Authors:Celeste Raver Luning, Prince A. Attoh, Tao Gong, James T. Fox Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. With the backdrop of the utility of grit at the individual level, speculation has begun to circulate that grit may exist as an organizational level phenomenon. To explore this potential construct, this study used an exploratory, qualitative research design. This study explored grit at the organizational level by interviewing leaders’ perceptions of what may be a culture of organizational grit. Participants included 14 U.S. military officers. Seven themes emerged relative to the research question: “What do U.S. military officers perceive as a culture of organizational grit'” Themes included professional pride, team unity, resilience-determination, mission accomplishment, core values, growth mindset, and deliberate practice. This study indicated that a culture of organizational grit is likely a combination of converging organizational elements. Overall, findings indicate that there may be a culture of organizational grit in the military and at the least, more research examining the concept is warranted. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2021-01-05T09:22:22Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20985197
Authors:Marius Mehrl Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Whereas existing research posits that the presence of female fighters in armed groups decreases their propensity for wartime rape, one recent study tests this claim quantitatively and is unable to detect a statistically significant effect. This leads the author to conclude that female combatants do not decrease rape. Using that study’s original data, this article reexamines the evidence for the relationship between female rebel combatants and wartime sexual violence. Replications of the original models suggest that they make strong functional form assumptions regarding numerous independent variables and time dependence and that relaxing them results in substantively different findings. Namely, women’s participation in armed groups decreases groups’ use of wartime rape. In support of Loken’s organizational theory of rape, results also suggest that this effect is moderated by group norms. These findings contribute to the literature on female participation in rebel groups and beyond. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-12-28T09:56:51Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20981696
Authors:Kelly R. Rossetto, Jennifer S. Owlett Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. The current study explored how romantic partners of active-duty service members perceived social media as (un)supportive when dealing with military lifestyle challenges. This study also explored coping and support paradoxes as they play out when military partners are using social media to help them cope. Twenty-four partners (female, n = 22; male, n = 2) participated in interviews. Participants reported mostly using Facebook (e.g., spouse groups) for dealing with military lifestyle challenges. Supportive functions included seeking and providing support and relational maintenance and development. Unsupportive functions included reinforced boundaries and support breakdowns. Findings are discussed with a focus on communal coping and coping and support paradoxes. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-12-14T11:31:53Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20974391
Authors:Ilmari Käihkö Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. In October 2018, Armed Forces & Society published a special issue that called for a theoretical and methodological broadening of the study of cohesion. In a response, King accuses me of ignoring his 2013 book The Combat Soldier, which he feels had already made this call redundant. This answer explains why this is not the case. The Combat Soldier ticks the three boxes of modern, Western, and state military that have dominated the study of cohesion. The resulting narrow vantage point affirms problematic assumptions of Western concepts as absolutes with universal validity with little room for other models of sociopolitical interaction. This becomes especially problematic when King defines cohesion as tactical-level combat performance, the be-all and end-all of what makes, and decides, war. The answer concludes with an appeal for truly interdisciplinary future studies of war that a broader understanding of cohesion, among other things, depends on. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-12-11T09:32:38Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20974768
Authors:Stephanie Bonnes, Jeffrey H. Palmer Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. In this article, we show how the U.S. military treats domestic violence and sexual assault as distinct forms of abuse, which has particular consequences for victims of intimate partner sexual violence. We explore how a specific U.S. military branch, the Marine Corps, complicates these issues further by providing services to intimate partner sexual violence victims from two different programs. Analyzing military orders and documents related to Family Advocacy Program and Sexual Assault Prevention and Response program, interviews with eight military prosecutors, and the experiences of one military lawyer, we examine program and interactional-level factors that shape victim services, advocacy, and processes. We find that there are program differences in specialized services, coordinated services, and potential breaches of confidentiality related to victim’s cases. We recommend that the Marine recognize the intersections of sexual violence and domestic violence and offer more tailored services to victims of intimate partner sexual violence. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-12-03T08:51:17Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20974397
