Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 1196 journals)
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POLITICAL SCIENCE (995 journals)            First | 1 2 3 4 5     

Showing 201 - 281 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
Defence Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 30)
Defense & Security Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
Democracy & Education     Open Access   (Followers: 18)
Democratic Communiqué     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Democratic Theory     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Democratization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
Democrazia e diritto     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Demokratie und Geschichte     Hybrid Journal  
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Der Donauraum     Hybrid Journal  
Desafíos     Open Access  
Development and Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 62)
Digest of Middle East Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Digital Government : Research and Practice     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Diplomacy & Statecraft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Discurso     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription  
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Earth System Governance     Open Access  
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
East/West : Journal of Ukrainian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies     Hybrid Journal  
Eastern Review     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 41)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Ekonomi, İşletme, Siyaset ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi     Open Access  
El Banquete de los Dioses     Open Access  
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 47)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Encuentro     Open Access  
Entramados y Perspectivas     Open Access  
Environment and Planning C : Politics and Space     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 49)
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios digital     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Ethics & International Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 18)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Éthique publique     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Eunomia. Rivista semestrale del Corso di Laurea in Scienze Politiche e delle Relazioni Internazionali     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
European Journal for Security Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
European Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal  
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 65)
European Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 61)
European Journal of Political Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 93)
European Journal of Political Research : Political Data Yearbook     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
European Journal of Politics and Gender     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal  
European Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
European Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
European Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
European Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
European Union Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 58)
European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Eurostudia     Open Access  
Evaluation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Evaluation and Program Planning     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Evidence Base : A journal of evidence reviews in key policy areas     Open Access  
Exchange : The Journal of Public Diplomacy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
E|mporium     Open Access  
Fascism     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Federal Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Federalism-E     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Fédéralisme Régionalisme     Open Access  
FEU Academic Review     Open Access  
Fijian Studies: A Journal of Contemporary Fiji     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Financial Times     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 39)
Foreign Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 55)
Foreign Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
Foreign Policy Bulletin     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Foro Interno. Anuario de Teoría Política     Open Access  
French Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Frontiers in Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Gaceta Laboral     Open Access  
Genocide Studies International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Geographische Zeitschrift     Full-text available via subscription  
Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Geopolitics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Geopolitics under Globalization     Open Access  
German Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
German Politics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Germinal : Marxismo e Educação em Debate     Open Access  
Gestão & Regionalidade     Open Access  
Ghana Journal of Development Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Ghana Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 15)
Global Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Global Change, Peace & Security: formerly Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 417)
Global Discourse : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Global Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 52)
Global Journal of Peace Research and Praxis     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Global Media Journal : African Edition     Open Access  
Global Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Global Societies Journal     Open Access  
Global Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Global South, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Global War Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Göç Dergisi     Full-text available via subscription  
Good Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Governare la paura. Journal of interdisciplinary studies     Open Access  
Government and Opposition     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 26)
Granì     Open Access  
Greek Political Science Review     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Hague Journal of Diplomacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Hegel Bulletin     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Helsinki Monitor     Hybrid Journal  
Hic Rhodus : Crisis capitalista, polémica y controversias     Open Access  
Historia i Polityka     Open Access  
History of Communism in Europe     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Hommes & Migrations     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
HONAI : International Journal for Educational, Social, Political & Cultural Studies     Open Access  
Horyzonty Polityki     Open Access  
Human Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 64)
Human Rights Case Digest     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Human Rights Law Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 72)
Human Rights Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 77)
Human Rights Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration     Open Access  
Idäntutkimus     Open Access  
identidade!     Open Access  
Identities : Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Identity Papers : A Journal of British and Irish Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
IDP. Revista de Internet, Derecho y Politica     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ids Practice Papers     Hybrid Journal  
IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies     Open Access  
Indes : Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft     Hybrid Journal  
