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China International Strategy Review
Number of Followers: 1  
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 2524-5627 - ISSN (Online) 2524-5635
Published by Springer-Verlag Homepage  [2626 journals]
  • International political economy
    • PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Intellectuals and US Cold War strategy
    • PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Middle Eastern studies
    • PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Globalization and global governance
    • PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Contested strategies: China, the United States, and the Indo-Pacific
           security dilemma
    • Abstract: Abstract The Sino-U.S. security dilemma is driven, in large part, by concerns in both countries about the regional strategies being pursued by the other. U.S. analysts worry about the implications of China’s regional economic diplomacy, while their Chinese counterparts construe U.S. strategy as a containment plot. Those dynamics are accelerating under the bold approaches being undertaken by Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road Initiative and Donald Trump’s Indo-Pacific strategy. These perceptions are leading to responses which, in turn, make both sides feel even less secure. Nevertheless, the security dilemma is mitigated by perceptions that both countries are facing serious constraints in achieving their regional ambitions, and by the sense that neither country will be able to eliminate the key strategic advantages of the other. Policymakers thus need to be aware that there is a gap between how regional strategies are explained and how they are received, and avoid particularly severe provocations that could lead to further tensions and counter-moves. But mutual constraints mean that leaders do not need to be overly sensitive, and provides some hope that a modicum of strategic stability can be injected into the relationship.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Offensive realism, thucydides traps, and the tragedy of unforced errors:
           classical realism and US–China relations
    • Abstract: Abstract The emergence of China as a great power, and its implications for International Relations, especially with regard its relations with the United States and the prospects for conflict between the two powers, is one of the most pressing problems in world politics. Unfortunately, two of the most prominent contributions, which have gained widespread attention and popularity—Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’s Trap' by Graham Allison, and John Mearsheimer’s The Tragedy of Great Power Politics—are fundamentally flawed in their analytical approach and dangerous in their policy advice. In this paper I will review the problematic aspects of these influential arguments, and argue that a perspective grounded in classical realism, more closely associated with the work of Robert Gilpin, offers a more productive approach to understanding this enormous challenge.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Worse China–US relations: an Indian view
    • Abstract: Abstract This paper examines the causes for worsening relations between China and the USA and its consequences for other countries in Asia, none of whom wish to see the end of the peace which has enabled their rapid economic development over the last three decades, or to have to choose between China and the US. The paper also considers whether a higher level of contention between China and the US is a short or longer term phenomenon and the effect it will have on India, for whom both are essential partners.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • A restructuring international order and the paradigm shift in
           China–U.S. relations
    • Abstract: Abstract 2018 turned out to be a watershed year for China–U.S. relations. The paradigm shift in bilateral ties could be attributed to the restructuring international order and vice versa. Coexisting in the same international system, China and the U.S. are increasingly comparable in economic strength, but their domestic systems remain significantly different. Therefore, in an effort to remove “heterogeneous elements” from their own systems, the two countries have started to drift apart and are showing signs of “decoupling”. The future of China’s ties with the rest of the international community will depend on whether it can find a proper and favorable position in the changing international order.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Power transitions, then and now: five new structural barriers that will
           constrain China’s rise
    • Abstract: Abstract This article shows that China now faces a series of what are termed “structural barriers” that will make it harder for it to rise than was the case for all past rising powers. In the first section, I define the concept “structural barrier” so we can properly identify which ones now constrain China’s ascent. In the next three sections, I briefly review the essential features of three existing structural barriers that have already been identified in the literature: (1) the magnitude of the U.S. military advantage is much bigger than the gap between the number 1 power and the number 2 power in previous eras, (2) it is now far harder—and it takes much longer—to convert economic capacity into top-end military technology than in the past because so many of today’s advanced weapons systems are extraordinarily complex, and (3) as compared to all past rising powers, China is at a relatively much lower level technologically compared to the leading state. The next two sections then, respectively, delineate two additional structural barriers of great importance that must be factored in: (1) the globalization of production in weaponry and key dual-use technologies, and (2) the onset of global demographic aging, something that constrains all of the major powers but is especially acute in China. Overall, this article reveals that the world has changed too much for the power transitions of the past to provide useful guidance regarding the nature of China’s ascent; looking at them is ultimately deceiving, not illuminating, for understanding the possible speed of its rise on the global stage. A concluding section discusses some key implications of the analysis for the security policies of China and the United States.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • U.S.–China economic tensions: origins and global implications