Authors:Hillary S. Schaefer, Andrew G. Farina, Dave I. Cotting, Eliot S. Proctor, Cheveso L. Cook, Richard M. Lerner Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. The military environment presents an intersection between a setting featuring unavoidable risk and individual risk-taking propensity; prior work suggests risk-takers have positive and negative outcomes here, and messaging about risk-taking in the military is mixed. The current study used social identity theory to examine how self-reported risk propensity related to three identities/outcomes among cadets at the U.S. Military Academy: attributes of an archetypal “Model Soldier” (physical and military excellence), “Model Student” (grade point average, service positions, and behavior), and Military Values (bravery, duty, and resilience). Structural equation modeling demonstrated that risk-taking was positively related to our Model Soldier and Military Values identities but negatively associated with being a Model Student. Additionally, high-risk-taking cadets were viewed by peers and instructors as confident but prone to judgment, self-discipline, and insight difficulties, suggesting overconfidence among risk-takers. Quantified as a difference between confidence and self-discipline, judgment, and insight, overconfidence mediated the relationship between risk-taking and the three identities, suggesting overconfidence drives both positive and negative associations with risk-taking. Military and leadership implications are presented. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-11-27T06:05:34Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20973373
Authors:Peter Kasurak Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Samuel Huntington theorized in The Soldier and the State that rather than make the military in the image of society (subjective control), both superior civilian control and military outcomes would result if the military was allowed its own sphere and culture, shaped by military requirements (objective control). Since 1963, the Canadian Armed Forces have argued for objective control, while political leadership and the country have largely paid little attention to military demands for greater social independence. An examination of defense policy, the “civilianization” crisis, the Somalia Inquiry, and diversity legislation and programs demonstrate the triumph of subjective control. This article concludes that subjective control has had costs to civilians in military shirking and to the military in alienation from its parent society. Huntington remains useful, but it is time to consider modern alternatives to understand civil-military relationships. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-11-24T08:52:50Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20970535
Authors:Timothy J. A. Passmore Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. What explains the post–Cold War surge in peacekeeping contributions from the developing world' I argue that, amid a wave of democratization and expanded peacekeeping activity, such countries use peacekeeping deployments to reduce the threat of the military to nascent democratic institutions. Peacekeeping participation serves to placate the military in the short term with resources and continued activity, while socializing and professionalizing it to pro-democracy behaviors in the long term. Assessing troop contributions from 1990 to 2011, I find evidence that new democracies make larger contributions than other states, where the effect diminishes as democracy becomes consolidated. Moreover, the effect is amplified in countries with a greater military legacy. I supplement this with a study of Argentina to further support the proposed mechanism. These findings help explain the shift in state peacekeeping contributions in recent years, the role of democracy in peacekeeping efforts, and the impact of international actors in supporting democratization. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-11-23T09:20:15Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20968197
Authors:Tsukasa Watanabe Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Many studies have found that third-party intervention tends to prolong the duration of civil conflict. However, some studies have suggested that mere expectations of external intervention can prolong conflict duration even in the absence of actual intervention. Therefore, the effects of external interventions in prolonging the duration of civil conflicts remain unclear. This study examines the direct effect of third-party intervention on the duration of civil conflict by controlling for the indirect effect of expectations of external intervention. The probabilities of intervention were estimated, and the direct effect of interventions was tested by controlling for the effect of ex ante expectations. The empirical findings were as follows: (1) Third-party intervention has no direct effect of prolonging the duration of a conflict when expectations are controlled for, and (2) Third-party intervention may have an indirect effect of shortening conflict duration, which contradicts the findings of previous studies. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-11-12T07:13:07Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20967658
Authors:Joseph Soeters Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This article is a reply to a recent publication by Hasselbladh and Yden in this journal, entitled “Why Military Organizations Are Cautious About Learning'” They argue that there is good reason for military organizations not being very successful in organizational learning. Based on historical experiences related to the military’s bureaucratic character and specific task environment, they argue that military organization’s hesitation to learn is not necessarily dysfunctional. This reply refutes this assertion as it is not based on sufficient knowledge of organizational learning in general, but more importantly because it “scholarly” legitimizes the impeding of attempts to improve military performance in the broad sense of the word. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-11-06T09:25:17Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20970248
