Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 1161 journals)
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    - POLITICAL SCIENCE (967 journals)

POLITICAL SCIENCE (967 journals)            First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Showing 201 - 281 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
Democratization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Democrazia e diritto     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Demokratie und Geschichte     Hybrid Journal  
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Der Donauraum     Hybrid Journal  
Desafíos     Open Access  
Development and Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 59)
Digest of Middle East Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Digital Government : Research and Practice     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Diplomacy & Statecraft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription  
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Earth System Governance     Open Access  
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies     Hybrid Journal  
Eastern Review     Open Access  
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Ekonomi, İşletme, Siyaset ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi     Open Access  
El Banquete de los Dioses     Open Access  
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 44)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Encuentro     Open Access  
Entramados y Perspectivas     Open Access  
Environment and Planning C : Politics and Space     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 41)
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios digital     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Ethics & International Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 17)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Éthique publique     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription  
Eunomia. Rivista semestrale del Corso di Laurea in Scienze Politiche e delle Relazioni Internazionali     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
European Journal for Security Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
European Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal  
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 62)
European Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 61)
European Journal of Political Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 86)
European Journal of Political Research : Political Data Yearbook     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
European Journal of Politics and Gender     Hybrid Journal  
European Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal  
European Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
European Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
European Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
European Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
European Union Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 55)
European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Eurostudia     Open Access  
Evaluation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Evaluation and Program Planning     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Evidence Base : A journal of evidence reviews in key policy areas     Open Access  
Exchange : The Journal of Public Diplomacy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Fascism     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Federal Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Fédéralisme Régionalisme     Open Access  
FEU Academic Review     Open Access  
Fijian Studies: A Journal of Contemporary Fiji     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Financial Times     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 39)
Foreign Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 52)
Foreign Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Foreign Policy Bulletin     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Foro Interno. Anuario de Teoría Política     Open Access  
French Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Frontiers in Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Gaceta Laboral     Open Access  
Genocide Studies International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Geographische Zeitschrift     Full-text available via subscription  
Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Geopolitics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Geopolitics under Globalization     Open Access  
German Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
German Politics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Germinal : Marxismo e Educação em Debate     Open Access  
Gestão & Regionalidade     Open Access  
Ghana Journal of Development Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Ghana Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 15)
Global Affairs     Hybrid Journal  
Global Change, Peace & Security: formerly Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 411)
Global Discourse : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Global Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 48)
Global Journal of Peace Research and Praxis     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Global Media Journal : African Edition     Open Access  
Global Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Global Societies Journal     Open Access  
Global Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Global South, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Global War Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Göç Dergisi     Full-text available via subscription  
Good Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Governare la paura. Journal of interdisciplinary studies     Open Access  
Government and Opposition     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 24)
Granì     Open Access  
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Hague Journal of Diplomacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Hegel Bulletin     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Helsinki Monitor     Hybrid Journal  
Hic Rhodus : Crisis capitalista, polémica y controversias     Open Access  
Historia i Polityka     Open Access  
History of Communism in Europe     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Hommes & Migrations     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
HONAI : International Journal for Educational, Social, Political & Cultural Studies     Open Access  
Horyzonty Polityki     Open Access  
Human Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 59)
Human Rights Case Digest     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Human Rights Law Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 66)
Human Rights Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 72)
Human Rights Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 27)
Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration     Open Access  
Idäntutkimus     Open Access  
identidade!     Open Access  
Identities : Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Identity Papers : A Journal of British and Irish Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
IDP. Revista de Internet, Derecho y Politica     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ids Practice Papers     Hybrid Journal  
IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Indes : Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft     Hybrid Journal  
Index on Censorship     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
India Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Indialogs : Spanish Journal of India Studies     Open Access  
Indonesia Prime     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Indonesian Journal of Community Engagement     Open Access  
Innovation Policy and the Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Innovations : Technology, Governance, Globalization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Insight on Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
InSURgência : revista de direitos e movimentos sociais     Open Access  
Intelligence & National Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
Interdisciplinary Political Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Interdisziplinäre Zeitschrift für Südasienforschung     Open Access  
Interest Groups & Advocacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Interfaces Brasil/Canadá     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 70)
International Area Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Communication of Chinese Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
International Critical Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Gramsci Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Interactions: Empirical and Theoretical Research in International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Area Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
International Journal of Children's Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
International Journal of E-Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of East Asian Studies     Open Access  
International Journal of Electronic Government Research     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of Environmental Policy and Decision Making     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Group Tensions     Hybrid Journal  
International Journal of Human Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 59)
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 583)
International Journal of Intercultural Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
