Publisher: Vilnius University   (Total: 39 journals)   [Sort by number of followers]

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Accounting Theory and Practice     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Acta medica Lituanica     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Acta Museologica Lithuanica     Open Access  
Acta Orientalia Vilnensia     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Acta Paedagogica Vilnensia     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Archaeologia Lituana     Open Access  
Baltistica     Open Access  
Bibliotheca Lituana     Open Access  
Criminological Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Informacijos mokslai     Open Access  
J.ism Research     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Jaunujų mokslininkų darbai     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Kalbotyra     Open Access  
Knygotyra (Book Science)     Open Access  
Lietuvių kalba     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Lietuvos istorijos studijos     Open Access  
Lietuvos Matematikos Rinkinys     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Lietuvos Statistikos Darbai     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Literatūra     Open Access  
Lithuanian Surgery : Lietuvos Chirurgija     Open Access  
Nonlinear Analysis : Modelling and Control     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Politologija     Open Access  
Problemos     Open Access  
Psychology     Open Access  
Religija ir kultūra     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Respectus Philologicus     Open Access  
Scandinavistica Vilnensis     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Semiotika     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Slavistica Vilnensis     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika     Open Access  
Socialiniai tyrimai     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Sociology : Thought and Action     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Taikomoji kalbotyra     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Teisė : Law     Open Access  
Verbum     Open Access  
Vertimo studijos (Translation Studies)     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Vilnius University Open Series     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Vilnius University Proceedings     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
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ISSN (Print) 1392-1681 - ISSN (Online) 2424-6034
Published by Vilnius University Homepage  [39 journals]
  • An apolitical generation: why is the young generation of Lithuania is not
           interested in politics'

    • Authors: Aušrinė Diržinskaitė
      Pages: 3 - 28
      Abstract: [full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens’ participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the “so-called” developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths’ interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.
      PubDate: 2018-12-07
      DOI: 10.15388/Polit.2018.92.1
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • The Conflict between Romanticism and the Idea of the Statesman

    • Authors: Alvydas Jokubaitis, Linas Jokubaitis
      Pages: 3 - 22
      Abstract: [only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] Schmitt was right to point out the apolitical nature of Romanticism. The romantic relationship with the world turns politics into an occasion for an individual to showcase the creative powers of one’s imagination. This leads to the aesthetic and emotional interpretation of the daily political phenomena. It gives rise to the perspective of an external observer who has no practical interest in the processes that are observed. Romantics are concerned with the emotional and aesthetic relationship with politics, and this is the source of their political passivity. The romantic relationship with the world is opposed to the idea of the statesman. The statesman is, by definition, not only an active citizen. He has to rise up to the highest standards of political leadership. The statesman has to lay the foundations for the principles that are to determine the state for future generations. In many important aspects, liberal democracy is similar to the principles of Romanticism that were described by Schmitt. Many observations point to the conclusion that the citizens of democratic societies see themselves as individuals endowed with unlimited creativity. They talk about politics but tend to avoid political commitments. The democratic principle of the majority pushes away the idea of the statesman. However, it would be a mistake to think that Romanticism is only the destroyer of the concept of the statesman. On the contrary, Romantics have made serious contributions to the emergence of national states and the statesmen who defended them. Without the impact of the Romantic imagination, it is hard to envision the national movements of Central and Eastern Europe. Schmitt’s conception of political Romanticism is foreign to this region. The historical experience in Central and Eastern Europe shows that Romanticism was more than a purely artistic movement and played an important role in the creation of the political myth of the nation. The activities of the Romantics were often very political. Schmitt did not notice the important connections between the Romantic aesthetics and the nation state. The modern nation state is inseparable from the myth of the nation, which was nurtured by Romanticism. Even by driving out the understanding of the importance of the idea of the statesman, Romanticism preserves the very condition of its possibility – the myth of the nation.
      PubDate: 2018-10-08
      DOI: 10.15388/Polit.2018.1.11662
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • The “Tower Of Babel” Of Modernity and the Future Prospects of
           a Nation State