Authors:Suzanne C. Nielsen, Hugh Liebert Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. In the current strategic environment, Morris Janowitz’s The Professional Soldier deserves renewed emphasis, especially from the military’s senior leaders who are responsible for the education and development of the country’s officer corps. Janowitz’s work is an especially valuable guide to the education of officers today because of his focus on the need for military officers to understand the political impact of military posture and military operations. The education of U.S. military officers to meet the country’s national security needs in the 21st century must go beyond Huntington’s formulation of expertise to an appreciation, in Janowitz’s terms, of “the political and social impact of the military establishment on international security affairs” across the spectrum of conflict. Janowitz’s formulation is the better guide because military means serve political purposes, and ultimately, a country’s strategic success will be judged in political terms. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-10-09T10:33:12Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20960480
Authors:Hadrien Clouet Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Since the mid-2000s, French military telecommunications have been partially outsourced to private companies. This was justified by an intent for budgetary savings and efficiency. However, an interview survey conducted among military technicians shows that this transfer weighs upon their work and expectations. Outsourcing damages the profession’s appeal, deprives staff of strategic resources, and places their time under the control of private providers. This represents a symbolic cost for the personnel committed to the institution but also grants symbolic benefits to officers who are hostile to the process. Although they were not designed for this purpose, market procedures closely regulate the activity of frontline military technicians. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-09-30T09:09:17Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20958682
Authors:Rachael Johnstone, Bessma Momani Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This article uses the Canadian military’s gender-mainstreaming strategy—gender-based analysis plus (or GBA+)—as a case study to explore the implementation of gender mainstreaming in militaries. Utilizing a mixed method approach, including group interviews and surveys, we employ Jahan’s model of gender mainstreaming to understand how GBA+ has been operationalized. We argue that the implementation of GBA+ in the Defense Torce constitutes a more superficial integrationist approach to the implementation of gender mainstreaming rather than a transformative, agenda-setting approach, despite the internalization of messaging to the contrary by many in the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) and the Department of National Defence (DND). While not ideal, we suggest that an integrationist approach does not necessarily mean a GBA+ agenda will fail in a male-dominated organization like the CAF; rather, we contend that it could constitute a valuable starting point for progressive, large-scale change. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-09-18T10:36:32Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20956722
Authors:Kathleen A. McNamara, Carrie L. Lucas, Jeremy T. Goldbach, Carl A. Castro, Ian W. Holloway Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Despite repeal of the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy in 2011 and the ban on open transgender service from 2016 to 2019, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) service members may be reluctant to disclose their identities to fellow military personnel. This study used data collected through the Department of Defense–funded mixed methods research study conducted from 2016 to 2018. A sample of 248 active duty LGBT service members completed a survey, while a sample of 42 LGBT active duty service members participated in an in-depth interview. Regression analyses tested for differences in outness by demographic and military traits; a thematic analysis of qualitative data contextualizes these findings. Outness to fellow service members varied greatly by rank, military branch, education level, sexual orientation, gender identity, and marital status. The lowest outness was to chaplains (38%), while the highest outness was to LGBT unit friends (93%). Implications for military leadership and service providers are discussed. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-09-17T07:50:20Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20952136
Authors:Morten Brænder, Vilhelm Stefan Holsting Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Traditionally, the military is seen as an unequivocally authoritarian organization. With survey data collected at the Royal Danish Military Academy, this study shows that that is a qualified truth. Thus, cadets enrolled directly from the noncommissioned officer corps—those most acquainted with the norms of the armed forces—do not weigh authoritarian leadership values over nonauthoritarian ones. Instead, their view reflects that for the experienced leader, the context, and not overt ideals, enables them to choose the leadership tools they expect will prove most effective. On the contrary, cadets enrolled based on their civilian merits clearly prioritize authoritarian values. This is particularly true among cadets returning to the military after a break, former professionals, and former draftees alike. Their view also reflects experience, but a different kind of experience, as they have primarily encountered the military hierarchy from the receiving end. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-09-03T07:36:56Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20951435