International Journal of Peace Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
International Journal of Press/Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
International Journal of Refugee Law     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 39)
International Journal of Sexuality and Gender Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
International Journal of Social Quality     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Sustainable Development and World Ecology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Journal on Minority and Group Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
International Migration     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
International Migration Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 291)
International Negotiation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
International NGO Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
International Organization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 108)
International Peacekeeping     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 473)
International Political Science Abstracts     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
International Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 98)
International Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 41)
International Quarterly for Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Regional Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
International Review of Public Policy     Open Access  
International Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 79)
International Socialism     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International Spectator : Italian Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
International Studies Perspectives     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Studies Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 55)
International Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
International Theory: A Journal of International Politics, Law and Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Irish Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Israel Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)

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Similar Journals
Journal Cover
European Journal of International Relations
Journal Prestige (SJR): 2.796
Citation Impact (citeScore): 3
Number of Followers: 62  
Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal   * Containing 4 Open Access Open Access article(s) in this issue *
ISSN (Print) 1354-0661 - ISSN (Online) 1460-3713
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1088 journals]
  • Amoral realism or just war morality' Disentangling different
           conceptions of necessity
    • Authors: Masakazu Matsumoto
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This paper addresses a misconception in the popular contrast between amoral realism and just war theory and clarifies the linguistic source of the misconception by disentangling the two interpretations of necessity. First, we can, and should, distinguish the Thucydidean “causal” conception of necessity, which is the basis for just war thinkers when they attack realist thought, from the Machiavellian “telic” conception. The paper, then, proceeds to reconsider the relationship between realism and morality through a textual analysis of representative contemporary realist theories and clarifies that their necessity judgments contain both causal and telic meanings. According to those supporting the moral view, the pursuit of national interest and security can be interpreted as emerging from their sense of moral duty. Realists are, even if partially, in line with just war theorists in evaluating the moral appropriateness of a war in itself and its methods. Finally, the paper explores the substantive disagreement between the two camps regarding the principle of discrimination, to demonstrate why they should still be assumed to have separate theories. In conclusion, their difference lies in not whether they place importance on the necessity judgment, among other considerations on the morality of war, but the extent to which they do so.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-03-24T12:01:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120910233
  • From armed conflict to urban violence: transformations in the
           International Committee of the Red Cross, international humanitarianism,
           and the laws of war
    • Authors: Miriam Bradley
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The International Committee of the Red Cross traditionally seeks to protect and assist victims of armed conflict. Over the past 10 years, however, the International Committee of the Red Cross and several other major international humanitarian agencies have turned their attention to situations of urban violence that fall short of the international humanitarian law thresholds for armed conflict. This article examines the institutional consequences of expanding the International Committee of the Red Cross mandate to include urban violence, to make a three-fold argument. First, the incorporation of urban violence into its mandate has led to significant and surprising shifts in the organization’s humanitarian boundaries: from eschewing any effort to prevent or reduce conflict and prioritising neutrality and dialogue with all parties to conflict, the International Committee of the Red Cross has begun engaging in violence-prevention and violence-reduction activities, compromising its neutrality and limiting dialogue with some armed groups. Second, because the International Committee of the Red Cross is such an important and influential actor in international humanitarianism, these shifts in its boundaries have the potential to transform definitions of humanitarianism. Third, these shifts may serve to undermine the moral authority of the International Committee of the Red Cross to persuade combatants in international humanitarian law contexts to comply with international humanitarian law, irrespective of the rightness or wrongness of their or their opponents’ goals. Ultimately, then, they may erode the distinction between jus ad bellum and jus in bello in the laws of war.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-03-07T10:14:11Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120908637
  • Loyalty in world politics
    • Authors: Lauge N Skovgaard Poulsen
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Loyalty is part of the glue that holds relationships together in times of difficulty. Surprisingly, however, hardly any literature exists on the role of loyalty in International Relations. The concept is routinely invoked – not least the notion of the ‘loyal ally’ – but typically only in passing and often based on questionable assumptions about the nature and effect of loyalty. Building on literature in moral philosophy on the ethics of loyalty, this paper presents loyalty as persistently partial behaviour driven by affective attachments. Such attachments are, in turn, driven mainly by a sense of shared social identity but also the interaction between subjects and objects of loyalty. I show how this understanding of loyalty differs from how most political scientists use the concept and illustrate why it matters for the study of world politics.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-29T09:07:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120905895
  • What do I get' How do states’ negotiation alternatives influence the
           concessions they receive in multilateral negotiations'
    • Authors: Heather Elko McKibben
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      When will states receive concessions in multilateral negotiations' And on which issues are those concessions likely to be received' I highlight two factors that influence the likelihood a state will receive concessions on an issue in multilateral negotiations: (1) the degree to which the issues linked together in the negotiation are “differently valued” by the negotiating states, and (2) the costliness of states’ “best alternative to a negotiated agreement” on each individual issue. The former creates the opportunity for an exchange of concessions; the latter creates the incentive for that exchange to occur. It is the interaction of having more differently valued issues on the table and having a more costly best alternative to a negotiated agreement on an issue that makes a state more likely to receive concessions on that issue. This argument stands in contrast to the standard negotiation literature, which has shown that having a more beneficial best alternative to a negotiated agreement will yield greater concessions. I argue that these contradictory assertions exist because there are two types of best alternatives to a negotiated agreement that must be taken into account – one at the negotiation level and those at the issue-specific level. The current literature has tended to focus on the former while I focus on the latter. I test my argument on an originally constructed dataset of concessions states received in the Uruguay Round trade negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. For each issue in the Round, I coded the costliness of each state's issue-specific best alternative to a negotiated agreement and the level of concessions it received on that issue. The results provide insights into the workings of multilateral negotiations.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-29T09:07:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120906875
  • Shifting targets: the effect of peacekeeping on postwar violence
    • Authors: Corinne Bara
