Journal Cover
British Journal of Political Science
Journal Prestige (SJR): 4.661
Citation Impact (citeScore): 4
Number of Followers: 220  
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0007-1234 - ISSN (Online) 1469-2112
Published by Cambridge University Press Homepage  [387 journals]
  • JPS volume 49 issue 4 Cover and Front matter
    • PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123419000164
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • JPS volume 49 issue 4 Cover and Back matter
    • PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123419000176
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Economic and Cultural Drivers of Immigrant Support Worldwide
    • Authors: Nicholas A. Valentino; Stuart N. Soroka, Shanto Iyengar, Toril Aalberg, Raymond Duch, Marta Fraile, Kyu S. Hahn, Kasper M. Hansen, Allison Harell, Marc Helbling, Simon D. Jackman, Tetsuro Kobayashi
      Pages: 1201 - 1226
      Abstract: Employing a comparative experimental design drawing on over 18,000 interviews across eleven countries on four continents, this article revisits the discussion about the economic and cultural drivers of attitudes towards immigrants in advanced democracies. Experiments manipulate the occupational status, skin tone and national origin of immigrants in short vignettes. The results are most consistent with a Sociotropic Economic Threat thesis: In all countries, higher-skilled immigrants are preferred to their lower-skilled counterparts at all levels of native socio-economic status (SES). There is little support for the Labor Market Competition hypothesis, since respondents are not more opposed to immigrants in their own SES stratum. While skin tone itself has little effect in any country, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries do elicit significantly lower levels of support, and racial animus remains a powerful force.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341700031X
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Connectivity, Clientelism and Public Provision
    • Authors: Mahvish Shami
      Pages: 1227 - 1250
      Abstract: In many developing countries the rural poor often depend on patrons to act as brokers in order to get public provision from the government. The broker facilitates provision in return for securing peasants’ votes for politicians. Yet, low bargaining power of peasants allows patrons to appropriate public resources for themselves. I propose increasing peasants’ bargaining power by connecting them to markets outside their village. Making use of a natural experiment found in the construction of a motorway in Pakistan, I find public provision to be significantly higher in connected villages when compared to those which are isolated. Moreover, I find that the beneficial impact of connectivity is felt most strongly by the lower classes, who are most vulnerable to exploitation when isolated.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000254
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Transparency, Protest and Democratic Stability
    • Authors: James R. Hollyer; B. Peter Rosendorff, James Raymond Vreeland
      Pages: 1251 - 1277
      Abstract: Democratic rule is maintained so long as all relevant actors in the political system comply with the institutional rules of the game – democratic institutions must be self-enforcing. We examine the role of transparency in supporting a democratic equilibrium. Transparency improves the functioning of elections: in transparent polities, elections more effectively resolve adverse selection problems between the public and their rulers. Transparency increases popular satisfaction with democracy and inhibits challenges to the democratic order. We provide a game-theoretic model, test these claims, and find they enjoy empirical support. Transparency is associated with a reduction in both the probability of democratic collapse and of the irregular removal of democratic leaders. Transparency stabilizes democratic rule.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000308
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Beliefs about Climate Beliefs: The Importance of Second-Order Opinions for
           Climate Politics
    • Authors: Matto Mildenberger; Dustin Tingley
      Pages: 1279 - 1307
      Abstract: When political action entails individual costs but group-contingent benefits, political participation may depend on an individual’s perceptions of others’ beliefs; yet detailed empirical attention to these second-order beliefs – beliefs about the beliefs of others – remains rare. We offer the first comprehensive examination of the distribution and content of second-order climate beliefs in the United States and China, drawing from six new opinion surveys of mass publics, political elites and intellectual elites. We demonstrate that all classes of political actors have second-order beliefs characterized by egocentric bias and global underestimation of pro-climate positions. We then demonstrate experimentally that individual support for pro-climate policies increases after respondents update their second-order beliefs. We conclude that scholars should focus more closely on second-order beliefs as a key factor shaping climate policy inaction and that scholars can use the climate case to extend their understanding of second-order beliefs more broadly.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000321
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Does+Political+Sophistication+Minimize+Value+Conflict'+Evidence+from+a+Heteroskedastic+Graded+IRT+Model+of+Opinions+toward+Climate+Change&rft.title=British+Journal+of+Political+Science&rft.issn=0007-1234&,+Arnold+Vedlitz,+Sammy+Zahran&rft_id=info:doi/10.1017/S0007123417000369">Does Political Sophistication Minimize Value Conflict' Evidence from a
           Heteroskedastic Graded IRT Model of Opinions toward Climate Change
    • Authors: Paul M. Kellstedt; Mark D. Ramirez, Arnold Vedlitz, Sammy Zahran
      Pages: 1309 - 1332
      Abstract: When citizens hold multiple values relevant to their policy opinions, they might experience value conflict, value reconciliation or make a value trade-off. Yet, it is unclear which individuals are able to manage their multiple values in these ways. We posit a sophistication-interaction theory of value pluralism where the most politically sophisticated individuals are able to reconcile the existence of multiple values, thus increasing the stability of their policy opinions. We test this hypothesis using a series of heteroskedastic graded item response theory models of public opinion toward policies related to climate change. We find that people structure their policy preferences toward climate change policies in values toward the environment and the economy, but only the most sophisticated citizens are able to reconcile the potential conflict between these values.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000369
