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ISSN (Print) 0454-6245 - ISSN (Online) 2446-3280
Published by Royal Danish Library Homepage  [22 journals]
  • Fra grænselandet mellem to kulturer

    • Authors: Torsten Madsen
      Abstract: From the borderland between two cultures
      The Funnel Beaker culture and the Single Grave culture in central eastern Jutland Eighty years ago, J. Brøndsted and especially P.V. Glob painted colourful pictures of invading “axe-swinging” nomads from the south who conquered the central and western parts of Jutland. The Jutland Sing­le Grave culture (SGC) was indeed different from the established Funnel Beaker culture (FBC) in southern Scandinavia and part of its background obviously lay in central Europe.
      The chronological relationship between the FBC and the SGC has been intensely debated and viewed very differently over the years. 14C dates now provide us with a reliable temporal correlation between the two cultures. The latest part of the FBC – MNA V or the Store Valby phase – roughly dates to between 3000 and 2600 BC, while the SGC began around 2800 BC and lasted until 2350 BC, at the transition to the Late Neolithic. The end of the FBC corresponds to the transition from E. Hübner’s SGC period 1 to period 2, or the earlier part of the Bottom Grave period in P.V. Glob’s system.
      Through several years, I have collected a comprehensive set of data about the Neolithic from a 640 km area in central eastern Jutland, around and north of Horsens Fjord (fig. 1). During period 1 of the SGC, the culture existed exclusively in central and western Jutland, as evident from a distribution map of its graves based on E. Hübner’s investigations (fig. 2). Within the study area, the SGC was only present in the northwest corner, while the contemporary parts of the FBC were bound to the coast.
      The aim of this article is partly to elucidate the relationship between the SGC and the FBC within the study area during the period when they existed side by side, and partly to look at what happened when the FBC disappeared. To understand why the FBC became bound to the coast, and why it finally collapsed, I will also examine the internal development of this culture prior to the appearance of the SGC.
      The large, shallow, funnel-shaped Horsens Fjord with its characteristic islands is central to the study area. In its innermost part, a narrow passage – Stensballe Sund – connects the main fjord with a minor, brackish inner fjord. During the Stone Age this was part of a much larger inner fjord with a depth around 13 m and extending 4-5 km inland, but sediments from the rivers have now filled it in. Following the general pattern of sea-level rise and land upheaval after the Ice Age, we would expect to find the Late Mesolithic Ertebølle settlements 1-2 m above current sea level, but they actually lie 1 m below. The reason is that Horsens Fjord is a geological subsidence area, which has been active for millions of years. This has caused the sea level to remain stable since the Mesolithic, though it has fluctuated in connection with the various transgressions and regressions.
      The FBC in eastern Jutland prior to 3000 BC
      There are relatively few finds from the study area dating from the earliest part of the Neolithic (EN I – 3900 to 3600 BC), but we do have shell middens along the coast, most notably at Norsminde, as well as a number of small short-term settlements located away from the coast. One of the latter is the well-preserved and fully excavated site at Mosegården. A causewayed enclosure at Aalstrup, four graves and four depositions in marine environments also date from the period.
      Towards the end of the Early Neolithic and through the earlier part of the Middle Neolithic FBC (EN II-MNA II (II/IV) – 3600 to 3000 BC), the quantity of finds increases radically (fig. 4). Especially at the head and along the north side of Horsens Fjord the number of settlements is significant, many of them well documented through excavations. In addition, there are three causewayed enclosures, numerous graves – mostly megalithic tombs – and many depositions in freshwater and, especially, marine environments.
      The numerous finds give us a detailed picture of the settlement location and structure. The settlements were clearly bound to the coastal zone, especially by Horsens Fjord. On the north side of the fjord, the finds tend to cluster around the three known causewayed enclosures – from east to west: Aalstrup, Toftum and Bjerggård – and given the major cluster at the head of the fjord, the site of Aarupgård was probably a causewayed enclosure too. The number of inland finds is limited, and those occurring in the northwest part of the study area all appear to be of an early date. The magnitude and dates of the settlements along the coast, the mixture of both early and late tombs in the clusters around them and the repeated depositions evident in front of the tombs emphasise the permanency of the occupation.
