for Journals by Title or ISSN
for Articles by Keywords
Followed Journals
Journal you Follow: 0
Sign Up to follow journals, search in your chosen journals and, optionally, receive Email Alerts when new issues of your Followed Journals are published.
Already have an account? Sign In to see the journals you follow.
Similar Journals
Journal Cover
British Journal of Political Science
Journal Prestige (SJR): 4.661
Citation Impact (citeScore): 4
Number of Followers: 192  
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0007-1234 - ISSN (Online) 1469-2112
Published by Cambridge University Press Homepage  [374 journals]
  • JPS volume 49 issue 1 Cover and Front matter
    • PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123418000558
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • JPS volume 49 issue 1 Cover and Back matter
    • PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341800056X
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • The British Academy Brian Barry Prize Essay Justifying Public Funding for
    • Authors: Zeynep Pamuk
      Pages: 1 - 16
      Abstract: Public funding for science is increasingly coming under attack. This article explores the normative force of these charges, and the arguments that are available to counter them. It examines two justifications of state support for science: Vannevar Bush’s vision of the universal material benefits of scientists pursuing basic research and John Rawls’s liberal justification of science funding as a voluntary public good. It argues that both accounts neglect the important political impact of scientific research and its status as the source of knowledge for the modern state. The article then traces the implications of the political role of science for the appropriate forms of democratic input into funding decisions.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123418000431
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Thatcher’s Children, Blair’s Babies, Political Socialization and
           Trickle-down Value Change: An Age, Period and Cohort Analysis
    • Authors: Maria Teresa Grasso; Stephen Farrall, Emily Gray, Colin Hay, Will Jennings
      Pages: 17 - 36
      Abstract: To what extent are new generations ‘Thatcherite’' Using British Social Attitudes data for 1985–2012 and applying age-period-cohort analysis and generalized additive models, this article investigates whether Thatcher’s Children hold more right-authoritarian political values compared to other political generations. The study further examines the extent to which the generation that came of age under New Labour – Blair’s Babies – shares these values. The findings for generation effects indicate that the later political generation is even more right-authoritarian, including with respect to attitudes to redistribution, welfare and crime. This view is supported by evidence of cohort effects. These results show that the legacy of Thatcherism for left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values is its long-term shaping of public opinion through political socialization.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000375
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Effects of the Great Recession on American Attitudes Toward Trade
    • Authors: Edward D. Mansfield; Diana C. Mutz, Devon Brackbill
      Pages: 37 - 58
      Abstract: Did the American public become more protectionist during the Great Recession of 2007–09' If so, why' During this period, many observers expressed concern that rising unemployment would stimulate protectionist pressures. The results of this study indicate that although increased unemployment did not affect the trade preferences of most Americans, individuals working in import-competing industries who lost their jobs during the Great Recession did grow more hostile to trade. However, even greater hostility to trade stemmed from a variety of non-material factors. Increasing ethnocentrism and opposition to involvement in world affairs between 2007 and 2009 help account for growing antipathy toward trade. But most importantly, increasing anxiety that foreign commerce would harm people in the future, even if it had not done so thus far, contributed to mounting opposition to trade among the American public.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000405
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • The Electoral Implications of Coalition Policy Making
    • Authors: David Fortunato
      Pages: 59 - 80
      Abstract: Coalition governance requires parties to come to collective policy decisions while simultaneously competing for votes. This reality has inspired a vibrant literature on coalition policy making, which is focused on legislative organization and behavior, though it is not clear how it affects the electorate. This article addresses this gap in the literature by examining how voters’ perceptions of compromise in coalition policy making affect their vote choices. Analyzing data from six parliamentary democracies where multiparty governance is the norm, it finds that voters punish parties they view as compromising. More specifically, voters are found to discount the policy accomplishments and policy promises of compromising parties, and that this tendency is more pronounced among previous incumbent cabinet supporters and the politically disinterested. These findings have important implications for the study of voting as well as coalition policy making.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000430
