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Quaderni di Linguistica e Studi Orientali
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  This is an Open Access Journal Open Access journal
ISSN (Online) 2421-7220
Published by Firenze University Press Homepage  [41 journals]
  • Preliminaries

    • Authors: AAVV AAVV
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • From the Editor

    • Authors: M. Rita Manzini
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • a/bare finite complements in Southern Italian varieties: mono-clausal or
           bi-clausal syntax'

    • Authors: M. Rita Manzini, Paolo Lorusso, Leonardo M. Savoia
      Abstract: In dialects of Apulia, Calabria and Sicily a restricted number of verbs, including ‘stay/be’, ‘go’, ‘come’ and ‘want’ embed finite complements, either bare or introduced by a. One aim of the present work is to make the corpus of data in Manzini and Savoia (2005) accessible in English. The corpus displays a certain amount of microparametric variation, which is also known, in a less complete form, from independently collected data. On the basis of the evidence presented, we will discuss the two major syntactic analyses proposed for this type of sentences. Under the mono-clausal analysis, verbs like ‘stay, ‘go’ etc. are functional heads embedding a lexical predicate (Cardinaletti and Giusti 2001, 2003). The bi-clausal analysis on the contrary treats embedding under ‘stay’, ‘go’ etc. as anormal clausal embedding (Manzini and Savoia 2005). In this article we reiterate that the bi-clausal analysis is not only feasible, but also advantageous, from a morphosyntactic point of view. We conclude by sketching how this analysis can be rendered compatible with the mono-eventive interpretation that at least some of the relevant structures are reported to have.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • Modal particles in Albanian subjunctive, infinitive and supine
           constructions: presence vs absence of clitic climbing

    • Authors: Giuseppina Turano
      Abstract: It is a well-known fact that the infinite/subjunctive substitution, attested in Balkan languages, correlates with possibility/impossibility of clitic climbing. Modal particles, which precede subjunctive verbs, have been taken as minimality blockers for clitic movement. Focussing on standard Albanian and Albanian dialects, I will show that the possibility/impossibility of clitic climbing cannot be attributed to the absence/presence of modal particles, since, on the one hand, it is possible to find raising of the clitic in contexts with modal particles, i.e. clitic climbing out of infinitival clauses characterized by the presence of two blocking heads (a preposition and a modal particle) and from supine constructions (preceded by a nominal particle), whereas, on the other hand, clitic climbing is impossible in contexts without modal particles. It seems that, at least in Albanian, the distribution of clitics does not depend on the presence or absence of modal particles, but it is related to the presence or absence of the functional category T. I will assume that clitic movement is the result of two operations: movement to the T head and morphological incorporation (m-merger in Matushansky’s (2006) sense).
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • Some notes on Italian ethnic adjectives

    • Authors: Ludovico Franco
      Abstract: In this paper, we deal with ethnic adjectives in Italian, arguing against the dichotomy between ‘thematic’ and ‘classificatory’ ethnic adjectives, recently assumed by Alexiadou and Stavrou (2011). Building on Manzini and Savoia (2011), Manzini and Franco (2016), Franco and Manzini (2017), Savoia et al. (2017, forthcoming), we provide a unified characterization of Italian ethnic adjectives and we take the derivational morphemes shaping this kind of items to be a derivational counterpart of the genitive adposition di (of) (and other kinds of obliques), sharing with the latter a common predicational core and a common signature. The proposal advanced for ethnic adjectives can be broadly extended to relational adjectives in general.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • Changing the topic in question-answer pairs: a production study on the use
           of subject, topicalization and passive in Italian

    • Authors: Claudia Manetti
      Abstract: The present study deals with the production of discourse-related structures, and in particular it focuses on the use of (lexical vs null) subjects, topicalized structures with clitic pronouns (e.g. Subject-Cl-Verb) and passives in Italian-speaking children (aged from 4- to 9-year-old), as well as in adults. Three eliciting questions, associated with transitive actions, manipulated the discourse context by asking to talk about the agent, the patient or elicited an all-new description of the event. The production task enabled us to investigate the use of null vs overt lexical subjects, by contrasting the conditions in which the subject was new or given information in the question; second, we examined the way children and adults topicalize the patient. Results showed that both children and adults preferred the use of null subjects when the subject was given in the question, whereas they both opted for a lexical preverbal subject when it was new information. Children and adults, instead, sharply differed in the way they topicalized the patient: all children, also in the oldest group, preferred the use of topicalized structures with an active verb and a clitic pronoun referring to the topic patient; adults instead overwhelmingly opted for the passive. These results showed that the avoidance of passive in this specific eliciting context persisted even at a later stage in development.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • Branching onsets and segment licensing: the lack of debuccalization or
           deletion of the muta cum liquida clusters in central Sardinian dialects