      In 1941, J. Iversen suggested that pollen diagrams reflected the introduction of agriculture – “landnam” or land taking – in southern Scandinavia. He identified three phases: forest clearance, slash-and-burn agriculture in the clearings and forest regeneration. 14C dates now show that the three phases represent three different forms of forest-based agriculture, with the first phase dating to between 3900-3600 BC, the second phase to between 3600-3000 BC and the third phase to between 3000-2600 BC. The first, almost invisible, phase in the pollen diagrams fits well with the small, scattered short-time settlements we find during EN I. The same is true of the second phase, when the clusters of settlements through EN II – MNA II formed the basis for a permanent slash-and-burn rotation with clearance, burning, cultivation, grazing and forest regeneration, primarily by birch.
      Two other sources that highlight the land-use patterns are plant macrofossils and animal bones recovered from the settlements. Figure 5 shows the r...
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126080
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
  • “Sol-guden” i nyt lys

    • Authors: Laura Ahlqvist
      Abstract: Shedding new light on the “Sun God”
      The Vestrup Mark razor revisited The well-known Nordic Bronze Age razor from Vestrup Mark in northern Jutland, dated to c. 1100-900 BC, was re-examined in autumn 2018 and autumn 2019, and new details of the motif were revealed as a result. Using a digital Dino-Lite USB microscope, model AM4815ZTLx, with x10-x140 magnification and an inbuilt camera, detailed micrographs were taken of the ornamentation. By changing various settings on the camera, it was possible to “filter out” some of the corrosion and discolouration which has rendered parts of the motif almost invisible to the naked eye.
      The Vestrup Mark razor is possibly the most published Nordic Bronze Age razor, and its motif is commonly regarded as epitomising the religious and ritual sphere of the period. The new analyses revealed, however, that the published illustrations of the razor are not entirely accurate (figs. 1-2 and 9). In one case, the motif has been interpreted incorrectly and then superimposed onto a photograph without alerting the reader’s attention to this manipulation (fig. 3). This is problematic, as later interpretations of the symbolism and meaning behind the motif have depended on this inaccurate illustration. The current article therefore draws attention to the risk of overly relying on old illustrations and highlights the benefits of implementing new analytical methods, even when dealing with well-published objects that have been sitting in museum storerooms for over a hundred years.
      The low-power micrographic analysis revealed some new details and confirmed other well-established ones. The razor’s motif portrays a ship with zoomorphic prow and stern. The hybrid animals on the ship are horse-like with oversized eyes, horns, beards and curly beaks; a fairly common appearance in the Nordic Bronze Age (fig. 5). Two figures are seated in the ship, similarly beaked and horned. With their arms stretched forward they wield cult axes. Both the figures and the ship face left. These anthropomorphic figures look somewhat unnatural as their necks bulge out and their torsos are circular – and could also be interpreted as shields – and their legs are almost plastic, with accentuated calves (fig. 6).
      Adjacent to the ship, an oversized anthropomorphic figure is depicted standing up (fig. 7) and connected by two meandering parallel lines to a horse-snake hybrid with one large eye, a curly beak and four legs (fig. 8). This anthropomorphic figure also has accentuated calves as well as apparently two sets of horns; one pair facing forward and the other continuing over the head and down the back. Some additional strokes across the middle of the figure may mark garments, possibly even a corded skirt. Above all of these, a typical stylized Bronze Age sun-horse can be seen, connected to two concentric circles by a set of parallel lines (fig. 4).
