for Journals by Title or ISSN
for Articles by Keywords
help
  Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 1104 journals)
    - CIVIL RIGHTS (13 journals)
    - INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (137 journals)
    - POLITICAL SCIENCE (920 journals)
    - POLITICAL SCIENCES: GENERAL (34 journals)

POLITICAL SCIENCE (920 journals)            First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Showing 201 - 281 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription  
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies     Hybrid Journal  
Eastern Review     Open Access  
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 38)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Ekonomi, İşletme, Siyaset ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi     Open Access  
El Banquete de los Dioses     Open Access  
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Encuentro     Open Access  
Entramados y Perspectivas     Open Access  
Environment and Planning C : Politics and Space     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 39)
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios digital     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Ethics & International Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 17)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Éthique publique     Open Access  
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription  
Eunomia. Rivista semestrale del Corso di Laurea in Scienze Politiche e delle Relazioni Internazionali     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
European Journal for Security Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
European Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal  
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 60)
European Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 59)
European Journal of Political Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 82)
European Journal of Political Research : Political Data Yearbook     Hybrid Journal  
European Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal  
European Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 39)
European Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
European Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
European Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
European Union Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 54)
European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Eurostudia     Open Access  
Evaluation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Evaluation and Program Planning     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Evidence Base : A journal of evidence reviews in key policy areas     Open Access  
Exchange : The Journal of Public Diplomacy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Fascism     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Federal Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Fédéralisme Régionalisme     Open Access  
FEU Academic Review     Open Access  
Fijian Studies: A Journal of Contemporary Fiji     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Financial Times     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 38)
Foreign Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 48)
Foreign Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Foreign Policy Bulletin     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Foro Interno. Anuario de Teoría Política     Open Access  
French Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Gaceta Laboral     Open Access  
Genocide Studies International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Geographische Zeitschrift     Full-text available via subscription  
Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Geopolitics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Geopolitics under Globalization     Open Access  
German Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
German Politics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Germinal : Marxismo e Educação em Debate     Open Access  
Gestão & Regionalidade     Open Access  
Ghana Journal of Development Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Ghana Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 15)
Global Affairs     Hybrid Journal  
Global Change, Peace & Security: formerly Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 410)
Global Discourse : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Global Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 46)
Global Journal of Peace Research and Praxis     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Global Media Journal : African Edition     Open Access  
Global Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Global Societies Journal     Open Access  
Global Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Global South, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Global War Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Göç Dergisi     Full-text available via subscription  
Good Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Governare la paura. Journal of interdisciplinary studies     Open Access  
Government and Opposition     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 24)
Granì     Open Access  
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Hague Journal of Diplomacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Hegel Bulletin     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Helsinki Monitor     Hybrid Journal  
Hic Rhodus : Crisis capitalista, polémica y controversias     Open Access  
Historia i Polityka     Open Access  
History of Communism in Europe     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Hommes & Migrations     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
HONAI : International Journal for Educational, Social, Political & Cultural Studies     Open Access  
Horyzonty Polityki     Open Access  
Human Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 59)
Human Rights Case Digest     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Human Rights Law Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 64)
Human Rights Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 70)
Human Rights Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration     Open Access  
Idäntutkimus     Open Access  
identidade!     Open Access  
Identities : Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Identity Papers : A Journal of British and Irish Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
IDP. Revista de Internet, Derecho y Politica     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ids Practice Papers     Hybrid Journal  
Indes : Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft     Hybrid Journal  
Index on Censorship     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
India Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Indialogs : Spanish Journal of India Studies     Open Access  
Indonesia Prime     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Indonesian Journal of Community Engagement     Open Access  
Innovation Policy and the Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Innovations : Technology, Governance, Globalization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Insight on Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Intelligence & National Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
Interdisciplinary Political Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Interdisziplinäre Zeitschrift für Südasienforschung     Open Access  
Interest Groups & Advocacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Interfaces Brasil/Canadá     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 68)
International Area Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Communication of Chinese Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
International Critical Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Interactions: Empirical and Theoretical Research in International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Area Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
International Journal of Children's Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
International Journal of E-Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of East Asian Studies     Open Access  
International Journal of Electronic Government Research     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
International Journal of Environmental Policy and Decision Making     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Group Tensions     Hybrid Journal  
International Journal of Human Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 58)
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 581)
International Journal of Intercultural Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
International Journal of Press/Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
International Journal of Refugee Law     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
International Journal of Sexuality and Gender Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
International Journal of Social Quality     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Sustainable Development and World Ecology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Journal on Minority and Group Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
International Migration     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 35)
International Migration Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 275)
International Negotiation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
International NGO Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
International Organization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 106)
International Peacekeeping     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 471)
International Political Science Abstracts     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
International Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 95)
International Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
International Quarterly for Asian Studies     Open Access  
International Regional Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
International Review of Public Policy     Open Access  
International Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 75)
International Socialism     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Spectator : Italian Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
International Studies Perspectives     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Studies Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 53)
International Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
International Theory: A Journal of International Politics, Law and Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Irish Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Israel Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Istanbul Journal of Economics and Politics     Open Access  
Italian Political Science Review / Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica     Hybrid Journal  
Italian Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
IZA Journal of Development and Migration     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Izquierdas     Open Access  
Japan Forum     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Japanese Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 49)
Jewish Culture and History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
JICSA : Journal of Islamic Civilization in Southeast Asia     Open Access  
JKAP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Administrasi Publik)     Open Access  
Journal des Economistes et des Etudes Humaines     Hybrid Journal  
Journal Exit-Deutschland. Zeitschrift für Deradikalisierung und demokratische Kultur     Open Access  
Journal for Deradicalization     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Journal for Peace and Justice Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Journal for Perspectives of Economic Political and Social Integration. Journal for Mental Changes     Open Access   (Followers: 4)

  First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Similar Journals
Journal Cover
International Studies Quarterly
Journal Prestige (SJR): 2.581
Citation Impact (citeScore): 2
Number of Followers: 53  
 
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 0020-8833 - ISSN (Online) 1468-2478
Published by Oxford University Press Homepage  [409 journals]
  • Systemist International Relations
    • Authors: James P.