Authors:Sven E. Wilson, William Ruger Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Military service is a highly social—and potentially socializing—experience. However, the long-term social effect of military service is a little-studied topic, and some have dismissed any direct impact of service on civic participation. Using data from a large, national survey, our estimates show, in contrast, that the likelihood and intensity of group participation is higher among veterans than other men and that combat veterans have the highest level of participation. Mettler argued that education funded through the GI Bill gave veterans both resources (“civic capacity”) and a desire to reciprocate to society (“civic predisposition”) for the generous benefits they received, but she did not allow for the possibility that service itself could also increase both civic capacity and predisposition. Furthermore, our estimates confirm that education is strongly associated with higher civic participation and that the association between military service and participation is largely independent of education. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-08-27T10:10:13Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20934885
Authors:Vincent Connelly Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Recent changes in the British Army mean part-time reservists and full-time regulars need to become better integrated. However, there has been a long history of workplace tensions between the full-time and part-time elements in the British Army. This mirrors those found in many civilian workplaces. Focus group data with 105 full-time regular British Army soldiers confirmed that time and emotional commitment are strongly linked in a full-time professional workplace that has strong, definite, and enduring boundaries. This, alongside demands for conformity and stratification by rank explained the high risk of marginalization of part-time reservists. The legitimacy of part-time reservists, especially in the combat arms, was often challenged. Using this explanatory framework, some implications and practical ways that tensions may be reduced between full-time and part-time members of the British Army, and other armed forces facing similar tensions, were highlighted. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-08-26T11:48:05Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20948591
Authors:Rita Helena Phillips, Vincent Connelly, Mark Burgess Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Evidence suggests that most of the UK public appreciate currently serving UK Armed Forces personnel but are less positive in their beliefs about veterans. This research examined the social representations held by civilian participants of UK veterans and serving soldiers to understand why veterans may be seen more negatively. An open-ended word association task was completed by 234 UK participants where they were asked to provide three initial responses to the words “veteran” and “soldier” and to evaluate their responses in accordance to prototypicality. The 1,404 resultant associations were grouped into 14 thematic clusters. Using the hierarchical evocation method, the results suggest “heroizing associations” to be a defining core element for “soldier” and “veteran” but “victimizing associations” to be an element only for “veteran.” Principal component analyses suggest victimizing associations are related to war and deindividuated associations; “heroizing associations” are related to characterizations of the veteran’s personality. Implications and future directions are discussed. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-08-24T10:39:32Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20942244
Authors:Anthony King Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. In 2018, Ilmari Käikhö published a special collection in Armed Forces & Society on the debate about small unit cohesion. Later, in reaction to a response by Guy Siebold, he published a further intervention with Peter Haldén. Focusing on my 2006 article in the journal and my subsequent debate, Käikhö has claimed that the cohesion debate is too narrow. It ignores organizational factors in the armed forces and wider political factors, including nationalism and state policy. Consequently, it is incapable of analyzing non-Western state or irregular forces and is only relevant for the 20th and 21st centuries. This response shows that while Käikhö’s extension of the empirical archive to non-Western armed groups is to be welcomed, none of his theoretical claims are sustainable. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-08-18T08:44:41Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20947150
Authors:Taavi Laanepere, Kairi Kasearu Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. The military service readiness of reserve soldiers is an essential question for countries that rely mostly on reserve units for their defense or other operational needs. This study examines how forms of capital related to the military and civilian fields are associated with the military service readiness of reservists. Survey data were obtained from 396 Estonian reservists during the 2018 Hedgehog exercise. Reservists’ military service readiness (RMSR) was studied first with respect to military field–related factors, and in the next phase civilian field linked factors are included. In a military field, cultural, social, and symbolic capital have a positive influence on RMSR. However, if civilian field–related social and economic capital is included, some military capitals would lose their effect. Study outcomes are discussed considering Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of the forms of capital. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-08-05T09:15:19Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20944093