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Existing research shows that peace after civil wars is more stable with peacekeepers present. Yet, violence persists in many postwar contexts, and although postwar violence is often strategic and closely linked to the faultlines of the preceding war, we know little about the impact of peacekeepers on such violence. What we know, moreover, focuses on the former combatants, while this study shows that the majority of deaths in postwar violence are inflicted by other armed actors. This is a challenge for peacekeepers who – for mandate or capacity reasons – usually focus on the warring parties. I argue that the impact of peacekeepers on postwar violence hinges on the extent to which they fill a public security gap after war, since responsibility for violence not covered by a mission’s mandate lies with the often dysfunctional security agencies of the state. To test this I use a novel spatial approach to generate data that captures the manifold manifestations of violence across different postwar contexts. I find that only UN police – with their broader effect on public security – mitigate postwar violence generally. UN troops have some impact on civilian targeting by former combatants but no such effect could be identified for violence by other armed actors. The findings highlight the importance of peacekeeping police at a time when the modus operandi and capacity of UN police have been questioned, but also the importance of accounting for a multitude of violent actors when analysing the impact of international interventions more generally.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-10T11:59:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120902503
  • Organizing for performance: coalition effectiveness on the battlefield
    • Authors: Rosella Cappella Zielinski, Ryan Grauer
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      States often fight side-by-side on the battlefield. As detailed in our new dataset, Belligerents in Battle, 178 of the 480 major land battles fought during interstate wars waged between 1900 and 2003 involved at least one multinational coalition. Though coalition partners fight battles together to increase their odds of securing specific objectives, they vary significantly in their capacity to do so. Why' Drawing on organization theory insights, we argue that coalitions’ variable battlefield effectiveness is a function of interactions between their command structures and the resources each partner brings to the fight. Coalitions adopting command structures tailored to simultaneously facilitate the efficient use of partners’ variably sized resource contributions and discourage free-riding, shirking, and other counterproductive actions will fight effectively; those that employ inappropriate command structures will not. Evidence from Anglo-French operations during World War I and Axis operations during World War II strongly supports our claim. For scholars, our argument and findings about the importance of military organizational dynamics for the operation and performance of coalitions raise important new questions and provide potential insights about coalition formation, duration, and termination. For practitioners, it is significant that, since 1990, 36 of 49 of major battles in interstate wars have involved at least one coalition and the majority of those coalitions have been, like the cases we study, ad hoc in nature. Understanding how command arrangements affect performance and getting organization right at the outset of wars is increasingly important.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-10T11:58:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120903369
  • Feeling their pain: affective empathy and public preferences for foreign
           development aid
    • Authors: A. Burcu Bayram, Marcus Holmes
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Bringing together psychological approaches to empathy with research on public preferences for foreign development aid, we shed light on the role empathy plays in global helping behavior. We argue individuals combine their affective empathic responses with situational factors when forming foreign aid preferences. Testing our theory with two novel experiments embedded in a national survey of US citizens, we find that affective empathy not only predicts the individual variation in foreign aid preferences but also explains why Americans weigh aid effectiveness and recipient deservingness—the two important situational aspects of foreign aid—differently. We show that the ability to feel others’ pain is what facilitates global helping behavior, not simply knowing their pain. However, even though this affective ability moderates the impact of aid effectiveness, it amplifies that of recipient merit. Our results contribute to a richer understanding of when empathy facilitates public support for foreign development aid and add to the burgeoning research program on behavioral international politics.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-12-30T12:19:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119890915
  • Interactionist role theory meets ontological security studies: an
           exploration of synergies between socio-psychological approaches to the
           study of International Relations
    • Authors: Stephan Klose
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This article argues that interactionist role theory holds much potential for complementing the ontological security literature in the field of International Relations. Concretely, the article argues that an interactionist role theory perspective promises to supplement the ontological security literature in at least two significant respects. First, it allows for a better understanding of how an international actor’s (capacity to provide) ontological security is tied to its ability to realize its ‘self’ in society through the making and playing of roles (and the subsequent casting of others). Second, it emphasizes how reflective intelligence enables an international actor to address destabilizing disconnects between its ‘self’-image and societal role-play, and to develop a measure of ontological resilience (a capacity to constructively engage with – and to recover from – ontological security challenges). To illustrate this argument, the article provides a case study, which explores, from an interactionist role theory perspective, how the European Union’s ontological security has been strengthened, challenged and restored in its interaction with its Southern and Eastern Neighbourhood.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-12-06T02:16:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119889401
  • Do sanctions spell disaster' Economic sanctions, political
           institutions, and technological safety
    • Authors: Elena V McLean, Taehee Whang
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Sanctions restrict or terminate economic relations between two or more countries, directly and negatively influencing sanctioned countries’ companies. We argue that sanctions are similar to recessions—both reduce economic activity in affected countries. Less economic activity results in a lower accident risk as companies use their productive facilities less. Reduced revenues also force companies to adjust by cutting costs, which includes spending on safety. Hence, accident damage should increase under sanctions. Governments can intervene by enforcing safety regulations, and their incentives to do so are stronger in democracies, where citizens can more easily remove politicians from office. Therefore, accident damage increases only in nondemocratic countries, while democracies succeed in maintaining technological safety and hence sanctions do not affect accident damage.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-11-29T02:38:44Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119887422
  • How to challenge an international order: Russian diplomatic practices in
           multilateral security organisations
    • Authors: Olivier Schmitt
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Many policy and academic debates focus on the extent to which Russia is a revisionist power challenging the ‘liberal world order’. However, there is little agreement on the primary motives explaining the behaviour of Russia, some pointing to her unsatisfied great power ambitions and neo-imperial ideologies, and others to genuine security concerns. Adjudicating those claims is important because of their policy implications for engagement and/or deterrence towards Russia. This article contributes to this debate through a theoretical contribution to practice-based approaches to International Relations. Using De Certeau’s understanding of practices, it analyses Russian diplomatic practices in multilateral security organisations and illustrates how this helps infer foreign policy motives, contrary to the field-specific relationalism of Bourdieu-inspired practice approaches. Empirically, it builds on 126 interviews and participant observation in three multilateral security organisations (the United Nations, the NATO–Russia Council and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe). The article shows that at least since 2014, Russian diplomats in the three organisations consistently defend policies and use narratives that reveal more interest in status recognition, sometimes at the expense of security concerns.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-11-11T08:52:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119886024
  • Conditional effects of development aid on political perceptions:
           mixed-methods evidence from North-East Afghanistan
    • Authors: Alexander De Juan, Kristóf Gosztonyi, Jan Koehler