      Pages: 781 - 804
      Abstract: AbstractSystemist international relations (SIR) is put forward as a potential solution to short- and long-term problems faced by the discipline of international relations (IR). SIR responds to the immediate difficulties that stem from an impasse between advocates of analytic eclecticism and skeptics who prefer paradigmatic research. The more sustained challenges posed by the size and complexity of IR also can be met through implementation of SIR, which entails a graphic turn. Along those lines, the Visual International Relations Project (VIRP) is creating an archive of one-page graphic summaries for cause and effect as conveyed in respective publications. The VIRP aims toward an improved state of communication in the field based on such visual representations.
      PubDate: Fri, 22 Nov 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz086
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Primary Resources, Secondary Labor: Natural Resources and Immigration
           Policy
    • Authors: Shin A.
      Pages: 805 - 818
      Abstract: AbstractThis article argues that substantial natural resource wealth leads to more restrictive low-skill immigration policy in advanced democracies. High-value natural resource production often crowds out labor-intensive firms that produce tradable goods. When these proimmigration business interests disappear due to deindustrialization, also known as the Dutch Disease, the proimmigration coalition weakens in domestic politics. Without strong business pressure for increased immigration, policy-makers close their doors to immigrants to accommodate anti-immigrant interests. Using a newly expanded dataset on immigration policy across twenty-four wealthy democracies, I find that oil-rich democracies are more likely to restrict low-skill immigration, especially when their economies are exposed to foreign competition in international trade. The results supplement the voter-based theories of immigration policy and contribute to an emerging literature on the political economy of natural resources and international migration.
      PubDate: Mon, 17 Jun 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz033
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Sectors, Pollution, and Trade: How Industrial Interests Shape Domestic
           Positions on Global Climate Agreements
    • Authors: Genovese F.
      Pages: 819 - 836
      Abstract: AbstractIt is usually assumed that the cost of abating pollution is the main deterrent of domestic support for international climate cooperation. In particular, some scholars have argued that, due to the burden of pollution abatement, businesses commonly constrain governments, which then take less cooperative positions on global climate agreements. I suggest that this argument needs further qualification: pollution-related costs rarely have unconditional effects on preferences for global climate agreements. Instead, a sector's pollution level is more likely to influence preferences for climate cooperation if mediated by its trade exposure. If pollution is high, firms in high-trade sectors may be less able to absorb climate regulation, and hence they should be more sensitive to climate cooperation. If pollution is low, firms in high-trade sectors may support climate cooperation, because by being more efficient they are more capable of adjusting to regulation. These dynamics should then affect governmental positions on global climate politics. I test my sectoral argument with original data from business statements and national communications at the United Nations climate negotiations. In line with my argument, I find that businesses in trade-open sectors are more likely to oppose climate agreement as their sector's emissions increase. I also find that in countries where high-emission sectors are open to trade, governments have low preferences for climate cooperation. The findings have implications for the domestic politics of environmental agreements and the distributive politics of global public good provision.
      PubDate: Tue, 27 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz062
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Measuring Racial Bias in International Migration Flows
    • Authors: Rosenberg A.
      Pages: 837 - 845
      Abstract: AbstractAre international migration flows racially biased' Despite widespread consensus that racism and xenophobia affect migration processes, no measure exists to provide systematic evidence on this score. In this research note, I construct such a measure—the migration deviation. Migration deviations are the difference between the observed migration between states, and the flow that we would predict based on a racially blind model that includes a wide variety of political and economic factors. Using this measure, I conduct a descriptive analysis and provide evidence that migrants from majority black states migrate far less than we would expect under a racially blind model. These results pave a new way for scholars to study international racial inequality.
      PubDate: Fri, 21 Jun 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz039
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Drones, Surveillance, and Violence: Theory and Evidence from a US Drone
           Program
    • Authors: Mir A; Moore D.