Index on Censorship     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
India Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Indialogs : Spanish Journal of India Studies     Open Access  
Indonesia Prime     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Indonesian Journal of Community Engagement     Open Access  
Innovation Policy and the Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Innovations : Technology, Governance, Globalization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Insight on Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
InSURgência : revista de direitos e movimentos sociais     Open Access  
Intelligence & National Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 39)
Interdisciplinary Political Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Interdisziplinäre Zeitschrift für Südasienforschung     Open Access  
Interest Groups & Advocacy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Interfaces Brasil/Canadá     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 75)
International Area Studies Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Communication of Chinese Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
International Critical Thought     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Gramsci Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
International Interactions: Empirical and Theoretical Research in International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
International Journal of Area Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
International Journal of Children's Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
International Journal of E-Politics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of East Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of Electronic Government Research     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of Environmental Policy and Decision Making     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of Group Tensions     Hybrid Journal  
International Journal of Human Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 62)
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 598)
International Journal of Intercultural Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
International Journal of Law and Politics Studies     Open Access  
International Journal of Peace Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
International Journal of Press/Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
International Journal of Refugee Law     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 39)
International Journal of Sexuality and Gender Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
International Journal of Social Quality     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
International Journal of Sustainable Development and World Ecology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
International Journal on Minority and Group Rights     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
International Migration     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
International Migration Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 185)
International Negotiation     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
International NGO Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
International Organization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 115)
International Peacekeeping     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 474)
International Political Science Abstracts     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
International Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 100)
International Political Sociology     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
International Quarterly for Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
International Regional Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 35)
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)

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European Journal of International Relations
Journal Prestige (SJR): 2.796
Citation Impact (citeScore): 3
Number of Followers: 65  
  Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
ISSN (Print) 1354-0661 - ISSN (Online) 1460-3713
Published by Sage Publications Homepage  [1094 journals]
  • Introduction: Interdisciplinarity and the International Relations event
    • Authors: Ursula Daxecker, Annette Freyberg-Inan, Marlies Glasius, Geoffrey Underhill, Darshan Vigneswaran
      Pages: 3 - 13
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 3-13, September 2020.
      This Introduction contextualises this special anniversary issue of the journal. The Editors of a previous 2013 special issue of the EJIR (The End of International Relations Theory') asked if the paradigmatic “theoretical cacophony” in IR was deep and irresolvable. We argue that there is still very much a conversation going on across ‘generalist’ and specialised IR journals, and that renewal and broadening is more important than boundaries per se. Meanwhile the field of International Relations has continued to broaden, absorbing much from other social science disciplines in the process. Yet IR has a problematic relationship with interdisciplinarity, often discovering as ‘new’ what other fields have long debated and in turn ‘domesticating’ these insights from other fields by fitting them into existing IR paradigms. This special issue is thus aimed above all at what ‘we’ in IR are not seeing from other disciplines, and we go on to argue how IR scholars might best employ ‘transdisciplinary’ insights to ensure the future dynamism and innovation of the field. We argue that in this context, a special effort of critical and open engagement with work that makes us uncomfortable is required and that the very notion of inter-disciplinarity takes on a new form.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120952726
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Enfolding wholes in parts: quantum holography and International Relations
    • Authors: Chengxin Pan
      Pages: 14 - 38
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 14-38, September 2020.
      This article stands at the intersection between the relational turn in International Relations (IR) and the quantum turn in the social sciences (and more recently in IR as well). The relational turn draws much-needed attention to the centrality of relations in global politics, yet its imprecise conceptualization of whole-part relations casts shadow over its relational ontological foundation. The quantum turn, meanwhile, challenges the observed–observer dichotomy as well as the classical views about causality, determinacy, and measurement. Yet, despite their common stance against the Newtonian ontology, the relational and quantum turns have largely neglected each other at least in the IR context. This article aims to bridge this gap by introducing a quantum holographic approach to relationality. Drawing on theoretical physicist David Bohm’s work on quantum theory and his key concepts about wholeness and the implicate order, the article argues that the world is being holographically (trans)formed: its parts are not only parts of the whole, but also enfold the whole, like in a hologram. This quantum holographic ontology contributes to both a clearer differentiation between internal/implicate relations and external/explicate relations and a renewed emphasis on wholeness and whole-part duality. In doing so, it not only provides new conceptual tools to rethink IR as holographic relations which involve the dynamic processes and mechanisms of enfoldment and unfoldment, but also has important policy and ethical implications for the conduct of “foreign” relations and for transforming the way we think about identity, survival, relationship, and responsibility.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120938844
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Bad influence: social networks, elite brokerage, and the construction of
    • Authors: Selim Can Sazak
      Pages: 64 - 90
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 64-90, September 2020.