      The newly discovered details (fig. 10) therefore support the previous religious/ritual interpretations of the motif. But in extension of this, a new interpretation of the central anthropomorph is proposed – that it could depict a Bronze Age ritual specialist or shaman wearing ritual paraphernalia as part of shamanistic practice and shapeshifting (fig. 11). This is based on recent research that offers shamanism as a potential explanation for the deviant burials seen at Hvidegården and Maglehøj. It has also been shown recently that shamanism and animism were likely present in the Nordic Bronze Age, where they intertwined with other religious practices and mythological tales of the time, such as the divine twins, which are arguably also present on this razor. Animistic notions are indicated for example by the large number of various hybrid beasts displayed on especially razors, including that from Vestrup Mark.
      This new microscopic analysis therefore substantiates some of the previous interpretations of the motif on this razor, while at the same time evoking new ones. It remains evident, however, that the motif is placed firmly within the spiritual sphere of the Nordic Bronze Age and, as such, we may be getting a little closer to this aspect of Bronze Age society and life, now the motif is once again visible.
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126081
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
  • Frie og ufrie bønder

    • Authors: Morten Søvsø
      Abstract: Freemen and villeins
      A longue durée perspective on villages, farmsteads and social structure in western Jutland Over the course of the last two decades, Danish archaeology has seen a vast increase in excavation activity supported by the introduction of GIS-based systems. Moreover, the digital revolution has made accessible an extensive collection of historical maps, thereby enabling direct comparisons between excavated structures and depictions of the landscape extending back to the late 18th century.
      The time-consuming process of building complete GIS-systems that include older excavations and reconstructing past landscapes from old maps is ongoing at most Danish museums. This has led to many intriguing correlations and insights. The current models for the settlement history in Denmark during the Iron Age and the Viking period are, however, still primarily based on the findings from the renowned Vorbasse excavations undertaken between 1974 and 1987, and only overviews of these results have been so far published.
      This article is based on finds and evidence held at the Museum of Southwest Jutland and focuses on western Jutland. With a foundation in excavation results and landscape models extracted from the historical maps of c. 1800, the aim is to apply a longue durée perspective in the search for the underlying structures constituting the agrarian landscape during the last two millennia.
      The shifting climate appears to have had a profound impact, but written sources like the church list from Ribe diocese of c. AD 1325 give vital clues, which can be compared with the data emerging from the booming research into palaeo-climatic change (figs. 1-4).
      Danish landscape laws written down in the 13th century distinguish between two types of agrarian settlement: the main village (adelby) and the thorp (torp). Thorps derived from main villages and were in some way subordinate to them. It is argued that this division may extend far back in the Iron Age, and a mapping of main villages has been attempted (figs. 5-7). Analysis of historical maps has shown that the arable areas cultivated in c. 1800 lie where the predecessors of the existing villages are to be found, extending all the way back to the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. Finds recovered during metal-detector surveys are also found concentrated on this arable land. This indicates a direct continuity in the overall settlement pattern, the associated field systems and the growing community.
      Based on cases from western Jutland, the settlement structure during the Iron Age and the Viking period is discussed. The excavated villages and farmsteads, their associated cemeteries and the numerous finds recovered by metal detector portray a society based on family-run farmsteads apparently without major class differences – very closely resembling the landscape depicted on historical maps 1000 years later (figs. 8-14).
      Aristocratic sites or “central places” are also present in this area of southern Scandinavia, but they are few and far between.
      The second part of the text deals with Medieval (in Denmark c. 1050-1550) villages and farmsteads. Based on excavated examples, it is argued that these are not yet as well understood as their predecessors since large parts of the Medieval remains are hidden underneath existing villages. The structural similarities between the Iron Age villages and their Early Modern counterparts portrayed on the historical maps indicate, however, that Medieval villages also followed the same overall trajectory (figs. 15-27).