      Pages: 846 - 862
      Abstract: AbstractWe investigate the impact of the US drone program in Pakistan on insurgent violence. Using details about US-Pakistan counterterrorism cooperation and geocoded violence data, we show that the program was associated with monthly reductions of around nine to thirteen insurgent attacks and fifty-one to eighty-six casualties in the area affected by the program. This change was sizable, as in the year before the program, the affected area experienced around twenty-one attacks and one hundred casualties per month. Additional quantitative and qualitative evidence suggests that this drop is attributable to the drone program. However, the damage caused in strikes during the program cannot fully account for the reduction. Instead, anticipatory effects induced by the program played a prominent role in subduing violence. These effects stemmed from the insurgents’ perception of the risk of being targeted in drone strikes; their efforts to avoid targeting severely compromised their movement and communication abilities, in addition to eroding within-group trust. These findings contrast with prominent perspectives on air-power, counterinsurgency, and US counterterrorism, suggesting select drone deployments can be an effective tool of counterinsurgency and counterterrorism.
      PubDate: Fri, 12 Jul 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz040
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • One Dyadic Peace Leads to Another' Conflict Systems, Terminations, and
           Net Reduction in Fighting Groups
    • Authors: Quinn J; Joshi M, Melander E.
      Pages: 863 - 875
      Abstract: AbstractGovernments often fight multiple civil conflicts simultaneously and each conflict can have multiple groups. Prior research on civil war termination and recurrence has been conducted at either the conflict level, once all the groups have been terminated, or the dyadic level, which examines group terminations in a conflict separately as more or less independent processes. Hence, conflict-level studies mostly tell us how to preserve peace once a civil war has already ended, while dyadic studies mostly tell us about the durability of specific group-level terminations within the larger process that led to that ending. As a result, our understanding of how ongoing civil wars are brought to a close is limited, particularly, with respect to multiparty conflicts. In this study, we put forth a systems approach that treats dyadic terminations as connected processes where group terminations influence the future behavior of other groups, incentivizing the system toward greater aggregate peace or conflict. Analyzing 264 dyadic terminations, the findings suggest that the most effective strategy for governments to reduce systemic conflict is to demonstrate to other groups that they have the political will and capacity to implement security, political, and social reforms as part of a larger reform-oriented peace process. Viable implementation can be followed by the concomitant use of military victories against remaining groups with great success. However, military victories achieved in isolation, that is, outside of a reform-process, do not reduce future levels of conflict even if they themselves are durable.
      PubDate: Wed, 11 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz073
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Internal Politics and the Fragmentation of Armed Groups
    • Authors: Perkoski E.
      Pages: 876 - 889
      Abstract: AbstractArmed groups are prone to instability and fragmentation, but what explains variation among the new groups that emerge' I argue that the internal politics preceding organizational splits is critical. When it comes to the survival of breakaway groups, those forming around single issue areas gain an advantage by attracting more homogeneous, preference-aligned recruits. On the other hand, those forming over a variety of grievances attract a more heterogeneous population whose divergent views undermine cohesion and cooperation, necessitate hierarchy, and diminish the odds of organizational survival. I test this argument with a case study of two Republican groups from Northern Ireland—the Real Irish Republican Army and the Irish National Liberation Army. The findings confirm my argument and underscore the limited utility of studying organizational fractures from the sole perspective of contemporaneous external events like conciliation and repression. Rather, I show how internal political dynamics influence the composition, identity, and overall trajectory of breakaway groups. This has implications for designing effective counterinsurgent policies, for understanding the formation of armed groups, and for anticipating whether breakaway groups are likely to escalate, moderate, or adopt spoiling behavior.
      PubDate: Mon, 23 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz076
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Make Love, Not War: Do Single Young Men Cause Political Violence'
    • Authors: Kustra T.
      Pages: 890 - 896
      Abstract: AbstractThis article calls into question the theory that being single drives young men to commit political violence. It finds that, while the proportion of young men in a country has a statistically significant impact on the level of political violence in the country, whether or not these men are married has no additional impact. The result may appear to contradict the individual-level evidence that shows that young, unmarried men commit the overwhelming majority of political violence. Rebels and terrorists, however, make up only a small part of a country's population. If participating in political violence caused young men to be single, this would have a negligible impact on a country's proportion of single young men, thereby explaining why marital status is uncorrelated with political violence at the national level. It would also explain why the individual-level evidence shows that most terrorists and guerillas are single.
      PubDate: Wed, 07 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz034
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Civilians, Control, and Collaboration during Civil Conflict
    • Authors: Condra L; Wright A.
      Pages: 897 - 907
      Abstract: AbstractWhat affects civilian collaboration with armed actors during civil war' While theory and evidence confirm that harm by armed actors influences when and with whom civilians collaborate, we argue that collaboration is also a function of civilians’ perceptions of armed actors’ efforts to minimize collateral casualties. We test this argument using a series of nationwide surveys of Afghan civilians conducted quarterly between 2013 and 2015. Our data record civilian willingness to report roadside bombs to government authorities and perceptions of government and Taliban efforts to minimize civilian harm. Civilians are less (more) willing to collaborate with the government when they perceive the government (Taliban) carelessly using force, even after accounting for political sentiment, local security conditions, and a range of additional confounding factors. Moreover, our evidence suggests that perceived carelessness in the rival’s area of control influences collaboration. We discuss how these empirical results inform broader literatures on collaboration, conquest, occupation, and control.
      PubDate: Wed, 07 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz042
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Regulatory Convergence in the Financial Periphery: How Interdependence
           Shapes Regulators’ Decisions
    • Authors: Jones E; Zeitz A.