    • Authors: Vytautas Radžvilas
      Pages: 23 - 56
      Abstract: [only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] This article discusses the future prospects of nations and nation states in the era of globalization by critically analyzing the theoretical justifications of the philosophical idea that one of the inevitable consequences of globalization is a gradual disintegration of nations and nation states. The origins of this idea are traced back to the political theory of Immanuel Kant, particularly to Kant’s vision of a cosmopolitan, civil society and the concept of the worldwide confederation of republican states. The article introduces an argument that the position that Kant’s vision of the civil society and confederation of states is internally incoherent and utopian, and it should be viewed as a normative moral and political ideal (or, in Kantian terms, a maxim of the practical historical reason that every human being should strive for) rather than as a theoretically coherent and justified political project. This normative ideal of modernity is viewed as the driving force of history, since it facilitates attempts to implement it in practice and achieve the end result – a peaceful, global civil society. In such a state of peaceful coexistence, the nation, as a form of political organization, loses its relevance, and the nation state gets replaced by a cosmopolitan confederation of republican states.
      The modern vision of a cosmopolitan and apolitical global order is viewed as one of the most important ideas of political philosophy, which has a tremendous influence on the history and geopolitical development of the modern world. It is shown that, for over two centuries, this idea has been both a theoretical and an ideological inspiration for global governance projects. The article suggests that a conceptual “overlap” between the two conceptions of a nation – the traditional natural law and the modern constructivist one – may have been one of the primary reasons of why this idea has retained philosophical and political significance for over two centuries. The article defends the view that this conceptual confusion led to a theoretically and empirically unjustified conviction that the disintegration of nations and nation states will be an inevitable outcome of the development of the modern world, and that this conviction facilitates further political experiments aimed at realizing the utopian apolitical society.
      PubDate: 2018-10-08
      DOI: 10.15388/Polit.2018.1.11663
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • The mystical elements of politics. The perspective of Simone Wail

    • Authors: Rūta Tamošaitytė
      Pages: 29 - 48
      Abstract: [full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] The word “mysticism” is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil’s mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil’s philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil’s perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people’s daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy. The analization of Weil’s views on obligations, the human transcendental core and roots leads to a conclusion which suggests that the supernatural element between the human and society is an obligation for oneself and for others. This supernatural element allows us to confirm the idea that political philosophy should not neglect the mystical approach.
      PubDate: 2018-12-07
      DOI: 10.15388/Polit.2018.92.2
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • Neoclassical Realism Theory in studying Military Interventions: Developing
           a Poliheuristic Approach

    • Authors: Andrius Bivainis
      Pages: 49 - 90
      Abstract: [full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] The precedents of military interventional decisions by Western countries in the Middle East have been an uneasy topic with vague, long-term strategic objectives and increased questionable attitudes among domestic audiences. This article questions whether these precedents require an updated methodological approach. The aim of this article is to adopt a poliheuristic methodology as an analytic instrument for examining military intervention precedents in the Middle East. This article suggests an analytical solution based on a poliheuristic research methodology, previously defined by Alex Mintz and applied in foreign policy research. This article highlights the need to adopt the methodology to military interventional decisions with an inclusion of additional decision dimensions. The first part of the article reveals a synthesis of the theoretical notions of neoclassical realism. These notions are correlated with the elements of poliheuristic methodology. This path of analysis, applied to theoretical notions and the adopted poliheuristic methodology, reveals additional variables that have a transdimensional role in the military intervention decision process. The following are the variables that influence the cognitive and rational elements of the poliheuristic methodology: the competing dominance of normative or operational ideas, interventional experience and shifting notions of strategic culture. The final part of the article offers an empirical study that illustrates how the suggested poliheuristic methodology is to be applied. The case pays attention to the decision of Barack Obama’s administration in 2013 to not escalate its military intervention into the Syrian conflict. Considerations of the Syrian case are also correlated to the previous multinational military campaign in Libya.
      PubDate: 2018-12-07
      DOI: 10.15388/Polit.2018.92.3
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • Did the sunset of bureaucracy occur in Lithuania' The impact of
           recommendations provided by the sunset commissions on public management
           policy in 1999–2016