      The conclusion from the analysis is that village formation in western Jutland took place in the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. Climate- and disease-related events, like the volcanic dust cloud after AD 536 and the Black Death in 1350, appear to be traceable as hiatuses in the archaeological record, but the overall trend is one of continuity. Every village that existed around 1800 seems to have had predecessors going all the way back to the Iron Age. The number of farms in an individual village also seems to have been roughly the same through the ages, indicating that shared ideas about sustainability may, in one form or another, have determined this.
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126091
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
  • By og grav

    • Authors: Frederik Callesen
      Abstract: Town and ditch
      Status after 30 years of archaeology in early Horsens Our understanding of the origins and development of the town of Horsens has been significantly altered by the archaeological excavations carried out over the last 30 years. New information about the town’s history discovered during this time has either confirmed or revolutionised archaeologists’ perception of how Horsens developed during its earliest years and up to the middle of the 14th century.
      Modern-day Horsens covers a large area, but until about 150 years ago the town was largely located on the southeastern corner of a large headland, with natural boundaries on all sides. To the south, east and north it was bordered by Horsens fjord (Fig. 1.1) and the fjord inlet Nørrestrand (Fig. 1.3). To the west it was bordered by the meadows alongside the rivers Store Hansted Å (Fig. 1.5) and Bygholm Å (Fig. 1.4).
      The earliest settlement, from the Viking Age, was found close to where Bygholm Å empties into the fjord; where a small spit of land created a natural harbour (Figs. 1.9 and 2.10). Until the end of the 19th century the town therefore effectively lay enclosed on a small plateau, bordered to the south by the river and to the north by a marshy, hilly area (Figs. 1.8 and 2.1-2).
      The approximate extent and layout of Horsens in the Viking period is known: Pithouses and deposits indicating human activity (Fig. 3.1-4) have been found in, and south of, the modern street of Borgergade. The whole area is believed to have been delimited by a ditch (Figs. 3.2-3 and 7), which may have had earthworks associated with it (fig. 3.5). Pithouses and postholes have also been found east of the ditch (fig. 3.8-10), in an area just north of the river mouth. The relationship between the two separate settlements is still unclear, but the last signs of activity in both areas are from the 10th century AD. The graveyard belonging to the Viking Age settlement was located to the west, in modern-day Søndergade (fig. 3.7).
      There were changes to the settlement in the 11th century. In the area within the ditches, pithouses were replaced by a vegetation layer and at the end of the century a large, curved-walled house was built west of the ditch on what would later become the town’s market square (fig. 3.6). It is highly unlikely that the settlement was completely abandoned, and there is a major overlap between the areas where finds from the Viking Age have been recorded and where the town developed during the Middle Ages. This is especially true for the area around Borgergade, which appears to have been surrounded by various ditches located in almost the same place during both the Viking Age and the Middle Ages (fig. 4).
      Our knowledge and understanding of the earliest stages of the town are still fragmentary, with few finds from this time. The evidence is open to different interpretations, and it is still unclear what status the settlement had and in what context the Viking Age settlement should be perceived.
      In the Early Middle Ages, the town was still centred around Borgergade (fig. 5). The town was still surrounded by a ditch in the early 12th century (fig. 5.1-3, Figs. 4, 6 and 7), but in the middle of the century the ditch was filled in and the unconsolidated areas above it were secured with piles (fig. 5.4). The filling in of the ditch should be seen in conjunction with the ending of various conflicts over the Danish Crown in 1157, which made defensive earthworks around the town unnecessary. Only a few remains from the 12th century – a house and a well (fig. 5.6 and 5.8), have been found outside the Borgergade area.
      Compared with other early Danish towns, Horsens’ church occupies an unusual position. According to written sources, the town had only one parish in the Middle Ages and the main church was located outside the town. This situation is seen in several Danish towns, predominantly the earliest examples, whereas the church was given a prominent location in towns founded later. Conversely, towns with only one parish are thought to be a later phenomenon, because the parish structure was established at the same time as the town. There is no simple explanation for why the church location and parish structure developed differently in Horsens, but archaeological traces of other religious activities may indicate that ecclesiastical developments in Horsens were more complex than currently understood. When the defensive ditches were filled in in the mid-12th century, a valuable source of information was lost in relation to an understanding of the town during the 13th century.