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Geography Matters: The Conditional Effect of Electoral Systems on Social
    • Authors: Ignacio Jurado; Sandra León
      Pages: 81 - 103
      Abstract: There is a large body of research showing that the provision of social policies is higher under proportional electoral systems than under majoritarian systems. This article helps advance this literature by showing that the geographic distribution of social recipients plays an essential role in moderating the impact of electoral institutions on social provision. Using data from twenty-two OECD countries, the results show that majoritarian systems increase the provision of social spending when recipients are concentrated in certain regions. When levels of concentration are high, social spending in majoritarian countries can surpass levels of provision in proportional representation systems.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000338
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Legislator Dissent as a Valence Signal
    • Authors: Rosie Campbell; Philip Cowley, Nick Vivyan, Markus Wagner
      Pages: 105 - 128
      Abstract: Existing research suggests that voters tend to respond positively to legislator independence due to two types of mechanism. First, dissent has an indirect effect, increasing a legislator’s media coverage and personal recognition among constituents (profile effects). Secondly, constituents react positively to dissent when this signals that the legislator has matching political or representational preferences (conditional evaluation). This article presents a third effect: dissent acts as a valence signal of integrity and trustworthiness. Consistent with the valence signalling mechanism, it uses new observational and experimental evidence to show that British voters have a strong and largely unconditional preference for legislators who dissent. The findings pose a dilemma for political systems that rely on strong and cohesive parties.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000223
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Electoral Fraud or Violence: The Effect of Observers on Party Manipulation
    • Authors: Joseph Asunka; Sarah Brierley, Miriam Golden, Eric Kramon, George Ofosu
      Pages: 129 - 151
      Abstract: This article reports on the effects of domestic election observers on electoral fraud and violence. Using an experimental research design and polling station data on fraud and violence during Ghana’s 2012 elections, it shows that observers reduced fraud and violence at the polling stations which they monitored. It is argued that local electoral competition shapes party activists’ response to observers. As expected, in single-party dominant areas, parties used their local political networks to relocate fraud to polling stations without an election observer, and, in contrast, party activists relocated violence to stations without observers in competitive areas – a response that requires less local organizational capacity. This highlights how local party organization and electoral incentives can shape the manipulative electoral strategies employed by parties in democratic elections.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000491
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Historical Polarization and Representation in South American Party
           Systems, 1900–1990
    • Authors: Simon Bornschier
      Pages: 153 - 179
      Abstract: Although ideological polarization can create problems for governability and democratic stability, this article argues that it also has beneficial effects in new democracies. By clarifying the political alternatives, polarization creates strong links between parties and voters, and thereby instills accountability mechanisms that force parties to remain responsive to evolving voter preferences. A comparative historical analysis of six South American cases demonstrates that the vast differences in the quality of representation in the 1980s, immediately after many countries in the region returned to democracy, were rooted in an early bifurcation of party systems in the first half of the twentieth century: while prolonged periods of ideological conflict occurred in some countries during this period, polarization was aborted by various means in others. By showing that ideological moderation may help formal democracies survive, but that aborting conflict in the long run severely hampers key aspects of the quality of democracy, this study suggests a revision of conventional views regarding ideological polarization.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000387
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Preference Representation and the Influence of Political Parties in
           Majoritarian vs. Proportional Systems: An Empirical Test
    • Authors: David Stadelmann; Marco Portmann, Reiner Eichenberger
      Pages: 181 - 204
      Abstract: Electoral systems determine the role that representatives’ party affiliations play in political representation. According to conventional expectations, party affiliation drives the behavior of representatives when they are elected under a proportional system, while majoritarian systems mute the role of party affiliation by forcing politicians to converge to the median position of their constituency. This study directly tests these predictions within a common party system by matching referenda decisions of constituents with voting behavior of their representatives who are elected either under a majoritarian or proportional system.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000399