    • Authors: Rasa Bortkevičiūtė, Vitalis Nakrošis
      Pages: 91 - 131
      Abstract: [full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Lithuania has a fragmented advisory system, with a total of 213 advisory bodies working at the central level of government in 2017. Ad hoc advisory bodies have low average lifespans, while the permanent advisory bodies usually have small administrative capacities. The Sunset Commissions were an exception because they advised Lithuanian governments for more than ten years – having been active since 1999 – and operated within a well-developed institutional framework. They provided recommendations on how to improve the efficiency and quality of public management for five Lithuanian governments until 2016 when Skvernelis’s government decided to discontinue its activities. There was almost no systematic monitoring of the extent to which the recommendations were carried out. Therefore, it is important to analyze the impact of the Sunset Commissions’ recommendations on public management policy in Lithuania. By combining the advisory systems and public policy process literature, the article identifies the main factors that may affect the successful use of advice: the compatibility of recommendations with the dominant political ideas, the composition of an advisory body, the government’s expectations toward its purpose, economic conditions, the support of the parliamentary majority and the political attention to its recommendations and the role of the changing leaders during public management reforms. Our empirical study – which was based on desk research, an analysis of administrative information, interviews and a survey of the Commissions’ members – consisted of two main stages. First, we assessed the impact of the Sunset Commissions on public management policy. Second, we determined the causal configurations underpinning the adoption and implementation of the recommendations set out by this advisory body. The results of our assessment reveals a good deal of variation in the use of the Commissions’ recommendations. The 1999–2000 and 2009 Commissions were the most successful in terms of the recommendations adopted and implemented. The lifespan of these Sunset Commissions was marked by economic downturns that opened “windows of opportunity” for major reforms. These advisory bodies are also characterized by high performance indicators. In contrast, the advisory bodies that worked during 2006–2008 and 2013–2016 received less political attention in the Lithuanian government in the context of economic growth, which made implementation more difficult. Overall, our assessment suggests that a more active performance of the advisory body is not sufficient to explain the level of adoption and implementation of its recommendations, as the political and economic conditions significantly shape the use of advice. The second part of the empirical study allowed us to determine the main causal configurations that explain the adoption and implementation of the recommendations suggested by the Sunset Commissions. The most important condition for successful adoption is the compatibility of advice: in other words, the more the given advice corresponds to a particular government’s priorities, the more successful the use of recommendation becomes. In addition, the uptake of recommendations is more frequent during economic downturns as well as when prime ministers exercise transformational leadership during the reform process. Meanwhile, the composition of the advisory body, the expectations of the government toward its performance and the leadership exercised by the heads of the commissions are less important. The conditions for the successful implementation of recommendations are slightly different. Although transformational leadership maintains its importance during the implementation phase, the exercise of transactional leadership can also lead to an incremental change if policy implementation is pursued adequately at the administrative level. To conclude, our research reveals that the Sunset Commissions had a substantial impact on Lithuanian public management policy. Even though the effectiveness of the advisory body varied during the rule of the Lithuanian governments, a majority of the Commissions’ members agreed that its work should be continued. The research also allows us to offer practical recommendations for the further performance of the Sunset Commissions. The main suggestions include, but are not limited to, strengthening the mandate of the Commission, enhancing administrative discipline during the execution of the recommendations and allocating financial resources for supporting the performance of the Commission.
      PubDate: 2018-12-07
      DOI: 10.15388/Polit.2018.92.4
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • Pamokos Europai – hibridinė Rusijos agresija

    • Authors: Algirdas Revaitis
      Pages: 132 - 136
      Abstract: [text in Lithuanian]
      PubDate: 2018-12-07
      DOI: 10.15388/Polit.2018.92.5
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • Abstracts

    • Authors: Politologija T. 92
      Pages: 137 - 140
      Abstract: [text in English]
      PubDate: 2018-12-07
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
  • Author Guidelines and Bibliographic Data

    • Authors: Politologija T. 92
      Pages: 141 - 148
      Abstract: [text in Lithuanian]
      PubDate: 2018-12-07
      Issue No: Vol. 92, No. 4 (2018)
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
Tel: +00 44 (0)131 4513762

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