Followed Journals
Journal you Follow: 0
Sign Up to follow journals, search in your chosen journals and, optionally, receive Email Alerts when new issues of your Followed Journals are published.
Already have an account? Sign In to see the journals you follow.
Similar Journals
Journal Cover
British Journal of Political Science
Journal Prestige (SJR): 4.661
Citation Impact (citeScore): 4
Number of Followers: 229  
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0007-1234 - ISSN (Online) 1469-2112
Published by Cambridge University Press Homepage  [386 journals]
  • JPS volume 50 issue 2 Cover and Front matter
    • PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341900036X
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • JPS volume 50 issue 2 Cover and Back matter
    • PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123419000371
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Restraining the Huddled Masses: Migration Policy and Autocratic Survival
    • Authors: Michael K. Miller; Margaret E. Peters
      Pages: 403 - 433
      Abstract: What determines citizens’ freedom to exit autocracies' How does this influence global patterns of migration and democratization' Although control over citizen movement has long been central to autocratic power, modern autocracies vary considerably in how much they restrict emigration. This article shows that autocrats strategically choose emigration policy by balancing several motives. Increasing emigration can stabilize regimes by selecting a more loyal population and attracting greater investment, trade and remittances, but exposing their citizens to democracy abroad is potentially dangerous. Using a half-century of bilateral migration data, the study calculates the level and destinations of expected emigration given exogenous geographic and socioeconomic characteristics. It finds that when citizens disproportionately emigrate to democracies, countries are more likely to democratize – and that autocrats restrict emigration freedom in response. In contrast, a larger expected flow of economic emigration predicts autocratic survival and freer emigration policy. These results have important implications for autocratic politics, democratic diffusion and the political sources of migration.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000680
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Corruption and Ideological Voting
    • Authors: Diana Burlacu
      Pages: 435 - 456
      Abstract: This article examines the effect of corruption on ideological voting. Linking previous studies of political corruption with theories of ideological voting, it argues that when corruption is high, voters place less importance on ideology when voting than they otherwise would. The reason for this effect is related to voters’ reduced ability to accurately perceive parties’ positions and to their low political efficacy in these contexts. Using data from ninety-seven elections from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, the study shows that in countries with high levels of corruption, voters consider ideology less in their voting decisions, partially because they face difficulties identifying parties’ ideological positions and/or they do not believe parties can implement their electoral programmes. These relationships hold even after controlling for socio-economic and political confounders and for voters’ increased likelihood of abstaining when corruption is high.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000758
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Getting a Hand By Cutting Them Off: How Uncertainty over Political
           Corruption Affects Violence
    • Authors: Paul Zachary; William Spaniel
      Pages: 457 - 480
      Abstract: Criminal violence differs from other conflicts because illegal cartels primarily use violence to eliminate rivals rather than overthrow the state. However, politicians’ ability to influence cartel behavior remains unclear. This article argues that politicians alter the use of violence by setting their jurisdiction’s police enforcement levels, but that cartels can bribe politicians to look the other way. Because cartels are uncertain about politicians’ corruptibility, not every bribe is successful. Following an election, cartels must invest resources into learning politicians’ level of corruption. Cartels only increase their level of violence after successfully bribing political leaders, which implies that local violence levels should increase the longer parties remain in office. The study formalizes this argument and tests its implications using data on homicides and political tenure from Mexico. The results link incumbency to violence and suggest Mexico experiences an additional 948 homicides for each year of increased political tenure after holding an election.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000746
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • For and Against Brexit: A Survey Experiment of the Impact of Campaign
           Effects on Public Attitudes toward EU Membership
    • Authors: Matthew Goodwin; Simon Hix, Mark Pickup
      Pages: 481 - 495
      Abstract: What are the lessons of the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the European Union (EU) regarding the effects of message framing' This article reports findings from an innovative online survey experiment based on a two-wave panel design. The findings show that, despite the expectation that campaign effects are generally small for high-salience issues – such as Brexit – the potential for campaign effects was high for the pro-EU frames. This suggests that within an asymmetrical information environment – in which the arguments for one side of an issue (anti-EU) are ‘priced in’, while arguments for the other side (pro-EU) have been understated – the potential for campaign effects in a single direction are substantial. To the extent that this environment is reflected in other referendum campaigns, the potential effect of pro-EU frames may be substantial.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000667