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Can aid create political trust in conflict-affected states' International aid organizations often argue that supporting states in providing basic services can contribute to strengthening state–society relations. Previous studies in international development have indicated that the provision of basic services can indeed improve people’s attitudes towards state institutions. We take this research a step further: in addition to analysing the impact of aid on political trust, we assess how violence influences this effect. We argue that aid can create opportunities for constructive state–society interactions. As violence increases, however, development-related interactions are crowded out by security-related ones. Violence also fosters corrupt aid governance, which undermines the positive effects of aid on public perceptions. We analyse this hypothesis with a mixed-methods research design that combines original opinion survey data with qualitative interview material systematically collected in 252 villages of northeast Afghanistan. Based on a combination of (a) quantitative analyses, (b) a comparison of most-similar villages, (c) a systematic comparison of qualitative survey response patterns across levels of insecurity, and (d) an in-depth analysis of interview material on aid and trust in highly insecure areas, we show that violence negatively impacts the relative relevance as well as the quality of aid-related state–society interactions. These findings indicate that international aid agencies should refocus from mainly output-oriented project appraisal, design, and monitoring to a stronger process orientation that maximizes state–society interaction and prevents elite capture in areas exposed to high levels of violence.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-11-11T08:51:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119883686
  • Transforming refugees into migrants: institutional change and the politics
           of international protection
    • Authors: Lama Mourad, Kelsey P Norman
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Since the 2015 refugee “crisis,” much has been made of the distinction between the legal category of refugee and migrant. While migration scholars have accounted for the increased blurring of these two categories through explanations of institutional drift and policy layering, we argue that the intentional policies utilized by states and international organizations to minimize legal avenues for refugees to seek protection should also be considered. We identify four practices of policy “conversion” that have also led to the increasingly problematic distinction between migrants and refugees: (1) limiting access to territory through burden-shifting and other practices of extraterritorialization; (2) limiting access to asylum and local integration through procedural and administrative hindrances; (3) the use of group-based criteria as a basis of exclusion; (4) the inclusion of non-Convention criteria within resettlement schemes. Drawing upon a historical institutionalist approach and a wide array of empirical sources—including 3 years of combined primary field research conducted in Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, and Turkey between 2013 and 2016—we demonstrate that states are actively pursuing a greater degree of control over the selection of refugees, in practice making refugee resettlement closer to another immigration track rather than a unique status that compels state responsibility.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-11-06T01:44:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119883688
  • Frontier justice: international law and ‘lawless’ spaces in the “War
           on Terror”
    • Authors: Alexandria J Nylen
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      How does the discourse of international law facilitate extraterritorial state violence' This paper synthesizes insights from International Relations, comparative politics, and legal studies in order to explore how the sovereign foundations of international law may render “frontier territories” exceptionally vulnerable to external military intervention. I argue that international law’s focus on sovereignty constitutes frontier territories as “ambiguous,” which leads to discursive conflicts over how to define these spaces, what is considered “legal” and “illegal” action within them, and who gets to define their status. All of this creates a conducive environment for powerful international governments to denigrate frontier territories as “lawless,” by rhetorically constructing them as exceptional legal spaces that do not deserve the same protections as areas ordered by sovereign ideals. To illuminate this empirically, I conduct a discourse analysis of 16 distinct legal documents from the Obama White House, including internal memorandums and public speeches on the legal standing of drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-11-06T01:43:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119883682
  • Racial sovereignty
    • Authors: Kerem Nisancioglu
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This article explores how International Relations (IR) might better conceptualise and analyse an underexplored but constitutive relationship between race and sovereignty. I begin with a critical analysis of the ‘orthodox account’ of sovereignty which, I argue, produces an analytical and historical separation of race and sovereignty by: (1) abstracting from histories of colonial dispossession; (2) treating racism as a resolved issue in IR. Against the orthodox account, I develop the idea of ‘racial sovereignty’ as a mode of analysis which can: (1) overcome the historical abstractions in the orthodox account; (2) disclose the ongoing significance of racism in international politics. I make this argument in three moves. Firstly, I present a history of the 17th century struggle between ‘settlers’ and ‘natives’ over the colonisation of Virginia. This history, I argue, discloses the centrality of dispossession and racialisation in the attendant attempts of English settlers to establish sovereignty in the Americas. Secondly, by engaging with criticisms of ‘recognition’ found in the anticolonial tradition, I argue that the Virginian experience is not simply of historical interest or localised importance but helps us better understand racism as ongoing and structural. I then demonstrate how contemporary assertions of sovereignty in the context of Brexit disclose a set of otherwise concealed colonial and racialised relations. I conclude with the claim that interrogations of racial sovereignty are not solely of historical interest but are of political significance for our understanding of the world today.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-11-05T12:35:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119882991
  • The Responsibility to Protect norm cluster and the challenge of atrocity
           prevention: an analysis of the European Union’s strategy in Myanmar
    • Authors: Eglantine Staunton, Jason Ralph
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This article investigates the complex relationship between atrocity prevention and other related – yet distinct – norms of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm cluster. It analyses how this cluster operates to help states, and other actors, properly discharge their responsibility. Central to the analysis is the realisation that abstractly aligned norms can clash in practice. Based on an extensive analysis of the 67 European Union (EU) documents and statements referring to R2P, and drawing on elite interviews with EU diplomats, we find that atrocity prevention has been ‘grafted’ onto the EU’s other normative commitments – including conflict resolution and democracy promotion – without sufficient acknowledgement of the cluster’s complexity and the need to prioritise atrocity prevention vis-à-vis these other linked norms. We ask whether this framing not only filtered but also diluted the normative power of atrocity prevention, leading to policies that manifestly failed to prevent the genocide that occurred in Myanmar from 2017. We find that the grafting of atrocity prevention onto related yet distinct norms contributed to an underestimation of the threat of genocide and a misplaced faith in the ability of democratic transition to prevent atrocity. However, we also find that factors unrelated to the normative framing of R2P influenced the EU’s willingness and ability to respond to atrocity crimes that occurred in the lead up to the genocide that began in 2017. The article contributes to our understanding of the as yet unstated normative implication of clustering norms and the EU’s implementation of R2P.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-11-01T12:55:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119883001
  • The rise of democratic legitimation: why international organizations speak
           the language of democracy
    • Authors: Klaus Dingwerth, Henning Schmidtke, Tobias Weise
