" under real-life conditions for small subsistence farmers, many of whom live in close proximity to protected areas. Transnational biodiversity conservation organizations have remained oddly silent on this issue, and indigenous and peasant movements have not yet mobilized against pesticides because of a paucity of information about their dangers and the “slow” violence of their impacts on health. To decolonize agriculture and conservation will require a more inclusive environmentalism aligned with peasant movements that take seriously the real conditions of risk and vulnerability in the majority-Maya Guatemalan countryside.La intervención estadounidense en la autonomía agrícola de Guatemala en los últimos 80 años ha sido una mezcla tóxica de comisiones y omisiones. A partir de la Revolución Verde en adelante, Estados Unidos ha exportado tanto pesticidas dañinos como marcos ideológicos para persuadir a los pequeños agricultores indígenas y otros agricultores con arraigo local de abandonar la agricultura tradicional y libre de químicos. Aunque los programas financiados por Estados Unidos sugirieron que, siguiendo los protocolos laborales adecuados, no había peligro en utilizar agroquímicos en las plantaciones de exportación, no existen condiciones para su “uso seguro” en contextos de la vida real tal y como atañe a los pequeños agricultores de subsistencia, muchos de quienes viven muy cerca de áreas protegidas. Las organizaciones transnacionales de conservación de la biodiversidad han permanecido extrañamente silenciosas respecto al tema, y los movimientos indígenas y campesinos aún no se han movilizado contra los pesticidas debido a la poca información sobre sus peligros, así como la “lenta” violencia de sus impactos en la salud. Una descolonización de la agricultura y la conservación requerirá de un ambientalismo más inclusivo y alineado con los movimientos campesinos; uno que tome en cuenta las condiciones reales de riesgo y vulnerabilidad en el campo guatemalteco, con su población mayoritariamente maya.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:34:45Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221124535
       
  • Violence without Truce: Hondurans in the Gulf of Mexico Corridor

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: María Teresa Rodríguez L.
      First page: 153
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      The Mexican states of Chiapas and Tabasco have for decades been linked to Central American migrations, largely through cross-border labor mobility. Today, however, the diversification of receiving areas in Mexico requires focusing attention on how the dynamics of mobility, settlement, and/or transit impact new contexts. The state of Veracruz, part of the so-called Gulf of Mexico corridor that connects the country’s southern and northern borders on the east, has emerged as an unplanned destination—a place of temporary or permanent residence—for Central American migrants, especially Hondurans. Examination of the types of violence experienced by in-transit undocumented migrants and temporary or permanent residents in the area shows how the coercive migration policies of the Mexican government contribute to maintaining a continuum of violence that affects people “trapped in mobility.”Los estados mexicanos de Chiapas y Tabasco han estado vinculados durante décadas a las migraciones centroamericanas, en gran parte a través de la movilidad laboral transfronteriza. Hoy, sin embargo, la diversificación de las áreas receptoras en México requiere que enfoquemos la atención en cómo la dinámica de movilidad, asentamiento y/o tránsito impacta en nuevos contextos. El estado de Veracruz, parte del llamado corredor del Golfo de México que conecta las fronteras sur y norte del país en el lado este, se ha convertido en un destino no planificado, un lugar de residencia temporal o permanente, para los migrantes centroamericanos, especialmente los hondureños. Un análisis de los tipos de violencia que experimentan los migrantes indocumentados en tránsito y los residentes temporales o permanentes en la zona muestra cómo las políticas migratorias coercitivas del gobierno mexicano contribuyen a mantener un ciclo de violencia que afecta a aquellos “atrapados en la movilidad”.
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-09-13T08:33:14Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221120007
       
  • Culture and Indigenous Craftwork by Kuna Women: A Decolonial, Feminist
           Perspective

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Márcia Alves da Silva, Nick Ortiz
      First page: 186
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
      Craftwork, the production of embroideries known as molas, is the principal product of the Kuna people of Panama, and it is performed exclusively by women. Kuna craftwork sheds light on a model of social organization centered on the matriarchal. The division of labor by sex assigns different tasks to men and women but, in contrast to those of other societies, does not hierarchize them. Kuna communities are evidence that equality can be established in productive relationships, and they have historically resisted patriarchal domination (both territorial and political).O artesanato, nomeadamente a produção de bordados denominados molas, é o produto principal do povo Kuna de Panamá que é confeccionado exclusivamente pelos mulheres. O artesanato Kuna traz à tona um modelo de constituição social baseado no matriarcado. Diferentemente de outras sociedades, a divisão sexual do trabalho na sociedade Kuna separam as atividades de homens e mulheres mas não as hierarquiza. Portanto, as comunidades Kuna são a prova de que a igualdade se pode estabelecer dentro de relações produtivas e que esse povo vêm resistindo a processos de dominação patriarcais (tanto territoriais como políticos).
      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-25T12:50:40Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221132757
       
  • Book Review: A Reinterpretation of Panamanian Transitism

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Azael Carrera Hernández
      First page: 201
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:44:33Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221129844
       
  • Book Review: Images of Latin America

    • Free pre-print version: Loading...

      Authors: Donald W. Bray, Marjorie W. Bray, Timothy F. Harding
      First page: 202
      Abstract: Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: Latin American Perspectives
      PubDate: 2022-10-11T12:29:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221121657
       
 
JournalTOCs
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
Email: journaltocs@hw.ac.uk
Tel: +00 44 (0)131 4513762
 


Your IP address: 18.232.179.5
 
Home (Search)
API
About JournalTOCs
News (blog, publications)
JournalTOCs on Twitter   JournalTOCs on Facebook

JournalTOCs © 2009-