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Interests, Norms and Support for the Provision of Global Public Goods: The
           Case of Climate Co-operation
    • Authors: Michael M. Bechtel; Federica Genovese, Kenneth F. Scheve
      Pages: 1333 - 1355
      Abstract: Mitigating climate change requires countries to provide a global public good. This means that the domestic cleavages underlying mass attitudes toward international climate policy are a central determinant of its provision. We argue that the industry-specific costs of emission abatement and internalized social norms help explain support for climate policy. To evaluate our predictions we develop novel measures of industry-specific interests by cross-referencing individuals’ sectors of employment and objective industry-level pollution data and employing quasi-behavioral measures of social norms in combination with both correlational and conjoint-experimental data. We find that individuals working in pollutive industries are 7 percentage points less likely to support climate co-operation than individuals employed in cleaner sectors. Our results also suggest that reciprocal and altruistic individuals are about 10 percentage points more supportive of global climate policy. These findings indicate that both interests and norms function as complementary explanations that improve our understanding of individual policy preferences.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000205
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • International Institutions and Political Liberalization: Evidence from the
           World Bank Loans Program
    • Authors: Allison Carnegie; Cyrus Samii
      Pages: 1357 - 1379
      Abstract: How do international institutions affect political liberalization in member states' Motivated by an examination of the World Bank loans program, this article shows that institutions can incentivize liberalization by offering opportunities for countries to become associated with advanced, wealthy members. In the World Bank, when a loan recipient reaches a specified level of economic development, it becomes eligible to graduate from borrower status to lender status. Using a regression discontinuity design, the study demonstrates that this incentive motivates states to improve their domestic behavior with respect to human rights and democracy. Combining qualitative and quantitative evidence, the results suggest that the desire to become a member of this elite group is responsible for motivating member states to reform due to the belief that such membership brings diffuse international and domestic benefits.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000187
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • How do Economic Circumstances Determine Preferences' Evidence from
           Long-run Panel Data
    • Authors: Tom O’Grady
      Pages: 1381 - 1406
      Abstract: Preferences for redistribution and social spending are correlated with income and unemployment risk, but it is unclear how these relationships come about. I build a theory emphasizing that only large changes in economic circumstances provide the information and motivation needed for people to change their preferences. Stable long-run preferences are shaped mainly by early socialization, which includes economic and ideological influences from the family, and early labor market experiences. Enduring shocks, low intergenerational mobility and the tendency of left-wing parents to be poorer generate correlations between circumstances and preferences. Because preferences are stable, greater inequality may not increase aggregate support for redistribution. Support is found for the theory with panel data from Switzerland, using a range of empirical tests.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000242
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Does Government Support Respond to Governments’ Social Welfare Rhetoric
           or their Spending' An Analysis of Government Support in Britain, Spain
           and the United States
    • Authors: Luca Bernardi; James Adams
      Pages: 1407 - 1429
      Abstract: Issue ownership theory posits that when social welfare is electorally salient, left-wing parties gain public support by rhetorically emphasizing social welfare issues. There is less research, however, on whether left-wing governing parties benefit from increasing social welfare spending. That is, it is not known whether leftist governments gain from acting on the issues they rhetorically emphasize. This article presents arguments that voters will not react to governments’ social welfare rhetoric, and reviews the conflicting arguments about how government support responds to social welfare spending. It then reports time-series, cross-sectional analyses of data on government support, governments’ social welfare rhetoric and social welfare spending from Britain, Spain and the United States, that support the prediction that government rhetoric has no effects. The article estimates, however, that increased social welfare spending sharply depresses support for both left- and right-wing governments. These findings highlight a strategic dilemma for left-wing governments, which lose public support when they act on their social welfare rhetoric by increasing welfare spending.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000199
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • The Donor’s Dilemma: International Aid and Human Rights Violations
    • Authors: Niheer Dasandi; Lior Erez
      Pages: 1431 - 1452
      Abstract: Donor governments face a dilemma when providing development aid to states that violate human rights. While aid may contribute to positive development outcomes, it may also contribute to rights violations committed by these regimes. This article provides a conceptual framework for donors to address this dilemma in a normatively justified way. Drawing on recent methodological advancements in normative political theory, it develops a distinctively political framework of dilemmas, suggesting three models: complicity, double effect and dirty hands. It considers this framework in the context of development aid, discussing the relevant considerations for donors in different cases. The article demonstrates that an approach to development assistance that acknowledges political realities does not have to be normatively silent.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000229