      Pages: 908 - 922
      Abstract: AbstractWe examine the processes by which regulations prevailing in countries at the core of the global economy spread to countries outside this small group. We show how specific cross-border relationships between banks, regulators, and investors generate regulatory interdependence that drives the diffusion of international standards from the standard-setting countries at the core of the financial system to the financial periphery. We argue that regulatory decisions in the financial periphery are shaped by the prior choices of regulators in other countries, mediated through four specific cross-border relationships associated with banking globalization. We draw on a new dataset of Basel II adoption in over ninety jurisdictions in the financial periphery. Using spatial lag models we show that regulators’ decisions over the adoption of international standards are shaped by the choices of regulators to whom they are connected through the cross-border operations of individual banks, international professional networks, and competition for capital. Our analysis underscores the value of parsing out the relevant actor-level linkages that connect countries: while international considerations shape regulatory decisions, what matters is not the extent to which countries are connected to the global economy but rather the nature of these connections.
      PubDate: Tue, 27 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz068
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Boilerplate in International Trade Agreements
    • Authors: Peacock C; Milewicz K, Snidal D.
      Pages: 923 - 937
      Abstract: AbstractNew international agreements often recycle language from previous agreements, using boilerplate solutions alongside customized provisions. The presence of boilerplate in international agreements has important implications for understanding how international rules are made. The determinants behind boilerplate in international agreements have not previously been systematically evaluated. Using original data from a sample of 348 preferential trade agreements (PTAs) adopted between 1989 and 2009, we combine novel text analysis measures with Latent Order Logistic (LOLOG) graph network techniques to assess the determinants behind boilerplate in labor and environmental provisions commonly found in PTAs. Our results indicate that whereas boilerplate can be used for both efficiency and distributive purposes, international boilerplate is used primarily for efficiency gains and power-distribution considerations are not systematically important.
      PubDate: Tue, 27 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz069
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Monetary Power Reconsidered: The Struggle between the Bundesbank and the
           Fed over Monetary Leadership
    • Authors: Krampf A.
      Pages: 938 - 951
      Abstract: AbstractThis article reexamines the theory of monetary power to explain the role of the Bundesbank (and Germany) in the emergence of the rules-based low-inflation regime in the late1980s and early 1990s. Our theory of monetary power draws on the notion of institutional power and the concept of monetary leadership, understood as the capacity to attract foreign investment, and thereby explains how domestic institutional features and contingent historical events affect countries’ external monetary power. This theory is employed to trace how the Bundesbank go-it-alone strategy in 1989 triggered a cross-national sequence of events that changed the international monetary order in a way that was consistent with the German interests. The transition was marked by a shift from the US-led pragmatist approach of international macroeconomic coordination to a rules-based approach founded on the principle of low-inflation–targeting. The article argues that this change took place despite the opposition of the Federal Reserve System (Fed) and the US Treasury. The article contributes to the literature on the decline of US hegemonic power as well as the literature on the mechanism of institutional change at the international level. It also sheds new light on current debates about the putative decline of the rules-based world order.
      PubDate: Mon, 19 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz060
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • E.H. Carr and IPE: An Essay in Retrieval
    • Authors: Germain R.
      Pages: 952 - 962
      Abstract: AbstractAlthough the work of E.H. Carr has a prominent place in the scholarly history of international relations (IR), it is notably absent from the discipline of international political economy (IPE). This is puzzling, because Carr's analysis of international politics places a strong emphasis on the organic connection between politics and economics on an international scale. On this reading, his principal publications on IR can also be seen to chart a sophisticated conceptualization of what I want to label historical IPE. This essay retrieves such a reading of Carr for the discipline of IPE. It begins by interrogating the way in which Carr's work has been appropriated by modern IPE scholarship, in order to highlight the limited use made of the political economy dimension of his research. I then explore the historical and political economy aspects of Carr's writings to consider how his contribution might advance recent contemporary theoretical debate in the discipline. I pay particular attention to how his work charts an historical conception of IPE that can synthesize and move beyond the rationalist/constructivist binary that currently dominates theorizing in the discipline.
      PubDate: Wed, 28 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz065
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Authoritarian Audiences, Rhetoric, and Propaganda in International Crises:
           Evidence from China
    • Authors: Weiss J; Dafoe A.
      Pages: 963 - 973
      Abstract: AbstractHow do government rhetoric and propaganda affect mass reactions in international crises' Using two scenario-based survey experiments in China, one hypothetical and one that selectively reminds respondents of recent events, we assess how government statements and propaganda impact Chinese citizens’ approval of their government's performance in its territorial and maritime disputes. We find evidence that citizens disapprove more of inaction after explicit threats to use force, suggesting that leaders can face public opinion costs akin to audience costs in an authoritarian setting. However, we also find evidence that citizens approve of bluster—vague and ultimately empty threats—suggesting that talking tough can provide benefits, even in the absence of tough action. In addition, narratives that invoke future success to justify present restraint increase approval, along with frames that emphasize a shared history of injustice at the hands of foreign powers.
      PubDate: Tue, 03 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz059
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Social Ties and the Strategy of Civil Resistance
    • Authors: Thurber C.