    • Abstract: Abstract America’s levying of punitive tariffs on China in 2018 triggered the possibility of an escalating global trade war. The forces that led to these disruptive events have been building up for more than a decade. America’s concerns are driven by its huge bilateral trade deficits with China and alleged unfair trade and investment practices. The basis for these concerns, however, is often misunderstood. Developing an enduring solution will require follow-up commitments and adjustments that will supersede any agreement likely to be forged in 2019. Trade tensions will persist until a more institutionally grounded solution is developed for which a revamped World Trade Organization and a bilateral investment treaty are possible options. The pressure on China to reach a lasting trade agreement with the U.S. is also pushing Beijing to strengthen its regional alliances and develop its soft power approaches. East Asia and Europe have the most to gain economically in helping the two major powers to reach an agreement, but the key players in both regions are not yet in a position or motivated enough to play such a role without a major shift in China’s strategy.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Sino-American military relations: from quasi-allies to potential
    • Abstract: Abstract Over the past four decades, the nature of Chinese–American military relations has fluctuated from warm and genuinely cooperative to contentious and fraught with real difficulties. At times, the relationship has been relatively stable, with open dialogue and workable crisis management. This paper provides a brief overview of the evolution of Sino-American military relations starting in the early 1970s, when the two countries came together to face a common threat. It traces the relationship through the bumpy, crisis-ridden 1990s and the first decade of the new millennium and examines its gradual steadying toward stability. The paper discusses some of the major issues that hindered positive interaction between the two militaries, including the Taiwan issue; diverging interests in the South China Sea; military developments and regional force postures; U.S. alliances and accommodation of China into the regional security architecture; competition in emerging strategic capabilities and domains; and more profound geostrategic competition. Converging security interests and potential for cooperation are discussed as well. The analysis concludes with suggestions about how to better reduce misperceptions, prevent and manage crisis, refocus from bilateral competition to multilateral cooperation, and create a security architecture in which the world’s two biggest militaries can work together for global public good.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • From cooperative partnership to strategic competition: a review of
           China–U.S. relations 2009–2019
    • Abstract: Abstract From 2009 to the first half of 2019, China–U.S. relations have experienced a gradual yet sustained downturn. Particularly since 2017, the bilateral relationship has suffered a rapid downward spiral in almost every dimension. By early 2019, more and more Chinese and American observers are warning that the two countries may be moving toward a long-term, full-scale confrontation. This article reviews the 10-year deterioration of bilateral ties in three stages and analyzes the context behind and reasons for the steady downturn. Internal developments in the two countries have driven the changes in U.S.–China relations. Bilateral tensions in the realms of geostrategy, ideology, economics and trade, and international security are escalating and intensifying. Such a trend is unlikely to be reversed without major changes in world politics or the two countries’ domestic politics. The greatest probability, as we see it, will be a continued downturn in the U.S.–China relationship with many bumps and stumbling blocks along the way. The best prospect both sides can hope for may be the Chinese saying dou-er-bu-po, or “fighting without breaking.”
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Interpreting US-China Trade War Background, Negotiations and Consequences
    • Abstract: Abstract Since March 2018, the US–China trade conflict has escalated from a tariff war to a technology war and the strategic competition between the two giants, and the direction of the trade war and China–US relations will reshape the world order of the future. The questions the paper attempts to explore include what major goals does the US have in the trade war against China' How should one evaluate the influence of the domestic structural changes of the two countries upon the trade conflict' Will a possible deal stop the spiraling of the strategic competition between the two major powers' By answering these questions, the paper gives analysis of the political and economic driving forces behind the US–China trade war and the factors affecting the consequences of the negotiations. The major arguments include that the trade frictions have deep roots in the restructuring of domestic politics taking place in the two countries; while extreme thoughts define the US–China relationship from the perspectives of ideology and strategic rivalry, economic interdependence and shared stakes set the ground for negotiation and possible compromise between the two countries; and rebuilding political trust will be the key to dealing with strategic rivalry and avoiding the new cold war between China and the US.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Assessing the deterioration in China–U.S. relations: U.S. governmental
           perspectives on the economic-security nexus