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Third-Party Actors and the Intentional Targeting of Civilians in War
    • Authors: Benjamin J. Appel; Alyssa K. Prorok
      Pages: 1453 - 1474
      Abstract: This article examines the relationship between third-party actors and the intentional targeting of non-combatants in interstate war. It argues that war participants kill fewer civilians in war when their expectation of third-party punishment is high. Combatants will anticipate a high likelihood of third-party sanctions when their alliance and trade networks are dominated by third parties that have ratified international treaties prohibiting the intentional targeting of non-combatants. The study hypothesizes that war combatants kill fewer civilians in war as the strength of ratifiers within their alliance and trade networks increases. Quantitative tests on a dataset of all interstate wars from 1900–2003 provide strong statistical and substantive support for this hypothesis.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000175
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Networks and Social Influence in European Legislative Politics
    • Authors: Thomas Malang; Laurence Brandenberger, Philip Leifeld
      Pages: 1475 - 1498
      Abstract: The Treaty of Lisbon strengthened the role of national parliaments in the European Union. It introduced an ‘early warning system’, granting parliamentary chambers the right to reject legislative proposals by the European Commission. Previous studies assumed independence between the decisions of parliaments to reject a legislative proposal. We apply recent advances in inferential network analysis and argue that parliamentary vetoes are better explained by conceptualizing parliaments’ veto actions as a temporal network. Network effects can be observed along the dimension of party families. Based on a new permutation approach, we find that parliaments with similar party majorities influence each other over the course of the decision period (‘social influence’), rather than basing their decisions independently on joint prior partisanship (‘selection’).
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000217
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Organizational and Ideological Strategies for Nationalization: Evidence
           from European Parties
    • Authors: Gabriela Borz; Carolina de Miguel
      Pages: 1499 - 1526
      Abstract: How does a party’s organizational structure affect its chances of becoming a national party' While existing explanations of party nationalization focus on country-level institutional and societal variables, we argue that aspects of party organization such as the degree of centralization of authority, ideological unity and leadership factionalism also matter. By bringing the analysis to the party level, this article provides a multilevel analysis of institutional and party organization variables and disentangles the effect of each set of influences. We use original data on party organization and party nationalization for 142 parties across twenty European countries. This research contributes to the literature on nationalization and party development by advancing organizational strategies which parties could adopt in different social and institutional environments.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S000712341700028X
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Mass Shootings and Public Support for Gun Control
    • Authors: Benjamin J. Newman; Todd K. Hartman
      Pages: 1527 - 1553
      Abstract: The recent spate of mass public shootings in the United States raises important questions about how these tragic events might impact mass opinion and public policy. Integrating research on focusing events, contextual effects and perceived threat, this article stipulates that residing near a mass shooting should increase support for gun control by making the threat of gun violence more salient. Drawing upon multiple data sources on mass public shootings paired with large-N survey data, it demonstrates that increased proximity to a mass shooting is associated with heightened public support for stricter gun control. Importantly, the results show that this effect does not vary by partisanship, but does vary as a function of salience-related event factors, such as repetition, magnitude and recency. Critically, the core result is replicated using panel data. Together, these results suggest a process of context-driven policy feedback between existing gun laws, egregious gun violence and demand for policy change.
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000333
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Reexamining the Effect of Mass Shootings on Public Support for Gun Control
    • Authors: David J Barney; Brian F Schaffner
      Pages: 1555 - 1565
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123418000352
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Accounting for Pre-Treatment Exposure in Panel Data: Re-Estimating the
           Effect of Mass Public Shootings
    • Authors: Todd K Hartman; Benjamin J Newman
      Pages: 1567 - 1576
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123418000467
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • The Measurement of Real-Time Perceptions of Financial Stress: Implications
           for Political Science
    • Authors: Christopher Gandrud; Mark Hallerberg
      Pages: 1577 - 1589
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000291
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Voters, Responsibility Attribution and Support Parties in Parliamentary
    • Authors: Mathias Wessel Tromborg; Randolph T. Stevenson, David Fortunato
      Pages: 1591 - 1601
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000096
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
  • Voters, Responsibility Attribution and Support Parties in Parliamentary
           Democracies – CORRIGENDUM
    • Authors: Mathias Wessel Tromborg; Randolph T. Stevenson, David Fortunato
      Pages: 1603 - 1603
      PubDate: 2019-10-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S0007123417000692
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 4 (2019)
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Heriot-Watt University
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