      Pages: 974 - 986
      Abstract: AbstractThis article examines the impact of social ties on a challenger's ability to initiate a civil resistance campaign. Recent waves of nonviolent uprisings, from the color revolutions of Eastern Europe to the Arab Spring, have sparked renewed scholarly interest in civil resistance as a strategy in conflict. However, most research has focused on the effectiveness and outcomes of civil resistance, with less attention paid to when, why, and how challengers to regime power come to embrace a strategy of nonviolent action in the first place. Drawing upon a longitudinal analysis of challenger organizations and coalitions in Nepal, this article illustrates how social ties inform challengers’ assessments of the viability of civil resistance and consequently shape their strategic behavior. The findings complicate state-centric approaches to contentious politics by showing how diverse actors within the same state face different sets of political opportunities and constraints. They also highlight the indeterminate effects of ideology, as variation in challengers’ social ties drive Gandhians to take up arms and Maoists to lay them down.
      PubDate: Sat, 13 Jul 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz049
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Electoral Rules, Interest Group Pressures, and the Price of Democratic
           Default
    • Authors: Connell B.
      Pages: 987 - 1000
      Abstract: AbstractConventional wisdom dictates that democracies are reliable in upholding their international commitments. However, this assertion is at odds with democratic behavior in sovereign borrowing where democracies have sometimes imposed considerable losses on foreign creditors. Why do some democracies choose to renege on extremely large portions of their sovereign debt during economic crisis' This article argues that costs incurred by creditors are dependent on how the borrowing state's electoral system aggregates competing domestic economic interests. Internationally oriented economic interests prefer to minimize creditor losses since sizeable debt reductions are more likely to compromise access to foreign credit. Conversely, workers and domestic-oriented economic interests prefer to maximize losses faced by foreign creditors in order to ease the costs of austerity at home. By shaping the political incentives of policymakers, I argue that democracies with candidate-centric electoral systems should be associated with sovereign defaults that are less costly for foreign creditors. Under these electoral systems, governments hold incentives to cater primarily to internationally oriented economic interests that are best able to overcome the costs of collective action. Statistical evidence from 53 sovereign debt restructurings between 1978 and 2012 supports the main argument.
      PubDate: Mon, 26 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz067
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Rhythm and Mobilization in International Relations
    • Authors: Solomon T.
      Pages: 1001 - 1013
      Abstract: AbstractInternational Relations (IR) has rarely considered rhythm as a topic of analytical attention. Yet rhythms permeate many social and political phenomena, and their study contributes to core debates and empirical insights in contemporary IR. Rhythms are similar to but distinct from other forms of repetitive, iterative social action that have garnered increasing interest in IR, such as practices, habits, and routines. Each of these phenomena has rhythmic elements, but not all rhythmic phenomena are practical, habitual, or routine. Rhythm, then, is a distinct category of iterative action that is effectively positioned to unpack a wider array of practices in a broader range of cases. Moreover, contrary to common conceptions as simple repetition, the multiplicity and dynamism of social rhythms hold the potential to produce novel political formations. This article outlines a framework for the study of rhythms in IR by delineating some key features of social rhythms and three kinds of sociopolitical effects that they have in collective contexts. These theoretical developments are empirically applied to understand neglected aspects of mass mobilization during the Arab uprisings of 2011.
      PubDate: Thu, 29 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz074
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • How Can We Criticize International Practices'
    • Authors: Schindler S; Wille T.
      Pages: 1014 - 1024
      Abstract: AbstractIn this article, we elaborate two distinct ways of criticizing international practices: social critique and pragmatic critique. Our argument is that these two forms of critique are systematically opposed to each other: They are based on opposing epistemic premises, they are motivated by opposing political concerns, and they pursue opposing visions of social progress. Scholars of International Relations (IR) who want to work with the conceptual tools of practice theory are thus confronted with a consequential choice. Understanding the alternatives can help them to be more self-reflexive in their research practices and intervene more forcefully in contemporary political debates. We illustrate these advantages through a discussion of the scholarly debate on the practices of multilateral diplomacy through which the United Nations Security Council authorized a military intervention in Libya in 2011.
      PubDate: Thu, 08 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz057
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • The Uncertainty Trade-off: Reexamining Opportunity Costs and War
    • Authors: Spaniel W; Malone I.
      Pages: 1025 - 1034
      Abstract: AbstractConventional wisdom about economic interdependence and international conflict predicts that increasing opportunity costs make war less likely, but some wars occur after costs grow. Why' We develop a model that shows that a nonmonotonic relationship exists between the costs and probability of war when there is uncertainty over resolve. Under these conditions, increasing the costs of an uninformed party's opponent has a second-order effect of exacerbating informational asymmetries about that opponent's willingness to maintain peace. We derive conditions under which war can occur more frequently and empirically showcase the model's implications through a case study of Sino-Indian relations from 1949 to 2007. This finding challenges how scholars traditionally believe economic interdependence mediates incentives to fight: instruments such as trade have competing effects on the probability of war.
      PubDate: Fri, 26 Jul 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz050
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • “Battling” for Legitimacy: Analyzing Performative Contests in the Gaza
           Flotilla Paradigmatic Case
    • Authors: Wajner D.