      The development of Horsens in the 12th century is characterised by the emergence of several ecclesiastical institutions. These were in addition to the already established Our Lady’s (Vor Frue) church (fig. 8.8) and were in an area corresponding to the town’s known area during the 14th century.
      The grandest building was St. James’ (Sankt Jakobs) chapel in what later became the town square. This is a monumental, supposedly royal, chapel on which building work began in 1225 (fig. 8.7). East of this, a Franciscan monastery was founded in 1261 (fig. 8.9). Horsens may have had a further ecclesiastical institution, located where the town hall was later built (fig. 8.5). Remains of foundations, burials and a house, dated by a coin to the reign of Eric V. Klipping (1249-86), have been found there. The town’s home for lepers (Sankt Jørgensgård), located by road leading into the town from the southwest, may also have been founded in the 13th century (Fig 8.10).
      Secular buildings are almost exclusively seen in the same area as the older settlement around Borgergade (fig. 8.1-8, fig. 9). A major hindrance to mapping the extent of the town at this time is that its outer limits, in the form of ditches or larger moats, are unknown. The...
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126092
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
  • To østjyske smedjer fra middelalder og renæssance

    • Authors: Esben Klinker Hansen
      Abstract: Archaeological and archaeometallurgical investigations of two smithies in eastern Jutland – one Medieval, the other Early Modern Recent excavations undertaken by Vejle­Museerne have revealed remains of two smithies, one Medieval and the other Early Modern. Although the state of preservation, finds circumstances and methods of excavation were different and, in some ways, less than ideal, it proved possible to gain important and significant information from both.
      A farmhouse with two small outhouses was found adjacent to a substantial Medieval settlement at Kristinebjerg Øst, located southwest of Fredericia, between Taulov and Erritsø. The farm’s main house, which measured c. 26 x 6 m and was dated to c. AD 1250-1350, appeared to be located separately from the main settlement. The building contained clear traces of a smithy in its eastern part, and the working space was estimated to have been about 6 x 6 m. Numerous plano-convex pieces of slag were found, together with some iron objects. SEM analysis of the slag suggests that they represent the primary smithing of local iron blooms, and the smithy has even been interpreted as a specialist forge with the sole function of refining impure domestic iron. No iron bloomery slags or furnaces were, however, found adjacent to the smithy or within the entire excavation area. The term “local iron” must therefore be viewed in a larger perspective, i.e. derived from the northern and eastern parts of Jutland. (figs. 1-4)
      Traces of Medieval and Early Modern houses, two wells, some refuse pits and refuse layers were found in the village of Stouby, between Vejle and Juelsminde. Remains of a smithy were found, although the excavation was limited by an existing paved path, and it was therefore not possible to uncover the entire building. The smithy was 14C (AMS) dated to AD 1486-1573, while an adjacent refuse pit, A242, gave three rather different dates, namely AD 1415-1435, 1474-1521 and 1648-1664. The postholes of the smithy, A1, contained a large amount of hammerscale, both flat and spheroidal. Refuse pits, refuse layers and a well adjacent to the smithy contained a large number of plano-convex pieces of slag, as well as a smaller quantity of iron bars and debris. The content of soil samples from postholes and a refuse layer in the smithy, together with SEM EDX analysis of the slag, showed that refining of domestic iron, presumably from Jutland, had taken place, as well as hammer welding. Iron bars and nails ranged vastly in quality, from phosphorous-rich impure iron to iron of a better quality containing 0.1-0.2% carbon. None of the analysed pieces of iron were of domestic origin. They were mostly from Sweden or Norway, but a single iron bar may have originated from the Waloon area (Belgium). Mineral coal was also unexpectedly found in a refuse pit, A242, directly adjacent to the smithy. Coal is, by its very nature, an import in Denmark, and early archaeological evidence and mentions of it in the written sources are scarce in the 16th century. The Crown appears to have been ordering coal for use in the royal smithies by the late 1560s, and vast, regular imports from Germany and Britain are evident from the late 16th century onwards. The coal recovered from a refuse pit dated to the late 15th or early 16th century must therefore be considered quite an early find. The somewhat uncertain dating of the refuse pit could, however, render the find less significant (figs. 5-25).