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Tones from a Narrowing Race: Polling and Online Political Communication
           during the 2014 Scottish Referendum Campaign
    • Authors: Evelyne Brie; Yannick Dufresne
      Pages: 497 - 509
      Abstract: The use of negative political communication is a predominant characteristic of modern politics. However, literature doesn't provide an answer to the following question: what explains fluctuations in the use of negative messages within political organisations during a given political campaign' The present paper examines this question in the context of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. Data consists of all tweets distributed by the official Twitter account of both campaign organisations (@YesScotland and @UK_Together) between June 16, 2014 and September 17, 2014. Results are obtained by a non-parametric local regression and by time-series regression analyses. Our model demonstrates that having an advance in the polls had a statistically significant influence on the tweet sentiment of at least one organisation during the referendum campaign: Better Together's messages were more negative when it was ahead in the polls. Meanwhile, Yes Scotland's messages were more negative after each of the leaders' debates.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000606
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Feudalism, Collaboration and Path Dependence in England’s Political
    • Authors: Gabriel Leon
      Pages: 511 - 533
      Abstract: This article presents a formal model of path dependence inspired by England’s history. The introduction of feudalism after the Norman Conquest – the critical juncture – created a large elite that rebelled frequently. The king fought these revolts with the help of collaborators he recruited from the masses. In compensation, he made these collaborators members of the elite. This was a cost-effective form of compensation: rents were only partly rival, and so new elite members only partially diluted the rents received by the king. The dilution from adding new members decreased as the elite grew in size, generating positive feedback and path dependence. This mechanism can account for the extension of rights in England in the early stages of its journey towards democracy.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000825
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Are Western-Educated Leaders Less Prone to Initiate Militarized
    • Authors: Joan Barceló
      Pages: 535 - 566
      Abstract: Recent theories on the causes of war focus on how institutional and structural factors shape leaders’ decisions in foreign policy. However, citizens, policy-makers, and a growing number scholars argue that leaders’ background experiences may matter for both domestic and foreign policy choices. This article contributes to an emerging body of scholarship on leaders in international relations by showing how personal attributes influence the initiation of militarized disputes. Based on the soft power theory of international experiences and the impressionable-years hypothesis of socialization, I theorize that leaders with the experience of attending a university in a Western democratic country should be less likely than non-Western-educated leaders to initiate militarized interstate disputes. I test this proposition by employing a new dataset, building on Archigos and LEAD, that includes background attributes of more than 900 leaders from 147 non-Western countries between 1947 and 2001. The results strongly support the hypothesis, even when accounting for leader selection, time-variant country and leader-level controls, other leaders’ background characteristics, and country and year fixed effects. This finding lends credence to the soft power thesis of academic institutions on international sojourners, and highlights the value of considering leaders’ experiences in analyses about international relations.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000527
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • The Liberal Ethics of Non-Interference
    • Authors: Marco Mariotti; Roberto Veneziani
      Pages: 567 - 584
      Abstract: This article analyses the liberal ethics of non-interference in social choice. It examines a liberal principle that captures non-interfering views of society and is inspired by John Stuart Mill’s conception of liberty. The principle expresses the idea that society should not penalize individuals after changes in their situation that do not affect others. The article highlights an impossibility for liberal approaches: every social decision rule that satisfies unanimity and a general principle of non-interference must be dictatorial. This raises some important issues for liberal approaches in social choice and political philosophy.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000576
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Pension Returns and Popular Support for Neoliberalism in Post-Pension
           Reform Latin America
    • Authors: Andrew Kerner
      Pages: 585 - 620