      If all states want to survive, why do some of them enter unpropitious alliances' International Relations (IR) theory’s conventional answer is that imperfect information and systemic complexity result in miscalculation. This explanation begs the question: any alliance that fails is a miscalculated one, so the puzzle is not whether but why such mistakes are made. This article imports from recent scholarship on network theory and interpersonal trust to offer an alternative explanation. Alliances are not entities ethereally formed out of strategic imperatives, but products of interactions within transnational social networks of political, military, and business elites in the prospective allies. Such interactions enable alliances because people who are connected to each other through mutual association or previous exchanges develop mutual trust and gain subjective certainty about each other’s intentions and capabilities, which points at a previously ignored mechanism in alliance behavior: brokerage. In a case study that combines theory-based archival research and social network analysis, this article uses historical evidence on the Turco-German alliance to empirically demonstrate the brokerage role Colmar von der Goltz, the head of the German military mission to the Ottoman Empire, played in the two countries’ relations at the turn of the century and their eventual alliance in the First World War. The analysis points at a potential means of bridging IR, history, and sociology while expanding our understanding of alliance behavior and providing policy-relevant insights on geo-economic competition and the weaponization of interdependence at a time of growing strategic rivalry on the world stage.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120938839
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Colonialism, genocide and International Relations: the Namibian–German
           case and struggles for restorative relations
    • Authors: Heloise Weber, Martin Weber
      Pages: 91 - 115
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 91-115, September 2020.
      The case of the first genocide of the 20th century, committed by German colonial troops against Ovaherero and Nama peoples in what is today Namibia, poses a significant ethical and political challenge not only in practice but also for International Relations theory and theorising. We develop our critical analysis by building on postcolonial critiques of eurocentrism in IR and world politics, and on critical historiographies of the discipline. In particular, we show how the bedrock of dominant international institutional arrangements in the early 20th century rests on a normative inversion, which can be explicated clearly in the context of the Ovaherero and Nama experiences. The normative inversion is manifested in the claims to supreme moral authority for continued European colonial rule in the aftermath of genocidal violence. While the League of Nations (LoN), and the legacies of imperialism have increasingly been addressed in historiographies of IR, neither this normative inversion, nor its political implications have been explicated in the way we pursue this here. Through the lens of our case, we argue that how IR and IR theory conventionally conceive of the international political order is not plausible or justifiable in light of the normative inversion. The struggles for justice and restorative relations by Ovaherero and Nama peoples draw attention to necessary shifts in political practices. The case signals the need for a more fundamental rethinking of premises in international political theory, and of global public political history. This can be meaningfully addressed by acknowledging and explicitly processing the implications of the normative inversion, its antecedent conditions, and its continuing presence in world ordering.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120938833
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Violent International Relations
    • Authors: Lucas Van Milders, Harmonie Toros
      Pages: 116 - 139
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 116-139, September 2020.
      Can International Relations (IR) be studied without reproducing its violence' This is the central question of this article. To investigate this, the first step is to expose the violence that we argue remains at the heart of our discipline. The article thus begins by exploring the disciplinary practices firmly grounded in relations of coloniality that plague disciplines more broadly and IR in particular. An analysis of IR’s epistemic violence is followed by an autoethnographic exploration of IR’s violent practices, specifically the violent practices in which one of the article’s authors knowingly and unknowingly engaged in as part of an impact-related trip to the international compound of Mogadishu International Airport in Somalia. Here the article lays bare how increasing demands on IR scholars to become ‘international experts’ having impact on the policy world is pushing them more and more into spaces governed by colonial violence they are unable to escape. The final section of this article puts forward a tentative path toward a less violent IR that advocates almost insignificant acts of subversion in our disciplinary approach and practices aimed at exposing and challenging this epistemic and structural violence. The article concludes that IR does not need to be abandoned, but rather, by taking on a position of discomfort, needs to acknowledge its violence and attempt to mitigate it – one almost insignificant step at a time.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:57Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120938832
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Gendering the practice turn in diplomacy
    • Authors: Catriona Standfield
      Pages: 140 - 165
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 140-165, September 2020.