      Excavations of Medieval and Early Modern smithies are quite rare occurrences in Denmark, but the preliminary results appear to suggest a tendency towards larger smithies, relative to those of the Iron Age and Viking Age. The data are, however, still too scant to enable secure validation of this theory.
      What the data do seem to confirm is that, from the 12th to the late 16th century, refining of impure, domestic iron blooms has been undertaken as one of the everyday tasks of a blacksmith, even if some almost pure, imported iron bars were also available. It has even been suggested that there is evidence of superficial carburisation or even case carburisation, but this must presently be viewed with scepticism.
      The investigations of the two smithies seem to prove that valid data and important information on the blacksmith’s craft can be gathered, even when the circumstances are far from ideal. If sufficient archaeometallurgical analyses are undertaken, smithies seem almost invariably to yield significant knowledge on the history of technology.
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126093
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
  • På munkenes bord

    • Authors: Lene Mollerup
      Abstract: On the monks’ table
      The food and culinary heritage of the Cistercians in Medieval Denmark An investigation of the food and culinary heritage of the Cistercians in Medieval Denmark, involving a range of multidisciplinary sources, has revealed new connections and relations. These sources work together and support each other in areas where others are silent. This has made it possible to follow the food culture of a specific population group through almost 400 years. The monks in Cistercian abbeys ate two daily meals during the summer half of the year, while they only ate one meal a day in winter. At these mealtimes, each monk was served two hot dishes and half a kilo of bread. There was also the opportunity for young and hardworking monks and lay brothers to take a light breakfast of water/beer and bread. To tame their carnal desires, the monks refrained from eating the meat of four-legged animals. Their diet was primarily based around cereal and vegetable products with some fish, eggs and dairy products. Our knowledge of the food on the monks’ table comes from written sources and the archaeological record. We can see that their meals could be served on, and eaten from, locally produced pottery. The monks had their own personal tankards and jugs, and their dinner knives resembled those of the time. It is possible that the fine carving knife found at Øm Abbey, with a handle carved into the figure of a bishop, was used at the abbot’s table.
      Bread and porridge were made from barley, oats and rye, and buckwheat also found its way into the gruel pot. We know virtually nothing about the vegetables on the monks’ table. The archaeological record is silent on this point, but it seems likely there was a good mixture of commonly cultivated vegetables such as cabbage, onions, leeks and pulses, as revealed by foreign sources. The third course of fresh fruit and salad would consist of apples, pears, plums, bullaces, cherry plums, figs, peaches and a wealth of berries such as raspberries, blackberries, strawberries and blueberries. Elderberries were similarly known and used, as well as hazelnuts and walnuts. Fresh salads could contain young leaves of ground elder, black mustard and endive (leaves of chicory).
      Part of the monks’ protein-rich diet consisted of dairy products such as milk and cheese as well as eggs in the time outside Lent. Milk was a seasonal and easily perishable product that could be converted into butter and cheese to increase its keeping qualities. Cheese was made from cow’s, goat’s and sheep’s milk.
      At Lent, the monks were not allowed to eat animal fat, but they knew how to make plant-based “butter” and other “dairy products” with for example walnuts and probably also almonds. Perhaps they also used linseed oil. There is a 14th century cookbook from Sorø Abbey containing recipes for sauces, dressings and egg- and milk-based dishes, as well as dishes with poultry, all of which could be served at the monks’ table. The cookbook could give the monks some ideas for a little variation in their diet without the rules being broken.