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      To justify their authority, international organizations (IOs) have long relied on a functional narrative that highlights effective problem-solving based on rational-legal expertise and neutrality. Today, IOs increasingly legitimize their authority in the language of democracy. Yet not all of them do so to the same extent, in the same manner, or consistently over time. In this article, we offer a comprehensive theoretical and empirical account of democratic legitimation in global governance. Our analysis builds on a new dataset, measuring the extent to which global IOs use democratic narratives in legitimizing their authority throughout the period from 1980 to 2011. The central findings are threefold. First, our data reveal a far-reaching rise of democratic legitimation in global governance. For many organizations, this increase remains relatively modest; for others, the democratic legitimation narrative becomes central. Second, this variation is mainly explained by a combination of two factors: (a) public visibility and protest constitute the driving forces of democratic legitimation and (b) IOs’ reaction to these legitimacy pressures unfolds in a path-dependent manner. Once organizations begin to take up democratic narratives, it seems to become costly to leave this path and shift to yet another set of norms. By contrast, the conventional wisdom that democratic legitimation follows in the footsteps of internationalized authority is not supported by our analysis.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-10-31T06:08:38Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119882488
  • Banishing dominance in Europe: The case for regional cosmopolitanism
    • Authors: Erik O Eriksen
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      How is arbitrary rule – dominance – to be avoided when political differentiation is on the rise in the multilevel constellation that makes up the European Union' The EU is a power-wielding entity, that, due to its democratic deficits, is an instance of arbitrary rule, which differentiation only serves to exacerbate. This article discusses which political framework prevents dominance under conditions of asymmetric and complex interdependence, and economic integration in Europe. Under these conditions, the framework of international law is deficient, as the agreements with the associated non-members – the European Economic Area Agreement (EEA) and Switzerland – document. Here dominance appears to be self-incurred but nevertheless in breach with political freedom. Another is the framework suggested by Jürgen Habermas, of a pouvoir constituant mixte. Also, this framework raises the danger of arbitrary rule, as there is a risk that the autonomy of citizens would be pre-empted by the sovereignty of their states. The article holds the framework of a regional cosmopolitan federation – a rights-based polity with a distinct territorial reach – as more promising.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-10-29T10:09:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119882067
  • Setting soft power in motion: towards a dynamic conceptual framework
    • Authors: Ivan Bakalov
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The concept of soft power is widely regarded as unfit for academic service. But instead of dismissing it, this article grapples with its unresolved conceptual problems in an attempt to reveal the hidden value of soft power. Arguably, the proposed conceptual revision can prove its merit to International Relations scholars by structuring research around the study of mechanisms and reconciling rationalist and constructivist approaches for the analysis of power. While the revised conceptual framework builds on Nye’s original account and on the achievements of soft-power scholarship, it is the intellectual import from the contentious politics research programme that enables the crucial adjustments setting soft power in motion. The article proposes three conceptual interventions: the first draws a twofold difference-in-kind between soft and hard power, the second develops an understanding that is both relational and diachronic, while the third shifts the focus from an actor-centred to a process-centred analysis. The three interventions coalesce into a common approach to tackle the unresolved problems that takes an agnostic stance towards paradigmatic debates and prioritises inquiries into the mechanisms of interaction between the various forms of power.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-10-14T07:19:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119873374
  • Roles, identity, and security: foreign policy contestation in monarchical
    • Authors: Sean Yom
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The 2011–2012 Arab Spring posed an existential threat to the Gulf Cooperation Council’s six monarchies. A major response was the 2012 GCC Internal Security Pact, an innovative project to enhance cross-border repression of domestic opposition and thus bolster collective security. Yet despite its historic weakness, ongoing domestic unrest, and initial enthusiasm for the agreement, Kuwait’s monarchy did not ultimately ratify the accord. Building on theories of foreign policy roles and identity, this article presents an ideational explanation for this puzzle. The Security Pact failed because it sparked identity contestation. For many Kuwaitis, the prospect of the Sabah monarchy imposing this scheme for greater repression was incompatible with the regime’s historical role of tolerating domestic pluralism and protecting Kuwait from foreign pressures. This role conception of a tolerant protector flowed from historical understandings and collective memory and was cognitively tied to a national self-conception of “Kuwaiti-ness.” The mobilizational scope and symbolic power of this popular opposition convinced the regime to acquiesce, despite possessing the strategic incentive and resources to impose the treaty by force. The Kuwaiti case therefore exemplifies how domestic contestation over regime identities and roles can constrain foreign policy behavior, even in authoritarian states facing severe crises of insecurity.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-10-11T01:00:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119880232
  • Law as discursive resource: the politics of the nuclear/non-nuclear
           distinction in the Non-Proliferation Treaty
    • Authors: Sidra Hamidi
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Realist approaches to international law conceptualize the law as epiphenomenal to state interest, whereas liberal institutionalist approaches theorize the ability of law to curb state power. Through the example of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, this article challenges these approaches by arguing that law’s power comes from its productive and constitutive effects. Despite perennial conflict, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons endures because it has ordered nuclear politics by constituting a legal distinction between “nuclear weapon states” and “non-nuclear weapon states.” Instead of assuming that this distinction reflects self-evident material differences, this article shows how states actively construct nuclear status through international law. The dynamics of this construction reflect significant actions on the behalf of conventionally disempowered states and not merely great powers. An analysis of the meeting documents of the Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committee finds that the participants used the forum to perform a burgeoning “non-nuclear” identity. The politics of this distinction also generated the discourse of “nuclear apartheid,” which was subsequently used by states outside the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons regime to justify their pursuit of nuclear weapons. Taken together, the role of non-nuclear diplomacy and the discourse of nuclear apartheid demonstrate that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons does not simply endure because the powerful have sanctioned it, but because it created a space for the disempowered to expand their influence from below. Though the article builds on existing sociological approaches to the law, it also moves beyond conflicts over legal and textual interpretation to demonstrate the diplomatic practices around the constitution of legal categories.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-09-25T09:32:06Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119875999
  • Towards a ‘pluralist’ world order: creative agency and
           legitimacy in global institutions

         This is an Open Access Article Open Access Article

    • Authors: Terry Macdonald, Kate Macdonald
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This article addresses the question of how we should understand the normative grounds of legitimacy in global governance institutions, given the social and organizational pluralism of the contemporary global political order. We argue that established normative accounts of legitimacy, underpinning both internationalist and cosmopolitan institutional models, are incompatible with real-world global social and organizational pluralism, insofar as they are articulated within the parameters of a ‘statist’ world order imaginary: this sees legitimacy as grounded in rational forms of political agency, exercised within ‘closed’ communities constituted by settled common interests and identities. To advance beyond these statist ideational constraints, we elaborate an alternative ‘pluralist’ world order imaginary: this sees legitimacy as partially grounded in creative forms of political agency, exercised in the constitution and ongoing transformation of a plurality of ‘open’ communities, with diverse and fluid interests and identities. Drawing on a case study analysis of political controversies surrounding the global governance of business and human rights, we argue that the pluralist imaginary illuminates how normative legitimacy in world politics can be strengthened by opening institutional mandates to contestation by multiple distinct collectives, even though doing so is incompatible with achieving a fully rationalized global institutional scheme.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-09-25T09:25:26Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119873134
  • Imperial dialectics and epistemic mapping: From decolonisation to
           anti-Eurocentric IR
    • Authors: Christopher Murray