      Abstract: Latin American pension reforms during the 1990s dramatically increased the number of people in the region who had a direct stake in the returns on financial capital. This article asks: How, if at all, has this expansion affected Latin American politics' It focuses particularly on popular attitudes towards neoliberalism. It argues that government-induced expansions of capital ownership do not directly affect public preferences about neoliberalism, but did so indirectly by shaping the information that people use to judge whether neoliberalism is welfare enhancing. According to this view, participation in a reformed Latin American pension system should lead to acceptance of neoliberalism when pensions returns are high, but have the opposite effect when returns are low. This study analyzes multiple datasets of Latin American survey data and finds support for this theory.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000710
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • The Moral Roots of Partisan Division: How Moral Conviction Heightens
           Affective Polarization
    • Authors: Kristin N. Garrett; Alexa Bankert
      Pages: 621 - 640
      Abstract: Partisan bias and hostility have increased substantially over the last few decades in the American electorate, and previous work shows that partisan strength and sorting help drive this trend. Drawing on insights from moral psychology, however, we posit that partisan moral convictions heighten affective polarization beyond the effects of partisanship, increasing partisan animosity and copartisan favoritism. Testing this theory using data from two national samples and novel measures of affective polarization in everyday life, we find that people who tend to moralize politics display more partisan bias, distance and hostility, irrespective of partisan strength. These results shed light on a different moral divide that separates the American public and raise key normative questions about moral conviction and electoral politics.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341700059X
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • The Behavioral Consequences of Election Outcomes: Evidence From Campaign
    • Authors: Nicolas K. Dumas; Kyle Shohfi
      Pages: 641 - 652
      Abstract: Existing research offers competing predictions as to whether election outcomes affect the future political behavior of individual supporters. Drawing on a dataset of millions of donors across thousands of candidates in different races, this study analyzes a series of regression discontinuities to estimate the effect of donating to a barely winning candidate as opposed to a barely losing one. It finds that winning donors were substantially more likely to donate in the future to that same office type. These effects are large and occur even when their original candidate was not up for re-election. The results show that the consequences of election outcomes extend beyond control of a particular seat, and affect the future behavior of ordinary citizens.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000771
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Beclouding Party Position as an Electoral Strategy: Voter Polarization,
           Issue Priority and Position Blurring
    • Authors: Kyung Joon Han
      Pages: 653 - 675
      Abstract: Why do political parties present vague positions' We suggest that voter polarization provides them incentives to present either clear or vague positions, and the choice between these two is determined by the priority of an issue for the parties. We find that facing voter polarization, Western European political parties present clearer positions on an issue when it is a prime issue for them, but blur their positions when it is a secondary issue. Then, position blurring gives different implications to party systems with different degrees of issue dimensionality (such as American vs Western European party systems). The results also imply that political parties will respond to ongoing voter polarization on economic and immigration issues differently in the clarity of their position.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000618
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • On the Representativeness of Primary Electorates
    • Authors: John Sides; Chris Tausanovitch, Lynn Vavreck, Christopher Warshaw
      Pages: 677 - 685
      Abstract: Primary voters are frequently characterized as an ideologically extreme subset of their party, and thus partially responsible for party polarization in government. This study uses a combination of administrative records on primary turnout and five recent surveys from 2008–14 to show that primary voters have similar demographic attributes and policy attitudes as rank-and-file voters in their party. These similarities do not vary according to the openness of the primary. These results suggest that the composition of primary electorates does not exert a polarizing effect above what might arise from voters in the party as a whole.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341700062X
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • ‘Reserved Ratification’: An Analysis of States’ Entry of
           Reservations Upon Ratification of Human Rights Treaties
    • Authors: Heather Elko McKibben; Shaina D. Western
      Pages: 687 - 712
      Abstract: Governing elites often ratify human rights treaties, even when their policies do not align with those treaties’ obligations. This article argues that this can be explained by the fact that executives anticipate the potential challenges these treaties could raise vis-à-vis their domestic policies and enter different types of reservations when they ratify to head them off. The types of reservations they use depend on key characteristics of the executive’s policies and practices, as well as its relationship with the legislative and judicial branches. Domestic actors can raise different types of challenges against the executive depending on variations in these key factors. The types of reservations executives use will therefore vary depending on the specific challenges ratification raises for them. Using an original dataset of the reservations states entered on human rights treaties registered with the United Nations, and employing an event history analysis, this study shows that the particular challenges treaties present for executives in different types of states help explain variation in how they use reservations when they ratify human rights treaties.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000631