      The monks received gifts of meals called pittances, which are mentioned in written sources from the period 1200-1400. These give us an idea about what was considered as extra provisioning in the abbey and what they were permitted to accept because it took the form of a gift. We hear about well-prepared and well-seasoned milk and fish dishes, for example using stock fish, as well as dishes with aspic and rice, spiced with pepper, and wheat bread, too. Meat from four-legged animals is not mentioned.
      Fish was eaten in great quantities in the monasteries, especially during Lent. Finds of fish scales and bones from Øm Abbey’s kitchen floor tell us that it was especially freshwater fish species that were consumed here.
      Animal bones from Øm’s kitchen midden (which is undated) bear witness to the consumption, in some form or other, of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats and horses, as well as wild boar, roe deer and red deer. When and by whom these were eaten is unclear.
      We can see from the written sources that the sick were permitted to eat meat and that they were served offal and other by-products from the butchering of four-legged animals, while the prohibition on meat for others was strictly maintained.
      Dated sources, in the form of analyses of preserved plant macro-remains and pollen and deeds of gift with detailed contents, cannot tell us when meat dishes made their entry into the Danish Cistercian abbeys. Other written sources are, however, very consistent in this respect: From 1439 onwards, Cistercians were permitted to eat meat from four-legged animals during specific periods of the year, and from 1475 they were all allowed to eat meat several times a week. These sources suggest that meat dishes apparently did not find favour on the tables of the Cistercians until late in the Middle Ages, but the archaeological record can unfortunately neither confirm nor refute this. Isotope analyses of human bones from Øm Abbey suggest, on the other hand, that the monks consumed increasing amounts of animal protein during the Middle Ages.
      Sources relating to the Cistercians’ food and culinary heritage indicate that the Danish Cistercians were long-term members of an international order with the same codes of practice, but in the Late Middle Ages they adapted themselves to a changing society. But what was the monks’ attitude to moderation in relation to food' Is there evidence of well-fed bons vivants' The sources suggest that the Cistercians persistently and consistently stood their ground against gluttony, luxury and meat consumption – longer than the other monastic orders. This was probably easier when the food was produced, cooked, served and eaten communally. Food and the settings...
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126094
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
  • Klassifikation af mønter fra Valdemartiden

    • Authors: Helle W. Horsnæs
      Abstract: Classification of coins from the Valdemar era
      Thoughts prompted by a coin from Gudme church Coin dates are often considered to be accurate by archaeologists and historians. Indeed, many coin types can be dated to within a short period, often because of date inscriptions. But when dealing with anonymous coin types, we must rely on the archaeological toolbox: classification, typology and contextual evidence. In particular, the definition of types, subtypes and variations contains elements of subjectivity. Peter Hauberg published his fundamental typology for the period 1157-1241 in 1906, but only 4 years later the enormous hoard from Grenaa, most likely deposited in 1214-1234, multiplied both the known number of coins and the number of coin types from Jutland. Since then, new finds have been relatively rare, and these are mainly single finds with no datable context.
      The article takes as its starting point a coin found in Gudme church, with a royal portrait on the obverse and a Golgata depiction on the reverse. It reviews several coin types from the late 12th and early 13th century with the same combination of motifs. It concludes that types present in the Grenaa hoard, such as that represented by the coin from Gudme, are most likely from the first third of the 13th century, but we cannot exclude the possibility that some may be a little earlier. The dating of other types with related motifs is less certain; they may be a little earlier or even a little later, given that the overall design (king/symbol) of these types continued in use well into the mid-13th century. The types reviewed here can be divided into two groups based on their size and weight. The smaller/lighter types have mainly been found in Jutland (figs. 9, 15-18, 22-24). Many are represented in the Grenaa hoard and some specimens derive from the Bokel hoard in Germany. The larger/heavier types have a more eastern distribution, concentrated on the island of Funen, with only a single specimen in the Grenaa hoard. It is suggested that this group (figs. 1-14 and 19-21), including the Gudme coin (fig. 14), were actually struck on Funen (probably at the episcopal seat in Odense). They can be related to other rare and near-contemporary coin types with a similar concentration of finds on Funen.