Authors:Ori Swed, Daniel Burland Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Corporate privatization of security has generated a neoliberal iteration of an old profession: the private military contractor. This development has revolutionized security policies across the globe while reviving old patterns of inequality. Following neoliberal logic, outsourcing fosters two types of employment: the exploitative and the exclusive. The first refers to low-status individuals hired en masse to perform menial labor; the second refers to experts who perform functions central to the employer’s mission. We contribute to this discussion by focusing on the qualifications of a different subsample of this industry: American contractors who died while performing military and security functions in Iraq. We assert that such American employees directly engaged in mission-essential combat and security functions better fit the employment category of an exclusive, expert sector at the core of the private military industry. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-06-04T09:41:35Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20927471
Authors:Nehemia Stern, Uzi Ben-Shalom, Niv Gold, Corinne Berger, Avishai Antonovsky, Dvir Peleg Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This study presents an empirically grounded account of tunnel combat operations in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) within the context of “post-heroic” warfare. Current scholarship on “post-heroism” has viewed the technological and professional standards of contemporary military conflicts as distancing the individual combatant from the modern battlefield. Little attention has been given however to the ways in which soldiers themselves experience and adapt to post-heroic conditions. Findings based on in-depth semistructured interviews with 17 IDF tunnel combatants show these soldiers actively reinterpreting the strategic importance placed on distancing the warrior from the battlefield. This exploratory article suggests that an individual “warrior ethos” still resonates amid the professional and technological contours of post-heroic (underground) conflicts. By presenting a novel account of contemporary tunnel warfare from the perspective of the combatants themselves, this research sheds new light on the different personal dimensions that impact post-heroic military operations. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-06-02T09:35:34Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20924040
Authors:Nir Gazit, Edna Lomsky-Feder, Eyal Ben Ari Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This article reexamines and develops the analytical metaphor of “Reserve Soldiers as Transmigrants” in three directions. First, we advance the notion of transmigration by linking it to the explicit and implicit “contracts” or agreements struck between the military and individuals and groups within and outside of it. Second, we show that the “management” model of reserve forces is not just an administrative matter but that “negotiating” with reservists involves wider issues that include managing identity, commitment, and the meaning attached to military service. Third, we examine the institutional and political meaning of the reserves at the macro sociological level. The juxtaposition and interplay of two models—transmigration and multiple contracts—allows us to introduce structural elements into the movement of soldiers between the military and civilian society, and add a dynamic dimension to the contents of the implicit contracts that organize reservists’ relations with the state and military. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-05-22T09:47:52Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20924034
Authors:Eric Proescher, Darrin M. Aase, Holly M. Passi, Justin E. Greenstein, Christopher Schroth, K. Luan Phan Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This study examined the impact of perceived social support on mental health and psychosocial functioning in combat veterans after military deployment, including veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and veterans with comorbid PTSD and alcohol use disorder. Veterans (n = 139; female = 23) completed self-report and clinician-administered measures of social support, mental and physical health, functional impairment, and quality of life. The cohort was divided into high, medium, and low perceived social support based on averages of the total score from the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support. Relative to the low perceived social support group, the high perceived social support group reported fewer symptoms of PTSD, anxiety, and depression. The high perceived social support group also reported a more diverse and embedded social network, less disability, and better quality of life. Of note, the high and low perceived social support groups did not differ on age, gender, education, race ethnicity, or combat trauma exposure. These findings highlight that perceived social support may play an important role in the treatment of postwar veterans as they transition back to civilian life. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-05-15T09:20:08Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20919922
Authors:James Griffith, Eyal Ben-Ari Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This study examines reserve military service from a perspective of social construction—the ways in which the reservist’s conscious experiences are constructed to give meaning to military service. Content descriptions of conscious experiences of reserve military service are identified in past studies. Constructions fell into four broad categories: (1) complementary to life—reserve military service providing wanted satisfaction not otherwise achieved, material gain, or ideological commitment; (2) equitable arrangement—understood compensation for self-sacrifice; (3) discordant identity—requirements of military life blatantly or surreptitiously conflicting with established identity and civilian life; and (4) self-definition—reserve military service understood as an aspect of self-identity. Directions for integrating these constructions as a basis for future research are identified and discussed. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-05-12T09:26:44Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20917165