      International Relations has developed an exciting new research agenda on diplomatic practice, drawing largely on the theories of Pierre Bourdieu. However, it largely ignores Bourdieu’s theory of patriarchy, as well as extensive feminist Bourdieusian analysis. These are analytical tools that can be used to understand how diplomacy reproduces itself as a masculinized field. They are ‘practice theory’ as well and should be incorporated into our research on diplomatic practice. My aims here are to recover feminist practice theory for a diplomatic studies audience and to indicate how we can develop an interdisciplinary research agenda on gender and diplomacy. The first part of the article provides an overview of practice theory in diplomatic studies and discusses Bourdieu’s overlooked contributions regarding gender. I then use Bourdieu’s ‘thinking tools’ of field, habitus and practice to examine diplomacy and gender using examples drawn from the literature, as well as from some primary sources. Throughout, I show how feminist sociologists have developed his ideas to create sophisticated approaches to studying the persistence of patriarchy. This does not capture all the ways in which diplomacy is gendered, but these tools reveal the limitations in our current understanding of diplomatic practices. I conclude with suggestions for future interdisciplinary research that takes gender seriously.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:55Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120940351
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Psychology and aggregation in International Relations
    • Authors: Ross James Gildea
      Pages: 166 - 183
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 166-183, September 2020.
      Theories of decision-making grounded in political psychology have experienced a dramatic rise in the study of International Relations. There is widespread recognition of the benefits of incorporating insights from the behavioural sciences into analyses of political behaviour. However, some scholars have argued that the theoretical and empirical scope of these perspectives remains hampered by an unresolved issue: aggregation. While the fundamental unit of interest in psychology is the individual, most International Relations models concern patterns of collective decision-making in aggregate units such as states, bureaucracies, armed groups, transnational networks and institutions. This article contributes to the aggregation debate by providing a more optimistic portrait of its implications for interdisciplinary work. I argue that aggregation may be an overstated problem in International Relations and that a disciplinary preoccupation with it may hinder rather than pave the way for interdisciplinary theorizing.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:54Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120938830
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Domestic courts, transnational law, and international order
    • Authors: Filiz Kahraman, Nikhil Kalyanpur, Abraham L. Newman
      Pages: 184 - 208
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 184-208, September 2020.
      This article revisits the relationship between law and international order. Building on legal research concerned with transnational law, we argue that domestic courts are endogenous sites of international political change. National courts are constitutive of international order by generating new rules, adjudicating transnational disputes, and bounding state sovereignty. We illustrate the ways in which national courts create new political opportunities by updating three core international relations theory debates. Recognizing the role of domestic courts as global adjudicators enhances our understanding of regime complexity and international forum shopping. By re-interpreting aspects of conventional international law, and engaging in cross-border dialogue, domestic courts challenge our understanding of international diffusion and judicialization. By redefining the boundaries of state authority and sovereignty, national courts create potential for conflict and cooperation. A transnational law perspective illustrates the porous nature between domestic and international spheres, highlighting how domestic courts have become adjudicators for state and non-state actors that operate across mainstream levels of analysis. Our approach calls on scholars to move beyond analyzing national legal systems as mechanisms of compliance to instead consider domestic courts as co-creators of international order.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:48Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120938843
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • “The persistent myth of lost hegemony,” revisited: structural power as
           a complex network phenomenon
    • Authors: William Kindred Winecoff
      Pages: 209 - 252
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Volume 26, Issue 1_suppl, Page 209-252, September 2020.
      This article resuscitates the idea of structural power in world politics by linking it to modern complex network science, presents a theoretical framework for understanding how global structures develop and change, and empirically analyzes the prominence of leading states within global finance, trade, security, and knowledge networks. It argues that the “fitness plus preferential attachment” (FPA) model of complex network evolution provides a logical explanation for the durability of American influence even as some of its advantages in country-level capabilities has eroded, and it introduces a network methodology that is capable of empirically analyzing the organizational complexity that exists within and across domains in world politics. It argues that the rise of China and other emerging powers has been overstated in some ways, but that a redistribution of structural prominence is taking place, in some domains, as emerging markets increase their transnational connections; this has mostly come at the relative expense of Europe, however, rather than the United States.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-28T11:33:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120952876
      Issue No: Vol. 26, No. 1_suppl (2020)
  • Reflexive discourse analysis: A methodology for the practice of
    • Authors: Audrey Alejandro