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126095
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
  • Anmeldelser

    • Authors: - Arkæologisk Selskab
      Abstract: Rica Annaert, Tim Bellens, Pieterjan Deckers, Frans Theuws, Dries Tys, Robert van Dierendonck, Luc van Impe, Johan Veeckman og Laurent Verslype (red.): Early medieval waterscapes. Risks and opportunities for (im)material cultural exchange
      (Jens Ulriksen) Adam Cieśliński og Bartosz Kontny (red.): Interacting Barbarians. Contacts, Exchange and Migrations in the First Millennium AD.
      (Rasmus Birch Iversen) Thomas Søes Finderup: Saga Oseberg. Rekonstruktion af et vikingeskib
      (Otto Uldum) Svein H. Gullbekk og Anette Sættem: Norske Myntfunn 1050-1319, Penger, kommunikasjon og fromhetskultur
      (Helle W. Horsnæs) Ole Høiris og Peter K.A. Jensen (red.): Evolutionens menneske – menneskets evolution. Om aben, der blev verdens herre
      (Trine Kellberg Nielsen) Mette Svart Kristiansen & Charlotte Boje H. Andersen (red.): Bygning og bolig, gård og toft. Middelalderens Rurale Danmark
      (Anna Severine Beck) Marianne Rasmussen Lindegaard: Danmarks oldtid i landskabet. Fra rensdyrjægere til vikingekongerne – 72 fortællinger om vores forfædre
      (Lise Frost) Eva Mortensen & Rubina Raja (red.): Store danske arkæologer på jagt efter fortidens byer
      (Christopher Prescott) Tinna Møbjerg, Ulla Mannering, Hans Rostholm og Lise Ræder Knudsen (red.): The Hammerum Burial Site. Customs and Clothing in the Roman Iron Age
      (Lise Bender Jørgensen) Sigmund Oehrl: Die Bildsteine Gotlands. Probleme und neue Wege ihrer Dokumentation, Lesung und Deutung
      (Peter Pentz) Lis Helles Olesen, Esben Schlosser Mauritsen & Mathias Christiansen Broch: Luftarkæologi 2. Luftfotos, droner, laser og geofysik
      (Ole Risbøl) Alexandra Pesch & Michaela Helmbrecht (eds.): Gold foil figures in focus. A Scandinavian find group and related objects and images from ancient and medieval Europe. Advanced studies in ancient iconography I. Papers from an international and interdisciplinary workshop organized by the Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (ZBSA) in Schleswig, Schloss Gottorf, October 23rd-25th 2017
      (Kent Otte Laursen) Linda Qviström: Rum utan utsikt. Fönster och ljus i medeltida byggnader
      (Jes Wienberg) Lotte Reedtz Sparrewohn, Otto Thomas Kastholm & Poul Otto Nielsen (eds.): Houses for the Living. Two-aisled houses from the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age in Denmark
      (Mats Larsson) Claus Frederik Sørensen: Nyborg fæstning. Middelalder & renæssance
      (Bjørn Westerbeek Dahl) Jens Ulriksen: Vester Egesborg. En anløbs- og togtsamlingsplads fra yngre germansk jernalder og vikingetid på Sydsjælland
      (Torben Sarauw) Jeanette Varberg: Viking. Ran, ild og sværd
      (Søren M. Sindbæk)
      PubDate: 2021-04-29
      DOI: 10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126096
      Issue No: Vol. 69, No. 69 (2021)
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
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