Authors:Yonat Rein-Sapir, Eyal Ben-Ari Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Enacted in 2008, 60 years after Israel Defense Forces was established, the Israeli Reserves Law is a striking expression of the decline of military autonomy in a democratic country. While not aimed at reducing the military’s discretion in regard to the training, deployment, and compensation for reservists, the formal enactment of the Law in effect did so. The legislative process was preceded by a crisis between reservists and the military and was led by several reservists’ organizations who tried to improve the standing and resources allocated to the reserve forces. The article analyzes the impact of these organizations and the coalitions they created with politicians serving in the national parliament, the Knesset. By choosing the legislative option to improve the conditions of service for reservists, they de facto reduced military autonomy since the new Law mandated supervision and monitoring (by civilian institutions) of the service of reservists and extended into the core area of military action, the operational use of force. Thus, the actions of reservists’ organizations turned a bilateral tie between the military and its (reserve) soldiers into a trilateral one, comprising the military, reserve soldiers, and state institutions. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-04-23T10:45:10Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20918391
Authors:Robert Ralston, Matthew Motta, Jennifer Spindel Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Are Americans aware and concerned about White nationalism in the U.S. Military' Our large and demographically representative survey suggests that while most Americans suspect at least some presence of White nationalism in the military, many do not view it as a serious problem; particularly self-identified conservatives and respondents who hold highly favorable views toward military service members. However, in a between-/within-subjects experiment embedded in our survey, we show that providing information about the issue of White nationalism in the U.S. Military increases the public’s overall concern about White nationalism in the U.S. Military. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-04-21T09:27:39Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20918394
Authors:Yagil Levy Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Mainstream scholars of IR favor policy-relevant research, that is the agenda to influence government policymakers by offering policy recommendations. In this article, I offer a different perspective by presenting alternative arguments about social scientists’ responsibility to influence. By drawing on themes of public sociology and critical sociology, security studies and public policy, I argue that the core of this responsibility is to seek to influence policy via engagement with the public rather than with policymakers. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-04-21T09:25:20Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20917183
Authors:Ronald R. Krebs, Robert Ralston Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Although voluntary recruitment to the military is today the Western norm, we know little about citizens’ beliefs regarding service members’ reasons for joining. This article, reporting and analyzing the results of a nationally representative U.S. survey, rectifies this gap. We find that, despite the reality of market-based recruitment, many Americans continue to subscribe to an idealized image of service members as moved by self-sacrificing patriotism. This belief is most heavily concentrated among conservative Americans. Liberal Americans are more likely to believe that service members join primarily for economic reasons. Those furthest to the left are more inclined to aver that service members join chiefly to escape desperate circumstances. Perhaps most surprising, we discover a disconnect between respondents with military experience and their families: The former are more likely to acknowledge that pay and benefits are a primary motivation for service, whereas their families are more likely to embrace a patriotic service narrative. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-04-16T05:29:09Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20917166
Authors:Evren Balta, Murat Yüksel, Yasemin Gülsüm Acar Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Militia groups have only recently started to attract scholarly attention in the literature on internal conflicts. This attention is mostly focused on either the causes of their emergence or their functions and performance during the conflict. The role of militia groups in post-conflict processes, however, has not been adequately addressed. This article intends to fill this gap by analyzing the case of village guards, a type of pro-government militia system in Turkey, based on qualitative evidence from field research. While the dominant narrative in the literature identifies militia groups as spoilers in peace processes, the article shows that militias do not act as spoilers under certain conditions. In the case of the village guard system in Turkey, the permanent integration of militias into the state’s regular military apparatus prevented militia groups from acting as spoilers. It then argues that the permanent integration of wartime militia systems is a consequence of two factors: militia networking and a lack of comprehensive peace-building structures. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-03-18T10:11:47Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20910769