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Voting Rights and Immigrant Incorporation: Evidence from Norway
    • Authors: Jeremy Ferwerda; Henning Finseraas, Johannes Bergh
      Pages: 713 - 730
      Abstract: How do political rights influence immigrant integration' This study demonstrates that the timing of voting rights extension plays a key role in fostering political incorporation. In Norway, non-citizens are eligible to vote in local elections after three years of residency. Drawing on individual-level registry data and a regression discontinuity design, the study leverages the exogenous timing of elections relative to the start of residency periods to identify the effect of early access to political institutions. It finds that immigrants who received early access were more likely to participate in subsequent electoral contests, with the strongest effects visible among immigrants from dictatorships and weak democracies. It also observes evidence consistent with spillover effects for other aspects of political engagement. These findings suggest that early access to voting rights influences subsequent trajectories of immigrant incorporation, in particular among immigrants from less developed states who may otherwise face high integration barriers.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000643
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Violence, Empathy and Altruism: Evidence from the Ivorian Refugee Crisis
           in Liberia
    • Authors: Alexandra C. Hartman; Benjamin S. Morse
      Pages: 731 - 755
      Abstract: In regions plagued by reoccurring periods of war, violence and displacement, how does past exposure to violence affect altruism toward members of different ethnic or religious groups' Drawing on theories of empathy-driven altruism in psychology, this article proposes that violence can increase individuals’ capacity to empathize with others, and that empathy born of violence can in turn motivate helping behavior across group boundaries. This hypothesis is tested using data on the hosting behavior of roughly 1,500 Liberians during the 2010–11 Ivorian refugee crisis in eastern Liberia, a region with a long history of cross-border, inter-ethnic violence. Consistent with its theoretical predictions, the study finds that those who experienced violence during the Liberian civil war host greater numbers of refugees, exhibit stronger preferences for distressed refugees and less bias against outgroup refugees, and host a higher proportion of non-coethnic, non-coreligious and distressed refugees. These findings suggest that violence does not necessarily lead to greater antagonism toward outgroups, as is often assumed, and that in some circumstances it can actually promote inter-group co-operation.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000655
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Ethnicity, National Identity and the State: Evidence from Sub-Saharan
    • Authors: Elliott Green
      Pages: 757 - 779
      Abstract: The process by which people transfer their allegiance from ethnic to national identities is highly topical yet somewhat opaque. This article argues that one of the key determinants of national identification is membership in a ‘core’ ethnic group, or Staatsvolk, and whether or not that group is in power. It uses the example of Uganda as well as Afrobarometer data to show that, when the core ethnic group is in power (as measured by the ethnic identity of the president), members of this group identify more with the nation, but when this group is out of power members identify more with their ethnic group. This finding has important implications for the study of nationalism, ethnicity and African politics.
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000783
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Rising to the Occasion' Youth Political Knowledge and the Voting Age
    • Authors: Olof Rosenqvist
      Pages: 781 - 792
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000515
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • When Do the Wealthy Support Redistribution' Inequality Aversion in
           Buenos Aires
    • Authors: German Feierherd; Luis Schiumerini, Susan Stokes
      Pages: 793 - 805
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000588
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • Beyond Positive and Negative: New Perspectives on Feedback Effects in
           Public Opinion on the Welfare State – ERRATUM
    • Authors: Marius R Busemeyer; Aurélien Abrassart, Spyridoula Nezi, Roula Nezi
      Pages: 807 - 807
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123419000310
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
  • The Club Approach: A Gateway to Effective Climate Co-operation'
           – ERRATUM
    • Authors: Jon Hovi; Detlef F. Sprinz, Håkon Sælen, Arild Underdal
      Pages: 809 - 809
      PubDate: 2020-04-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123419000425
      Issue No: Vol. 50, No. 2 (2020)
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
Tel: +00 44 (0)131 4513762

Your IP address:
Home (Search)
About JournalTOCs
News (blog, publications)
JournalTOCs on Twitter   JournalTOCs on Facebook

JournalTOCs © 2009-