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      What would it mean to construct a post-imperial discipline rather than a ‘post-Western’ one' ‘Post-imperial’ means addressing the ways in which colonial empires divided the world into separate realms of human capability and thought. The binary categories of Western and Eastern, or Western and non-Western, represent one such way of dividing the world according to an imperial imaginary. Rather than merely excluding, these divisions created justifications for local universalisms and power structures. Yet, many anti-Eurocentric scholars now make use of these categories in order to argue for fixed epistemic differences between Western and non-Western populations. Accordingly, I critique the imperial division of the world by drawing on the intellectual trajectories of two thinkers who struggled against empire in the 20th century: WEB Du Bois and Frantz Fanon. Du Bois and Fanon were both aware of how ethnic and cultural foundations for politics could reproduce imperial order, and, therefore, offer potential alternatives to Western/non-Western ontologies. This includes recognising that representations of difference are processual, determined by strategic necessity, and subject to incentives to represent difference within hierarchical institutions. This article builds on recent studies in International Relations and other disciplines to think through the legacies of empire in knowledge production, and to push towards more historical and relational approaches to world political and social inquiry.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-09-12T10:55:05Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119873030
  • Motivations, security threats and geopolitical implications of Chinese
           investment in the EU energy sector: the case of CDP Reti
    • Authors: Miguel Otero-Iglesias, Manuel Weissenegger
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The recent surge in Chinese outbound foreign direct investment in Europe has been met with anxiety often invoking national security concerns. Using the national security framework developed by Moran and Oldenski, we try to ascertain which transactions justify apprehension. Our case study is the acquisition by a subsidiary of wholly state-owned State Grid Corporation of China of a 35% stake in CDP Reti S.p.A. (CDP Reti) that controls Italy’s electricity grid via its subsidiary Terna S.p.A. Although State Grid Corporation of China can nominate two members of CDP Reti’s board of directors, we find that there is no direct threat to national security. We then tackle the geopolitical dimension of investments in electricity grids. Using the ‘thought experiment’ developed by Scholten and Bosman, the contribution we make is that, in a world where the importance of renewable energy increases, a framing power rather than control over the strategic development of a country’s grid is sufficient to exert geopolitical power. Since State Grid Corporation of China’s exponents on CDP Reti’s board can at least partly influence the company’s investment decisions, we conclude that the transaction grants China geopolitical influence over Italy’s grid. Furthermore, in the future this type of geopolitical influence could also lead to indirect security concerns. The interconnection of European electricity flows extends this conclusion to the EU’s electricity grid as a whole.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-09-12T10:31:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119871350
  • Social pressure and the making of wartime civilian protection rules
    • Authors: Giovanni Mantilla
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The protection of civilians from the dangers of warfare constitutes an imperative in contemporary global politics. Drawing on original multiarchival research, this article explains the codification of the core civilian protection rules within international humanitarian law in the 1970s. It argues that these crucial international rules resulted from the operation of two central mechanisms: Third World and Socialist-led social pressure and a strategic, face-saving reaction to it, leadership capture, in the politicized context of Cold War and decolonization-era international social competition. I demonstrate the conditional effect of social pressure by a coalition of materially weaker Third World and Socialist states upon powerful reluctant states: the United States, the United Kingdom, and more surprisingly, the Soviet Union. Third World and Socialist social pressure fostered a curious US-USSR backstage collaboration I label leadership capture, decisively shaping the legal compromise embodied in the civilian protection rules of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions. Theoretically, this article furthers burgeoning IR work on the connection between social pressure, status competition, and international rule-making. Empirically it presents a new archives-based history of an intrinsically important case in international law.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-23T11:39:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119870237
  • Retrieving how diplomacy writes subjects, space and time: a methodological
    • Authors: Pablo de Orellana
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      How does diplomacy describe international actors' Diplomatic practices observe, analyse, prioritise and constitute information that is ultimately committed to text. Drawing on post-structuralist approaches to identity, diplomacy and textuality, this paper argues for consideration of the unique role of diplomatic text in constituting the state and especially its representation and understanding of Self and Other. It consequently develops a methodology to empirically analyse how the text of diplomatic communication describes people, places, time, politics, and informs policy. The analytical method proposed adjusts and expands post-structuralist discourse analysis, adapting it to the intertextual study of large collections of diplomatic knowledge production documents. It firstly determines data selection in relation to diplomacy’s own theory. Secondly, it develops an approach to retrieve how any diplomatic text constitutes representations of subjects and their contexts. Thirdly, it follows the development of representations across diplomatic knowledge production, identifying when they come to influence other international actors. This approach is demonstrated in the analysis of America’s 1945–1948 diplomatic road to involvement in Vietnam, showing how diplomacy’s representation of actors were vital to US involvement, and identifying hitherto unconsidered events, descriptions and actors. These analytics contribute to and empirically substantiate understanding of how diplomacy constitutes Self and Other, informs policy and shapes world politics.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-22T07:23:07Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119868514
  • Beyond de jure and de facto boundaries: tracing the imperial geographies
           of US law
    • Authors: Freya Irani
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Since 1945, US judges have extended numerous “domestic” US laws (including securities and antitrust laws) to govern economic transactions taking place “abroad”. However, they have generally failed to extend US labor and employment laws to govern employer–employee relationships outside “US territory”. Through a close reading of federal court decisions and drawing on recent work in the field of critical legal studies, this article makes an argument for centering the study of jurisdiction in International Relations scholarship and for approaching states as instantiated in their jurisdictional assertions. I suggest that such an approach enables us to capture the geographies—including the imperial geographies—of US law in the “normal,” everyday course of affairs. In particular, such an approach allows us to see that, since the mid-20th century, the legal authority and legal relations of the US government have come to be organized around the notion of the national economy (rather than simply around, for example, notions of territory or citizenship). What this means is that it is increasingly a posited relationship to this national economy that determines whether people and corporations, wherever in the world they are located, are subjected to or protected by US law.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-21T06:41:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119869801
  • Beyond coups: terrorism and military involvement in politics
    • Authors: Vincenzo Bove, Mauricio Rivera, Chiara Ruffa
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      A wealth of research in comparative politics and international relations examines how the military intervenes in politics via coups. We shift attention to broader forms of military involvement in politics beyond coups and claim that terrorist violence and the threat of terror attacks provide a window of opportunity for military intervention, without taking full control of state institutions. We highlight two mechanisms through which terrorism influences military involvement in politics: (1) government authorities demand military expertise to fight terrorism and strengthen national security and “pull” the armed forces into politics, and (2) state armed actors exploit their informational advantage over civilian authorities to “push” their way into politics and policy-making. A panel data analysis shows that domestic terror attacks and perceived threats from domestic and transnational terrorist organizations increase military involvement in politics. We illustrate the theoretical mechanisms with the cases of France (1995–1998 and 2015–2016) and Algeria (1989–1992).