Authors:Zhifan Luo Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. After decades of military reform, how does the Chinese military justify its persistent role in politics and social life' This mixed-methods study examines the discursive strategies used by military deputies to understand how a semi-professional military speak to its relations to the Party, its own organizational missions and goals, and potential conflicts between them. Computer-assisted text analysis is combined with targeted deep reading to identify and examine latent topics in comments made by military deputies between 2001 and 2017. The findings show that the military deputies simultaneously mobilize a political discourse and a discourse of professionalism. This duality of discourse constitutes a source of legitimacy for the military’s pursuit of corporate interests. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-03-05T10:48:02Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20906848
Authors:Octavio Amorim Neto, Pedro Accorsi Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Defense ministers are among the most central players in democracies’ civil–military relations. This article aims to identify the determinants of the selection criteria of defense ministers in democracies and semi-democracies. More specifically, it attempts to measure the effects of systems of government on decisions to appoint civilians or military officers to head the defense ministry. We argue that some characteristics of presidentialized regimes lead to the appointment of military defense ministers. This is a novel contribution, one that connects the literature on civil–military relations and that on systems of government. To assess our hypothesis and its mechanisms, we use comprehensive cross-national data in 1975–2015. Our tests indicate a robust association between presidentialized systems of government and the appointment of military ministers. We also show that military defense ministers are associated with some relevant outcomes. These findings have important implications for the study of civil–military relations, defense policy, and democracy. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-02-27T06:53:04Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X19900368
Authors:Grazia Scoppio, Nancy Otis, Yan (Lizzie) Yan, Sawyer Hogenkamp Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This study examined gender differences in the experiences of 923 officer cadets attending Canadian Military Colleges and 135 officer cadets attending civilian universities who completed a survey. Overall, the findings revealed that the experience of officer cadets in civilian universities was more positive, gender neutral, and their institutions’ values and culture were a better fit for them compared to their peers in Canadian Military Colleges. For officer cadets in Canadian Military Colleges, the results revealed that women were less likely to perceive gender equality in the way they were treated, the fairness of complaint mechanisms, and being treated with respect compared to men. Men in Canadian Military Collegess were less likely to perceive gender equality in performance standards than women. There were no gender differences in experiences for officer cadets in civilian universities. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-02-18T09:30:20Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20905121
Authors:Stephen M. Clark, Dieu Hack-Polay, P. Matthijs Bal Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This article examines the extent to which socioeconomic background affects the chances of promotion to senior ranks within the Royal Navy and how the upwardly mobile often face a “class ceiling.” The researchers collected quantitative data within the Royal Navy. The research found a disproportionate overrepresentation of officers from socioeconomically advantaged backgrounds, creating a homogenous upper echelon and self-selecting elite hierarchy. The authors argue for the systematic collection of socioeconomic background data and longitudinal analysis to focus efforts toward engendering the conditions for social mobility and the ability to quantitatively assess the impact of policy changes on future social mobility outcomes. The research contributes to understand contemporary social mobility issues and is the first quantitative analysis of Royal Navy officers’ socioeconomic backgrounds. The research provides perspectives on which other Armed Forces (including the United States) that face diversity issues could reflect. The article repositions military issues in mainstream academic discourse. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-02-18T09:27:39Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20905118
Authors:Demet Yalcin Mousseau Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Can foreign aid trigger ethnic war' The quantitative conflict literature has produced mixed findings on the effect of foreign aid on civil war in developing states. One reason for the mixed results is that a subset of civil wars, ethnic wars, are more likely than other kinds of civil wars to be triggered by foreign aid. This is because large amounts of foreign aid can cause the state to become a prize worth fighting over, mobilizing ethnic identity and group-related rebellion. This article investigates this question by testing the separate impacts of total, bilateral, and multilateral aid given by state and nonstate actors on the onset of ethnic war, using a cross-national time-series dataset of 147 countries from 1961 to 2008. The findings show a very strong association of foreign aid with ethnic war, whether measured as total aid, bilateral aid, or multilateral aid. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-02-18T09:25:19Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20902180