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Do Citizens See Through Transparency' Evidence from Survey Experiments
           in Peru
    • Authors: Darren Hawkins; Lucas C. Brook, Ian M. Hansen, Neal A. Hoopes, Taylor R. Tidwell
      Pages: 205 - 228
      Abstract: Government transparency is widely promoted, yet little is known about transparency’s effects. Survey experiments reported here, made on the streets of Lima, Peru, investigate a simple question: what are the effects of government-sponsored transparency websites, and the information revealed by those efforts, on attitudes about the Peruvian political system' Like many developing countries, Peru lacks much system support, making it more difficult to improve governance and democracy; transparency itself has little impact on political attitudes. However, some dimensions of the information provided by transparency matter: endorsement by a credible third party or framing that associates comparatively good community well-being with government performance. These conditions substantively increase Peruvians’ approval of the national political community, the regime’s performance, institutions, and local government.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000466
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Does Participation Reinforce Patronage' Policy Preferences, Turnout
           and Class in Urban Ghana
    • Authors: Noah L. Nathan
      Pages: 229 - 255
      Abstract: Political competition is expected to become less particularistic as prosperity rises and a middle class emerges. But particularistic linkages persist despite rising wealth in urban Ghana. Politicians are unable to commit to campaign promises with voters who want large-scale public policies, many of whom are in the middle class. This creates incentives to avoid mobilizing many of these voters and to ignore their preferences. As a result, voters who want major public policies rather than patronage differentially refrain from participation, allowing poorer voters to dominate the electorate and party organizations. This may only reinforce politicians’ disincentives to make policy appeals, and stall the emergence of more policy-based electoral competition even as the middle class grows.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000351
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • The Impact of State Television on Voter Turnout
    • Authors: Rune J. Sørensen
      Pages: 257 - 278
      Abstract: In an influential study, Matthew Gentzkow found that the introduction of TV in the United States caused a major drop in voter turnout. In contrast, the current analysis shows that public broadcasting TV can increase political participation. Detailed data on the rollout of television in Norway in the 1960s and 1970s are combined with municipality-level data on voter turnout over a period of four decades. The date of access to TV signals was mostly a side effect of geography, a feature that is used to identify causal effects. Additional analyses exploit individual-level panel data from three successive election studies. The new TV medium instantly became a major source of political information. It triggered political interest and caused a modest, but statistically significant, increase in voter turnout.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341600048X
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Is Door-to-Door Canvassing Effective in Europe' Evidence from a
           Meta-study across Six European Countries
    • Authors: Yosef Bhatti; Jens Olav Dahlgaard, Jonas Hedegaard Hansen, Kasper M. Hansen
      Pages: 279 - 290
      Abstract: A vast amount of experimental evidence suggests that get-out-the-vote encouragements delivered through door-to-door canvassing have large effects on turnout. Most of the existing studies have been conducted in the United States, and are inspiring European mobilization campaigns. This article explores the empirical question of whether the American findings are applicable to Europe. It combines existing European studies and presents two new Danish studies to show that the pooled point estimate of the effect is substantially smaller in Europe than in the United States, and finds no effects in the two Danish experiments. The article discusses why the effects seem to be different in Europe compared to the United States, and stresses the need for further experiments in Europe as there is still considerable uncertainty regarding the European effects. While one possible explanation is that differences in turnout rates explain the differences in effect sizes, the empirical analysis finds no strong relationship between turnout and effect sizes in either Europe or the United States.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000521
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Reconsidering the Role of Procedures for Decision Acceptance
    • Authors: Peter Esaiasson; Mikael Persson, Mikael Gilljam, Torun Lindholm
      Pages: 291 - 314