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-21T04:28:36Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119866499
  • The hierarchical society: the politics of self-determination and the
           constitution of new states after 1919
    • Authors: Maja Spanu
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      International Relations scholarship disconnects the history of the so-called expansion of international society from the presence of hierarchies within it. In contrast, this article argues that these developments may in fact be premised on hierarchical arrangements whereby new states are subject to international tutelage as the price of acceptance to international society. It shows that hierarchies within international society are deeply entrenched with the politics of self-determination as international society expands. I substantiate this argument with primary and secondary material on the Minority Treaty provisions imposed on the new states in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe admitted to the League of Nations after World War I. The implications of this claim for International Relations scholarship are twofold. First, my argument contributes to debates on the making of the international system of states by showing that the process of expansion of international society is premised on hierarchy, among and within states. Second, it speaks to the growing body of scholarship on hierarchy in world politics by historicising where hierarchies come from, examining how diverse hierarchies are nested and intersect, and revealing how different actors navigate these hierarchies.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-16T05:32:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119866496
  • Realism and reflexivity: Morgenthau, academic freedom and dissent
    • Authors: Seán Molloy
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Primarily known as a pioneer of International Relations (IR) theory, Hans Morgenthau also wrote on a series of other political themes. Especially prominent in his later career is a concern with the right and duty of a theorist to exercise academic freedom as a critic of government power and, especially in this particular case, of US foreign policy. For Morgenthau the responsibility to hold governments to account by reference to the ‘higher laws’ that underpin and legitimize democracy in its truest form was a key function of the theorist in society. Dissensus and healthy debate characterize genuine democracy for Morgenthau who was perturbed by what he perceived to be a worrying concern with conformity and consensus among the political and academic elites of Vietnam War era America. This article investigates the theoretical and philosophical commitments that explain why Morgenthau felt compelled to oppose the government of his adopted state and the consequences of his having done so. For all the vicissitudes he endured, Morgenthau ultimately emerged vindicated from his clash with the political elite and his experience serves as an exemplary case of the effective use of academic freedom to oppose government policy by means of balanced, judicious critique. In the final section I argue that Morgenthau’s approach to theory, theorization and the role of the intellectual in society provides valuable insights into the nature of reflexivity in IR that are of relevance to contemporary debates in the discipline.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-14T09:02:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119868283
  • Strategic surprise, nuclear proliferation and US foreign policy
    • Authors: Michael D Cohen, Aaron Rapport
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      What are the effects of strategic surprise on foreign policy' We apply mechanisms from cognitive psychology and foreign policy analysis — the hindsight bias and policy engagement — to theorize about how political leaders attribute blame for strategic surprises and the consequences for their foreign policies. We argue that leaders who are hardly engaged with policy matters related to a surprise will tend to believe that it should have been foreseen, attribute blame to domestic culprits and favour significant changes in foreign policy. Conversely, those more involved with policy planning will blame an adversary’s deception and resist policy change. We illustrate these hypotheses empirically by examining the cases of the Truman administration’s reaction to the 1949 Soviet nuclear test and the Johnson administration’s reaction to the 1967 Chinese thermonuclear explosion. Despite their similar international and domestic political environments, the two presidents reacted quite differently to the two surprises. Truman, who was weakly engaged with nuclear matters prior to 1949, authorized major policy changes and reorganized the Central Intelligence Agency. Conversely, Johnson’s deeper involvement in nuclear matters led him to attribute blame for the surprise to Chinese deception. He sought to use the 1967 test to advance his ongoing efforts to secure the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. The findings suggest that the variables of policy engagement and the hindsight bias can predict how leaders’ foreign policies will respond to surprises regarding nuclear weapons proliferation and potentially other shifts in the balance of power.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-02T09:30:03Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119859925
  • CORRIGENDUM: The Fire This Time: Grenfell, Racial Capitalism and the
           Urbanisation of Empire
    • Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-08-01T12:52:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119868099
  • No substitute for victory' Why just war theorists can’t win
    • Authors: Cian O’Driscoll
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Victory has historically been regarded as the ‘telos’ or ‘very object’ of war. As one well-placed commentator has noted, war is all about winning. It is baffling to note, then, that contemporary just war theory, the predominant framework for addressing the moral and legal questions that war raises, makes no allowance for victory. Today’s just war theorists shun the language of victory, preferring instead to speak about the ‘endings’ of warfare. This article investigates why just war theorists have been so reluctant to engage with the idiom of victory. It identifies seven principal objections to accommodating victory in just war theory and subjects them to cross-examination. It concludes that while there are good reasons for regarding the discourse of victory as deeply problematic, these same reasons could (and arguably should) be taken as an argument for embracing rather than ignoring victory within the just war framework. Such a move would not only spare just war theory of the charge of irrelevance by ensuring that it remains connected to the material realities of modern warfare, it would also illuminate the tragic character of just war itself, revealing both its necessity and limitations.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-07-25T09:16:52Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119864706
  • The absence of great power responsibility in global environmental politics
    • Authors: Steven Bernstein
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Great powers routinely face demands to take on special responsibilities to address major concerns in global affairs, and often gain special rights for doing so. These areas include peace and security, global economic management, development, and egregious violations of human rights. Despite the rise in the importance and centrality of global environmental concerns, especially climate change and issues covered by the new Sustainable Development Goals, norms or institutions that demand or recognize great power responsibility are notably absent. This absence is puzzling given expectations in several major strands of International Relations theory, including the English School, realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Drawing on the reasoning behind these expectations, the absence of great power responsibility can be explained by a lack of congruence between systemic and environmental “great powers,” weak empirical links between action on the environment and the maintenance of international order, and no link to special rights. Instead, the institutionalized distribution of environmental responsibilities arose out of North–South conflict and has eroded over time, becoming more diffuse and decentered from ideas of state responsibility. These findings suggest a need to rethink the relationship among great powers and special rights and responsibilities regarding the environment, as well as other new issues of systemic importance.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-07-06T05:40:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119859642
  • The fire this time: Grenfell, racial capitalism and the urbanisation of
    • Authors: Ida Danewid