Authors:Amichai Cohen, Stuart Alan Cohen Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This article modifies the framework for the analysis of civil–military “gaps” proposed in Armed Forces & Society (Vol. 38, 2012) by Rahbek-Clemmensen, Archer, Barr, Belkin, Guerro, Hall, and Swain, who depicted a continuum of four binary fissures (“gap dimensions”) dividing two hypothetically homogeneous communities: civilians versus military personnel. Extrapolating from Israel’s experience, this article instead visualizes a more dynamic and fissured landscape, inhabited by several heterogeneous clusters of population groups, each comprising impromptu coalitions drawn from both the armed forces and civilian society. That environment, we argue, although certainly influenced by the traditional penetrability of Israel’s civil–military boundaries, more directly reflects current technological and cultural processes, which are transforming encounters between civilians and military personnel in other countries too. We therefore suggest replacing the predominantly dichotomous taxonomies that generally characterize studies of civil–military relations in contemporary democratic societies with the fractured format observed in the Israeli case. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-02-12T03:08:55Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20903072
Authors:James J. Do, Steven M. Samuels First page: 25 Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. This qualitative study examines how cadets at the U.S. Air Force Academy make sense of their experiences, form attitudes and beliefs, construct identities, and how a vocal minority of men create and perpetuate a biased gender norm. Despite an institutional intention of egalitarianism, cadets construct a highly masculinized culture. Focus group and interview analyses show how cadets perpetuate the military masculine-warrior narrative in sensemaking and the construction of gender differences. We argue that the narratives become an acceptable way to express gender biases, overriding the actual reason for the existence of fitness testing. We conclude by addressing the contradiction between policies promoting the inclusion of women in the military and the sexism described above. Acknowledging the lived experience of military personnel would allow for better perceptions of gender equality and suggests potential directions for policy, practice, and future research. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-07-02T09:10:52Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20931561
Authors:Thomas P. Galvin, Charles D. Allen First page: 48 Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. The U.S. Military institutionalized diversity management to ensure equality of treatment and opportunity for members while eliminating discrimination in all its forms. But progress toward diversity goals has been inconsistent. For example, the U.S. Military’s implementation of the repeal of the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell law was less successful in integrating transgender soldiers. Meanwhile, recent sexual harassment scandals show that progress is similarly fleeting in gender relations. In this article, we argue that while the aims of diversity management are important, they need an accompanying vision of what the future looks like after achieving those aims. The postdiversity vision includes more than the elimination of discriminatory behaviors; it describes what the defense establishment looks like and how it functions when diversity management is no longer required. Expressing this vision allows for more reliable and durable measures of performance and effectiveness of inclusion efforts. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-04-28T09:27:03Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20920311
Authors:Wendi L. Johnson, Peggy C. Giordano First page: 106 Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. We build on prior research examining military involvement and criminal involvement by investigating the importance of acquiring the more complete “respectability package” that includes marriage as well as military experience and variations among White and Black respondents. Using data from Waves I and IV of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health; n = 5,801), analyses use logistic regression models to assess associations of military service, marriage, and race with odds of reoffending among White and Black young adults who reported offending at Wave I. Military involvement was associated with lower odds of offending for Black respondents only, while marriage was associated with decreased odds of reoffending across both groups. Among Black respondents, analyses also highlighted the importance of acquiring both components of the respectability package (military service and marriage) in the context of today’s all-volunteer force in reducing criminal involvement. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-02-18T09:33:15Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20905124
Authors:Segun Joshua, Daniel Gberevbie, Kester Onor First page: 177 Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria’s corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military’s unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-07-21T09:19:35Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20934005
Authors:Berk Esen First page: 201 Abstract: Armed Forces & Society, Ahead of Print. With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military’s political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military’s guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes. Citation: Armed Forces & Society PubDate: 2020-06-22T10:54:50Z DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20931548
Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