      Abstract: Procedural fairness theory posits that the way in which authoritative decisions are made strongly impacts people’s willingness to accept them. This article challenges this claim by contending that democratic governments can achieve little in terms of acceptance of policy decisions by the procedural means at their disposal. Instead, outcome favorability is the dominant determinant of decision acceptance. The article explicates that while central parts of procedural fairness theory are true, outcome favorability is still overwhelmingly the strongest determinant of individuals’ willingness to accept authoritative decisions. It improves on previous research by locating all key variables into one causal model and testing this model using appropriate data. Findings from a large number of experiments (both vignette and field) reproduce the expected relationships from previous research and support the additional predictions.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000508
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Negotiating under Political Uncertainty: National Elections and the
           Dynamics of International Co-operation
    • Authors: Mareike Kleine; Clement Minaudier
      Pages: 315 - 337
      Abstract: This article explores if (and how) national elections affect the chances of concluding an international agreement. Drawing on a literature about the informational efficiency of elections, it examines how political uncertainty in the run-up to an election impacts the dynamics of international negotiations. Using the case of decision making in the European Union (EU), it finds that (1) pending national elections significantly reduce the chances of reaching an agreement at the international level (2) this effect is strongest during close elections with uncertain outcomes and (3) the effect is particularly pronounced in the case of elections in larger member states. The findings highlight the fruitfulness of further research on the dynamics between national and international politics. The article has positive and normative implications for the literature on two-level games, international negotiations and legislative bargaining in the EU.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341600051X
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • The Cart and the Horse Redux: The Timing of Border Settlement and Joint
    • Authors: Andrew P. Owsiak; John A. Vasquez
      Pages: 339 - 354
      Abstract: Do democratic dyads handle their disputes more peacefully than non-democratic dyads, or have they cleared the most contentious issues (that is, unsettled borders) off their foreign policy agenda before becoming democratic' This study compares the conflicting answers of the democratic peace and the territorial peace and examines the empirical record to see which is more accurate. It finds that almost all contiguous dyads settle their borders before they become joint democracies. Furthermore, the majority of non-contiguous dyad members also settle their borders with all neighboring states before their non-contiguous dyad becomes jointly democratic. Such findings are consistent with the theoretical expectations of the territorial peace, rather than the democratic peace. They also weaken a core argument of the democratic peace, for this analysis finds that one reason democratic dyads may handle their disputes more peacefully than non-democratic dyads is not because of their institutions or norms, but rather because they have dispensed with the disputes most likely to involve the use of military force prior to becoming democratic.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000533
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • Critical Parties: How Parties Evaluate the Performance of Democracies
    • Authors: Robert Rohrschneider; Stephen Whitefield
      Pages: 355 - 379
      Abstract: While the ‘critical citizens’ literature shows that publics often evaluate democracies negatively, much less is known about ‘critical parties’, especially mainstream ones. This article develops a model to explain empirical variation in parties’ evaluations of democratic institutions, based on two mechanisms: first, that parties’ regime access affects their regime support, which, secondly, is moderated by over-time habituation to democracy. Using expert surveys of all electorally significant parties in twenty-four European countries in 2008 and 2013, the results show that parties evaluate institutions positively when they have regular access to a regime, regardless of their ideology and the regime’s duration. Moreover, regime duration affects stances indirectly by providing democracies with a buffer against an incumbent’s electoral defeat in the most recent election. The findings point to heightened possibilities for parties to negatively evaluate democracies given the increased volatility in party systems in Europe.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000545
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
  • A Comparative Study of the Effects of Electoral Institutions on Campaigns
    • Authors: Laura Sudulich; Siim Trumm
      Pages: 381 - 399
      Abstract: A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna, and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.
      PubDate: 2019-01-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123416000570
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2019)
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
Tel: +00 44 (0)131 4513762
Fax: +00 44 (0)131 4513327
Home (Search)
Subjects A-Z
Publishers A-Z
Your IP address:
About JournalTOCs
News (blog, publications)
JournalTOCs on Twitter   JournalTOCs on Facebook

JournalTOCs © 2009-