    • Abstract: Abstract This article argues that the nexus between economic and security issues is a crucial cause of the deterioration in the U.S.–China relationship, which commenced around the mid-2010s. It outlines two strands of that nexus as enacted in the policies of the Obama and Trump administrations: (1) China’s advances in acquiring and developing new technologies that have significant commercial and military value; and (2) the economic and legal instruments and policies the United States has adopted in the wake of China’s commercial challenge to prosecute its wider strategic competition. The article traces the emergence and solidification of the economic-security nexus in U.S. policy towards China, before comparing the Obama and Trump administrations’ responses to the technological challenge posed by China. We argue that while the Obama administration was slow to recognize the extent of the challenge, it had begun to pursue a strategy that might have resulted in the reduction of competitive zero-sum dynamics in this policy area. By contrast, the Trump administration has focused more directly on the significance of recent technological innovation by China, but has not found it possible to develop a coordinated approach to dealing with it.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Forty years of formal—but not yet normal—relations
    • Abstract: Abstract Ties between individuals and institutions in the United States and the People’s Republic of China have become broader, deeper, and stronger during the four decades since the establishment of formal diplomatic relations in 1979 and the relationship can no longer be described as fragile. However, it also cannot yet be considered a normal relationship, at least not from the perspective of American citizens, companies, and commentators on international affairs. The relationship between the two largest economies and military powers has many asymmetries. Chinese citizens and organizations have far greater access to the United States than Americans do to China and ordinary Americans increasingly perceive the relationship as unbalanced and unfair. The American business community, long the strongest supporter of U.S. engagement with China, has been alienated by Chinese actions and attitudes and, no longer, acts as a counterbalance to other constituencies dissatisfied with aspects of the relationship. The relationship is fractious but not destined for conflict. We have learned to solve or manage conflicts, but it is becoming harder to do so.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • China’s foreign health aid: history, challenges, perspectives, and
           policy recommendations
    • Abstract: Abstract Health aid is integral to both China’s foreign aid and foreign policies. Over the last six decades, China’s health aid has grown in both diversity and scale. As a result of ever fiercer jostling between great powers and the further globalization of healthcare in the twenty-first century, China now faces challenges that relate to increasing both the scope and influence of health aid, bringing it under unified management, ensuring a steady supply of medical workers, and efficiently spreading proven national experience. As a responsible great power, China has therefore made a series of new commitments and proposals regarding foreign health aid in the new era and establishing the long-awaited national international cooperation agency dedicated to the overarching policy-making and management of foreign aid. Nevertheless, further developing national strategies, legal frameworks, decision-making and management mechanisms, and a holistic model for aid while deepening engagement with international cooperation are also essential for China’s future health aid reform.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • Reexamining Taiwan’s South China Sea policy dilemma
    • Abstract: Abstract While other claimants are directly involved in maritime territorial disputes and dialogues, Taiwan has stalled its momentum and kept its distance from controversy. The government in Taiwan has quietly retreated from the most legitimate and conventional role in the South China Sea in hope of gaining diplomatic support in the region. Many have wondered why Taiwan consistently shies away from the issues. Does the government in Taiwan realize its key role in the South China Sea has been further marginalized as a result' Over the last 2 decades, following democratization, various administrations in Taiwan only managed to imply that Taiwan may have a policy guideline on the South China Sea, but not a firm policy per se. With substantially less political weight in domestic political debates and fierce power struggles in Taipei, Taiwan’s South China Sea claim has unfortunately been left far behind general issues on the policy agenda, especially when the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is in power. Due to their relevance to the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan’s complicated relationship with it, the DPP does not want to attach its political efforts to South China Sea issues. This paper intends to review the effectiveness of political measures on South China Sea issues taken by various administrations in Taiwan and examine reasons why indecision has become mainstream in policy thinking on the territorial disputes.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
  • How will artificial intelligence impact Sino–US relations'
    • Abstract: Abstract Along with the dramatic growth of big data, improvement in computation, and advances in deep-learning algorithms, artificial intelligence (AI) is entering a third wave of development and becoming a new focus of international competition. This essay argues that AI may profoundly affect Sino–US relations. On one hand, competition between China and the United States surrounding AI may aggravate strategic mutual suspicion, accelerate the AI arms race, change power dynamics, and undermine strategic stability between these two countries. On the other hand, the rapid development of AI has the potential to open new areas of cooperation between China and the United States. As AI introduces new forms of uncertainty into the international political arena, China and the United States, as two major global powers, need to increase trust, resolve disputes, deepen cooperation, and strengthen conflict management capacity, to help steer the world toward a more peaceful, secure, and prosperous future.
      PubDate: 2019-06-01
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
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