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Over the last few years, an emergent body of International Relations scholarship has taken an interest in the rise of global cities and the challenges they bring to existing geographies of power. In this article, I argue that a focus on race and empire should be central to this literature. Using the Grenfell Tower fire in London as a starting point, the article shows that global cities are part of a historical and ongoing imperial terrain. From London to New York, São Paulo to Cape Town, Singapore to Cairo, the ‘making’ of global cities has typically gone hand in hand with raced modes of displacement, dispossession and police violence. Drawing on the literature on racial capitalism, as well as Aimé Césaire’s image of the ‘boomerang’, I show that these strategies build on practices of urban planning, slum administration and law-and-order policing long experimented with in the (post)colonies. By examining the colonial dimensions of what many assume to be a strictly national problem for the welfare state, the article thus reveals global cities as part of a much wider cartography of imperial and racial violence. This not only calls into question the presentism of scholarship that highlights the ‘newness’ of neoliberal urbanism. In demonstrating how global cities and colonial borderlands are bound together through racial capitalism, it also exposes the positionality of scholars and policymakers that seek to counter the violence of neoliberalism with a nostalgic return to the post-1945 welfare state. As the Grenfell fire revealed, the global city is less a new type of international actor or governance structure than an extension and reconfiguration of the domestic space of empire.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-06-26T06:29:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119858388
  • Causal mechanisms in civil war mediation: Evidence from Syria
    • Authors: Magnus Lundgren
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Studies of conflict management by international organizations have demonstrated correlations between institutional characteristics and outcomes, but questions remain as to whether these correlations have causal properties. To examine how institutional characteristics condition the nature of international organization interventions, I examine mediation and ceasefire monitoring by the Arab League and the United Nations during the first phase of the Syrian civil war (2011–2012). Using micro-evidence sourced from unique interview material, day-to-day fatality statistics, and international organization documentation, I detail causal pathways from organizational characteristics, via intervention strategies, to intervention outcomes. I find that both international organizations relied on comparable intervention strategies. While mediating, they counseled on the costs of conflict, provided coordination points, and managed the bargaining context so as to sideline spoilers and generate leverage. While monitoring, they verified violent events, engaged in reassurance patrols, and brokered local truces. The execution of these strategies was conditioned on organizational capabilities and member state preferences in ways that help explain both variation in short-term conflict abatement and the long-term failure of both international organizations. In contrast to the Arab League, the United Nations intervention, supported by more expansive resources and expertise, temporarily shifted conflict parties away from a violent equilibrium. Both organizations ultimately failed as disunity among international organization member state principals cut interventions short and reduced the credibility of international organization mediators.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-06-20T08:42:08Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119856084
  • Popular culture, the body and world politics
    • Authors: Tim Aistrope
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-06-05T10:49:35Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119851849
  • Rebel funding and child soldiers: Exploring the relationship between
           natural resources and forcible recruitment
    • Authors: Roos Haer, Christopher Michael Faulkner, Beth Elise Whitaker
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-05-31T09:01:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119850622
  • Foreign banks and sovereign credit ratings: Reputational capital in
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    • Authors: Jana Grittersová
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-05-31T09:00:03Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119846267
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    • Authors: Özgür Özdamar, Erdem Ceydilek
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-05-30T10:57:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119850254
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    • Authors: Chenchen Zhang
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-05-21T06:25:33Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119850253
  • ‘Love Europe, hate the EU’: A genealogical inquiry into populists’
           spatio-cultural critique of the European Union and its consequences
    • Authors: Andrew Glencross
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-05-21T06:25:13Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119850242
  • The uses and abuses of victimhood nationalism in international politics
    • Authors: Adam B. Lerner
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-05-17T08:26:37Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119850249
  • Toward a political economy of complex interdependence
    • Authors: Thomas Oatley
      First page: 957
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-26T07:27:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119846553
  • Towards an International Political Ergonomics
    • Authors: Jonathan Luke Austin
      First page: 979
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-26T07:27:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119842242
  • The financialization of mass wealth, banking crises and politics over the
           long run
    • Authors: Jeffrey M Chwieroth, Andrew Walter
      First page: 1007
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-19T10:09:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119843319
  • Risky dis/entanglements: Torture and sexual violence in conflict
         This is an Open Access Article Open Access Article

    • Authors: Harriet Gray, Maria Stern
      First page: 1035
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-03-05T12:48:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119832074
  • Subverting economic empowerment: Towards a postcolonial-feminist framework
           on gender (in)securities in post-war settings
    • Authors: Maria Martin de Almagro, Caitlin Ryan
      First page: 1059
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-03T08:50:11Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119836474
  • The Responsibility to Protect in a world of already existing intervention
    • Authors: Robin Dunford, Michael Neu
      First page: 1080
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-12T11:15:15Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119842208
  • Norm emergence as agenda diffusion: Failure and success in the regulation
           of cluster munitions

         This is an Open Access Article Open Access Article

    • Authors: Elvira Rosert
      First page: 1103
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-15T09:04:02Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119842644
  • Making al-Qa’ida legible: Counter-terrorism and the reproduction of
    • Authors: Sarah G. Phillips
      First page: 1132
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-03T08:51:35Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119837335
  • Voted out: Regime type, elections and contributions to United Nations
           peacekeeping operations
    • Authors: Allard Duursma, John Gledhill
      First page: 1157
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-02-26T06:35:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119830773
  • Taking interaction seriously: Asymmetrical roles and the behavioral
           foundations of status

         This is an Open Access Article Open Access Article

    • Authors: Reinhard Wolf
      First page: 1186
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-04-04T09:14:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119837338
  • Towards a political concept of reversibility in international relations:
           Bridging political philosophy and policy studies
    • Authors: Hartmut Behr
      First page: 1212
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-03-28T09:28:10Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119836469
  • How the normative resistance of anarchism shaped the state monopoly on
    • Authors: Michael E. Newell
      First page: 1236
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.

      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2019-05-14T11:10:30Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066119848037
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