      Pages: 1035 - 1050
      Abstract: AbstractHow can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010' Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to outmaneuver their opponents on the battleground. However, an increasing number of clashes are guided by a “performance logic”: although the players interact with one another, their real targets are audiences. The present study aims to bridge this gap, proposing a phenomenological framework for analyzing this particular kind of performative contest over legitimation and delegitimation in contemporary conflicts. It expands upon the idea that current anarchical global politics increasingly lead contending actors to engage in “pure” legitimation struggles—“battles for legitimacy”—seeking to persuade international audiences that they deserve political support. After providing guidelines for the identification of these phenomena, this article presents a model for the methodical examination of their interactive dynamics based on three legitimation functions (appropriateness, consensus, empathy). This model is applied to the flotilla case by mapping the protagonists’ framing contests across “legitimation (battle)fields.” The findings of this study, which emphasize the strong interplay between normative, political, and emotional mechanisms for empowering (de)legitimation strategies, can contribute to expanding the research program concerning international legitimacy.
      PubDate: Fri, 26 Jul 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz047
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Do Self-Reporting Regimes Matter' Evidence from the Convention Against
           Torture
    • Authors: Creamer C; Simmons B.
      Pages: 1051 - 1064
      Abstract: AbstractInternational regulatory agreements depend largely on self-reporting for implementation, yet we know almost nothing about whether or how such mechanisms work. We theorize that self-reporting processes provide information for domestic constituencies, with the potential to create pressure for better compliance. Using original data on state reports submitted to the Committee Against Torture, we demonstrate the influence of this process on the pervasiveness of torture and inhumane treatment. We illustrate the power of self-reporting regimes to mobilize domestic politics through evidence of civil society participation in shadow reporting, media attention, and legislative activity around antitorture law and practice. This is the first study to evaluate systematically the effects of self-reporting in the context of a treaty regime on human rights outcomes. Since many international agreements rely predominantly on self-reporting, the results have broad significance for compliance with international regulatory regimes globally.
      PubDate: Tue, 02 Jul 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz043
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Human Rights versus National Interests: Shifting US Public Attitudes on
           the International Criminal Court
    • Authors: Zvobgo K.
      Pages: 1065 - 1078
      Abstract: AbstractThe United States—an architect of international criminal tribunals in the twentieth century—has since moderated its involvement in international justice. Striking to many observers is the United States’ failure to join the International Criminal Court—the institutional successor to the tribunals the nation helped install in Germany, Japan, the Balkans, and Rwanda. Interestingly, the US public’s support of the ICC increases yearly despite the government’s ambivalence about, and even hostility toward, the Court. Drawing on the US foreign policy public opinion literature, I theorize that human rights frames increase support for joining the ICC among Americans, whereas national interest frames decrease support. I administer an online survey experiment to evaluate these expectations and find consistent support. I additionally test hypotheses from the framing literature in American politics regarding the effect of exposure to two competing frames. I find that participants exposed to competing frames hold more moderate positions than participants exposed to a single frame but differ appreciably from the control group. Crucially, I find that participants’ beliefs about international organizations’ effectiveness and impartiality are equally, if not more, salient than the treatments. Thus, the ICC may be able to mobilize support and pressure policy change by demonstrating effectiveness and impartiality.
      PubDate: Tue, 13 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz056
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Promoting Compliance with Human Rights: The Performance of the United
           Nations’ Universal Periodic Review and Treaty Bodies
    • Authors: Carraro V.
      Pages: 1079 - 1093
      Abstract: AbstractWhat mechanisms facilitate state compliance with human rights' This article proposes and applies a model to assess the extent to which two United Nations human rights mechanisms—the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) and the state reporting procedure of the treaty bodies—are perceived as capable of stimulating compliance with human rights, and why. It does so by identifying a set of goals potentially achieved by these organizations—generating pressure, stimulating learning, providing an accurate overview of states’ performance, and delivering practically feasible recommendations—and testing the extent to which reaching these goals is seen to facilitate compliance with human rights. It concludes that the treaty bodies’ perceived strength lies in providing states with learning opportunities and an accurate overview of their internal situations. In contrast, the UPR is deemed particularly strong in generating peer and public pressure on states. From a theoretical point of view, this article shows that, under certain conditions, the three main theoretical schools on compliance—enforcement, management, and constructivist—offer credible explanations for states’ performance in implementing human rights recommendations, with the enforcement school faring relatively better than the other two. Data were collected by means of forty semi-structured interviews and an online survey.
      PubDate: Tue, 10 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz078
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Legitimacy and the Cognitive Sources of International Institutional
           Change: The Case of Regional Parliamentarization
    • Authors: Lenz T; Burilkov A, Viola L.