    • Authors: Lucia Molinu
      Abstract: Some central Sardinian dialects undergo debuccalization of /f/ and /k/. The clusters /fr/ and /kr/, on the other hand, fail to undergo debuccalization or deletion (Wagner 1984 [1941]; Contini 1987; Molinu 1997). The purpose of this article is to attempt to answer the following questions: why does debuccalization of /f/ and /k/ or /f/ deletion systematically affect the fricative in a simple onset but not when /f/ and /k/ are in a branching onset' Which syllabic and segmental requirements determine the different outcomes of /f/ and /k/' I will focus on Rice’s model (Avery and Rice 1989; Rice and Avery 1991; Rice 1992, 1993, 1994a, 1994b) which makes use of the representation of segments to account for their licensing in a syllabic constituent. Indeed Rice assumes two principles (government and binding) which license the consonants in tautosyllabic or heterosyllabic sequences in structural terms, i.e. on the basis of the segment structure. I will account for the absence of debuccalization in the /fr/ and /kr/ clusters showing that the debuccalization process is blocked or repaired when it violates a principle on the structural relationships that hold within segments of branching onsets.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • The voiced and voiceless outcomes of intervocalic -SJ- in Old Tuscan

    • Authors: Stefano Canalis
      Abstract: This paper deals with the non-systematic voicing of intervocalic sj in Old Tuscan. Old Tuscan displays both voiceless [ʃ] and voiced [ʒ] as outcomes of intervocalic sj, without an obvious phonological conditioning determining them. None of the existing attempts to account for this dual outcome – the search for a Neogrammarian regularity, the supposed introduction of [ʒ] through lexical borrowing, the hypothesis of a variable sound change – is completely satisfactory. It will be proposed that the hypothesis of a variable result of this sound change can be theoretically refined and given new empirical arguments. Specifically, it will be argued that an allophonic voicing rule may be followed by a partial lexical re-categorization of its output, and it will be shown that the outcome [ʒ] is most likely when the following vowel is low and/or stressed.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • Stress shift under cliticization in Nuorese Sardinian

    • Authors: Rosangela Lai
      Abstract: In most Romance languages clitics are stress neutral: when they attach to a host, they have no effect on stress placement: this is the case of Italian and Spanish. However, a small group of Romance languages is exceptional in this respect, e.g., Neapolitan and some Catalan, Occitan and Lucanian varieties. Sardinian is among them. Sardinian varieties display stress shift under cliticization in the imperative and gerund forms. Differences can be found across these varieties with respect to stress placement (Lai 2016). Here we will focus on the behaviour of Nuorese Sardinian, a variety from the central-northern area of the island of Sardinia. We will show that Sardinian varieties are unique in the Romance domain because they display stress shift not only with enclitics but also with proclitics. This is evidence for the proposal that Sardinian clitic clusters (both in enclisis and proclisis) constitute a prosodic word of their own.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • Fitonimia arbëreshe: le designazioni delle piante rampicanti

    • Authors: Maria Luisa Pignoli
      Abstract: This article provides an analysis of some climbers’ names that are part of a larger research carried out on arbëresh plant names in eight of the fifty Albanian minority villages in the south of Italy. The interest in ethnoclassifications has increased since geolinguistics began to structure its scientific contribution through linguistic atlases (ALE and ALiR). These trans-national enterprises tackle the study of lexical facts considering as fundamental the role that semantic motivation plays during the lexical creation because it represents an essential component of the naming process.
      The analysis of the climbers’ names allow, on the one hand, to identify some common semantic patterns lexical creation is based on and, on the other, to provide new insights into Albanian etymology and diachronic lexicology.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • Fenomeni fonetici e morfo-sintattici del dialetto campano di Pagani

    • Authors: Giuseppe Vitolo
      Abstract: This research entails an investigation into the dialectal reality of Pagani, that is, a small town located in Campania (Italy). In particular, the results of this linguistic fieldwork will be set out to test the phonetic and morphosyntactic features of the dialectal variety of Pagani. Another aim will be the analysis of the evolution of dialectal speech through the generations. Through the analysis of a speech corpus, a series of phonetic and morphosyntactic elements that appear to be the most significant will be presented, particularly in order to reveal forms of contamination by the neighbouring Vesuvian dialectal area, but also the speech affinities with the dialectal varieties of the linguistic area of the province of Salerno.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
  • The modal particle ma 嘛: theoretical frames, analysis and
           interpretive perspectives

    • Authors: Carmen Lepadat
      Abstract: This article sets out to provide a semantic and pragmatic account of the modal particle ma 嘛, endeavouring to put into light new aspects in its function which, at present, remain widely unexplored in the literature. It presents an analysis of the particle ma by interrogating a written and a spoken corpus, showing how the semantic and the pragmatic levels are tightly interweaved in the functioning of ma: the results supported my hypothesis that the particle is plausibly a marker of interpersonal evidentiality (IE), a category set up by Tantucci (2013), used to signal a socially acknowledged piece of information, playing a fundamental role in the expression of politeness by safeguarding the interlocutors’ face; consequently, ma is always used with information that has an active or accessible status in the interlocutors’ mind and that is always pragmatically salient, independently of its position (at the end or inside the sentence), marking a Topic or a Focus. The particle performs pragmatic functions close to the ones of discourse markers since it increases the relevance of the marked information to the context, therefore also playing a contributing role in the coherence of discourse.
      PubDate: 2017-09-27
      Issue No: Vol. 3 (2017)
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
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