      Pages: 1094 - 1107
      Abstract: AbstractHow and under what conditions does legitimacy affect processes of international institutional change' This article specifies and evaluates three causal mechanisms by which variation in legitimacy induces institutional change in international organizations (IOs) and argues that an important, yet hitherto neglected, source of legitimacy-based change is cognitive in nature. Using survival analysis, we evaluate these mechanisms with a novel dataset on the establishment of parliamentary institutions in thirty-six regional organizations between 1950 and 2010. We find that the empowerment of supranational secretariats, engagement with the European Union, and parliamentarization in an organization's neighborhood increase the likelihood of regional parliamentarization. This suggests that legitimacy judgments that draw on cognitive referents provide an important source of international institutional change. We illustrate the underlying cognitive emulation mechanism with a case study of parliamentarization in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
      PubDate: Mon, 19 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz051
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • The Dark Side of Cooperation: International Organizations and Member
           Corruption
    • Authors: Hafner-Burton E; Schneider C.
      Pages: 1108 - 1121
      Abstract: AbstractPolitical corruption is rampant in—and destructive to—many parts of the world. A growing number of international organizations (IOs) claim to address the problem by encouraging good governance norms and rules, such as anti-corruption standards and practices. Whether membership in IOs dampens corruption, however, is unclear. Our central argument is that the characteristics of IO membership determine both whether corruption is tolerated and the extent to which formal anti-corruption rules effectively combat the problem. First, groups of corrupt states are reticent to enforce good governance norms or rules against other IO members, rendering punishment for corruption incredible. Second, leaders may witness the value of corruption to their IO peers and learn to act the same way. Using a variety of data sources and estimation strategies, including new data on IO anti-corruption mandates, we demonstrate that: (1) countries that participate in member-corrupted IOs are significantly more likely to engage in corruption themselves—and experience an increase in corruption over time—than are countries that participate in less corrupt IOs; and (2) this tolerance for corruption occurs even within IOs that have adopted formal anti-corruption mandates, rendering good governance rules largely cheap talk among organizations governed by corrupt principles.
      PubDate: Mon, 19 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz064
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • How Do Prior Rulings Affect Future Disputes'
    • Authors: Kucik J.
      Pages: 1122 - 1132
      Abstract: AbstractInternational dispute systems are often designed so that dispute body rulings do not set precedent. Yet governments have incentives to learn from prior decisions. Past rulings convey important information about how the law is applied. This is especially true in the World Trade Organization (WTO), where disputes frequently occur between the same members and over the same issues. I argue that case law increases the likelihood of early settlement. This helps explain why fifty percent of WTO cases end prior to a formal ruling. I use new data on the direction of ruling on each legal claim made in the first 450 WTO disputes. The results show that litigants are significantly more likely to settle early given the presence of previous legal decisions.
      PubDate: Mon, 19 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz063
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Density and Decline in the Founding of International NGOs in the United
           States
    • Authors: Bush S; Hadden J.
      Pages: 1133 - 1146
      Abstract: AbstractIt is now commonplace for scholars to note that the number of international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) has exploded. But, in recent years, the growth rate of INGOs globally and in the United States has stagnated. We argue this stagnation can best be explained by changes in the environment in which INGOs work. Specifically, the now dense population environment discourages new INGOs from being founded, while also encouraging competition. Analysis of a new, comprehensive dataset on American INGOs between 1992 and 2012 supports the argument, as do case studies of trends within the environmental conservation and democracy assistance sectors. The analysis suggests that debates about INGO cooperation and competition overlook a key environmental factor that varies across and within populations of organizations: density. We draw out the implications of this approach for contemporary global governance.
      PubDate: Wed, 21 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz061
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • The Causes and Effects of Leaks in International Negotiations
    • Authors: Castle M; Pelc K.
      Pages: 1147 - 1162
      Abstract: AbstractInternational negotiations are founded on secrecy. Yet, unauthorized leaks of negotiating documents have grown common. What are the incentives behind leaks, and what are their effects on bargaining between states' Specifically, are leaks offensive or defensive: are they intended to spur parties to make more ambitious commitments, or are they more often intended to claw back commitments made' We examine these questions in the context of trade negotiations, the recurring form of which affords us rare empirical traction on an otherwise elusive issue. We assemble the first dataset of its kind, covering 120 discrete leaks from 2006 to 2015. We find that leaks are indeed rising in number. Leaks are clustered around novel legal provisions and appear to be disproportionately defensive: they serve those actors intent on limiting commitments made. The European Union (EU) appears responsible for the majority of leaks occurring worldwide. Using party manifesto data to track changing ideological positions within the EU, we find that the occurrence of leaks correlates with opposition to economic liberalization within the average EU political party. Moreover, leaks appear effective in shifting public debate. We examine trade officials’ internal communications and media coverage in the wake of a specific leak of negotiations between Canada and the EU. A given negotiating text attracts more negative coverage when it is leaked than when the same text is officially released. In sum, political actors leak information strategically to mobilize domestic audiences toward their preferred negotiating outcome.
      PubDate: Wed, 07 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz048
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • The Diplomatic Presentation of the State in International Crises:
           Diplomatic Collaboration during the US-Iran Hostage Crisis
    • Authors: Banks D.
      Pages: 1163 - 1174
      Abstract: AbstractTheories of crisis (de-)escalation often focus on conflict, stress, and information problems. However, crisis (de-)escalation may sometimes hinge on how de-escalation is interpreted by domestic audiences. In this article, I combine Putnam's two-level games model of diplomacy with Erving Goffman's concepts of interaction order and face to create a mechanism I call “diplomatic presentation.” I show how diplomatic presentation can be instrumental for the crafting of diplomatic outcomes that states believe are in their mutual interest but that run the risk of being rejected by their domestic publics. Successful diplomatic presentation requires that states collude together to manage their performance, engage in teamwork, and control the impact of unsympathetic audiences. In evaluating this mechanism, I analyze the diplomacy surrounding the Iran Hostage Crisis. During this crisis, regime officials from the United States and Iran colluded in a theatrical “scenario,” in which both sides adopted specific roles in order to satisfy the sentiments of US and Iranian publics. I show that complications regarding the presentation of this scenario explain escalation of the crisis better than prominent alternatives. This argument contributes to the growing literature on symbolic diplomacy in international relations, while also challenging common assumptions about the adversarial nature of crises.
      PubDate: Tue, 16 Jul 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz055
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Destroying Trust in Government: Effects of a Broken Pact among Colombian
           Ex-Combatants
    • Authors: Kreutz J; Nussio E.
      Pages: 1175 - 1188
      Abstract: AbstractMistrust between conflict parties after civil war is a major hurdle to sustainable peace. However, existing research focuses on elite interactions and has not examined the trust relationship between government and rank-and-file members of armed groups, despite their importance for postconflict stability. We use the unexpected decision of the Colombian government to extradite top-level former paramilitary leaders to the United States in 2008 to identify how a peace deal reversal influences ex-combatants’ trust in government. In theory, they may lose trust for instrumental reasons, if they suffer personal costs, or for normative reasons, if they think the government is failing its commitments. Using quasi-experimental survey evidence, we find that extradition decreases trust substantially among ex-paramilitaries, but not in a comparison group of ex-guerrillas not part of the same peace deal. Even though paramilitaries are seen as particularly opportunistic, our evidence suggests that normative rather than instrumentalist considerations led to trust erosion.
      PubDate: Thu, 08 Aug 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz058
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Lost in Misconceptions about Social Identity Theory
    • Authors: Larson D; Shevchenko A.
      Pages: 1189 - 1191
      Abstract: AbstractDissatisfied with their relative standing in the world, China and Russia are challenging the US-dominated liberal order. Could US accommodation of their status concerns reduce conflict' The psychological rationale for status accommodation is rooted in the insights of social identity theory (SIT), which argues that persistent status denial leads lower-status groups to “lash out.” Steven Ward (2017) objects that political scientists have misinterpreted SIT. In his view, impermeable group boundaries only affect individuals and do not lead to intergroup conflict. Ward's narrow critique overlooks the larger meaning and significance of SIT, which is about how frustration and anger over status barriers and unfair treatment motivate lower-status groups to challenge the status quo. Social competition is positional and zero-sum. Given the insights of SIT, Ward's recommendation that the United States demonstrate to China and Russia the futility of status competition is likely to provoke a backlash and increase the risk of military conflict. Instead, SIT implies a continuing process of status accommodation and efforts to maintain the legitimacy and stability of US leadership.
      PubDate: Wed, 11 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz071
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Do Democracies Possess the Wisdom of Crowds' Decision Group Size,
           Regime Type, and Strategic Effectiveness
    • Authors: Blagden D.
      Pages: 1192 - 1195
      Abstract: AbstractWhat is it about democracies—if anything—that enables them to avoid war with each other while navigating conflictual international politics in pursuit of their own interests' Recent research in International Studies Quarterly by Brad LeVeck and Neil Narang (2017) provides an elegant new answer to this longstanding question. Drawing on “wisdom of crowds” logic—the insight that a large-enough group of inexpert judges is more likely to average towards an accurate estimate of a continuous variable than a smaller group, even when the smaller group contains relevant experts—supported by experimental evidence, they suggest that democracies’ strategic advantages lie in their large, diverse decision-making communities. If such crowd wisdom equips democracies to accurately assess others’ capabilities and intentions, so the argument goes, then they should be better than alternative regime types at maximizing their own interests while still avoiding the bargaining failure that is resort to war. Unfortunately, however, the politics of democratic foreign policy-making compromise the crowd-wisdom mechanism. This response article thus elucidates key flaws in the argument that crowd wisdom underpins democratic peace, before progressing to explain how the crowd-wisdom insight nonetheless carries important implications—irrespective of regime type—for strategic effectiveness.
      PubDate: Wed, 11 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz072
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
  • Corrigendum to “Promoting Compliance with Human Rights: The Performance
           of the United Nations' Universal Periodic Review and Treaty Bodies”
    • Pages: 1196 - 1196
      PubDate: Wed, 25 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT
      DOI: 10.1093/isq/sqz081
      Issue No: Vol. 63, No. 4 (2019)
       
 
 
JournalTOCs
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
Edinburgh, EH14 4AS, UK
Email: journaltocs@hw.ac.uk
Tel: +00 44 (0)131 4513762
Fax: +00 44 (0)131 4513327
 
Home (Search)
Subjects A-Z
Publishers A-Z
Customise
APIs
Your IP address: 35.170.81.210
 
About JournalTOCs
API
Help
News (blog, publications)
JournalTOCs on Twitter   JournalTOCs on Facebook

JournalTOCs © 2009-