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      How to implement reflexivity in practice' Can the knowledge we produce be emancipatory when our discourses recursively originate in the world we aim to challenge' Critical International Relations (IR) scholars have successfully put reflexivity on the agenda based on the theoretical premise that discourse and knowledge play a socio-political role. However, academics often find themselves at a loss when it comes to implementing reflexivity due to the lack of adapted methodological and pedagogical material. This article shifts reflexivity from meta-reflections on the situatedness of research into a distinctive practice of research and writing that can be learned and taught alongside other research practices. To do so, I develop a methodology based on discourse: reflexive discourse analysis (RDA). Based on the discourse analysis of our own discourse and self-resocialisation, RDA aims to reflexively assess and transform our socio-discursive engagement with the world, so as to render it consistent with our intentional socio-political objectives. RDA builds upon a theoretical framework integrating discourse theory to Bourdieu’s conceptual apparatus for reflexivity and practices illustrated in the works of Comte and La Boétie. To illustrate this methodology, I used this very article as a recursive performance. I show how RDA enabled me to identify implicit discriminative mechanisms within my discourse and transform them into an alternative based on love, to produce an article more in line with my socio-political objectives. Overall, this article turns reflexivity into a critical methodology for social change and demonstrates how to integrate criticality methodologically into research and writing.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-11-26T05:42:04Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120969789
  • Power and International Relations: a temporal view
    • Authors: Daniel Drezner
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      International Relations scholars are certain about two facts: power is the defining concept of the discipline and there is no consensus about what that concept means. One explanation for this problematic state of the field is that most International Relations scholars freight their analyses of power with hidden assumptions about time. Temporality is an essential component of political analysis, as a burgeoning literature has begun to explore. This paper argues that there are two latent presumptions about time that fundamentally affect how scholars conceptualize power in world politics. First, scholars are rarely explicit in defining the temporal scope of their key causal processes. The longer the implicit temporal scope, the more expansive their definition and operationalization of power can be. Second, there is considerable variation of beliefs about the temporal returns to power: does exercising or accumulating power generate positive or negative feedback effects over time' Relying on canonical works in the field, this paper examines the hidden assumptions that different paradigms make about power and time. Illuminating these assumptions clarifies the root of cross-paradigmatic disagreements about international politics and suggests some interesting pathways for future theoretical and empirical work.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-11-09T05:46:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120969800
  • Hegemonic instability: complex interdependence and the dynamics of
           financial crisis in the contemporary international system
    • Authors: Heather Ba
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      International Relations scholars have long recognized the need to study the complex interdependencies of the international economy in order to understand the economic sources of national power and influence. Renewed interest in the patterns of international economic interdependencies and the structure of globalization has led scholars to a better, more empirically grounded understanding of the significance of complex interdependence for the evolution of international power. This paper examines the effect of one important and persistent characteristic of complex interdependence, American centrality within the international banking system, and argues that changes in the US financial cycle drive international financial volatility and crisis. These dynamics comprise the underbelly of American financial hegemony and pose a fundamental challenge to US leadership in the contemporary liberal international order. Financial stability is key to economic growth, which in turn perpetuates liberal political norms and institutions. Financial instability, on the other hand, breeds political discontent, which may take the form of populism or nationalism. The ability and willingness of the United States to reign in its own financial system may be key to ensuring that the liberal international system it established 75 years ago survives and thrives in the coming decades.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-10-31T05:30:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120967048
  • Institutional design for a post-liberal order: why some international
           organizations live longer than others
    • Authors: Maria Josepha Debre, Hylke Dijkstra
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Many international organizations (IOs) are currently under pressure and the demise of the liberal international order is the talk of town. We theorize that institutional characteristics help to explain why some IOs survive external pressures where others fail. We test this argument through a survival analysis of 150 IOs (1815–2014). We find that the only significant variable explaining the death of IOs is the size of the secretariat: IOs with large bureaucracies are good at coping with external pressures. In addition, IOs with diverging preferences among members and those that are less institutionalized are more likely to be replaced with successor organizations. We find that institutional flexibility included in the treaties does not have an effect on survival. This is surprising because the purpose of flexibility clauses is precisely to deal with external shocks. Finally, we also find that systemic and domestic factors do not explain IO failure. In conclusion, we should not write off the liberal international order all too quickly: large IOs with significant bureaucratic resources are here to stay.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-10-29T10:01:14Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120962183
  • A ritual approach to deterrence: I am, therefore I deter
    • Authors: Maria Mälksoo
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      How can ritual help to understand the practice of deterrence' Traditional deterrence scholarship tends to overlook the active role of deterring actors in creating and redefining the circumstances to which they are allegedly only reacting. In order to address the weight of deterrence as a symbol, collective representation and strategic repertoire, this article proposes to rethink deterrence as a performative strategic practice with ritual features and critical binding, releasing and restraining functions. I posit a ritual account of deterrence to better grasp the performance, credibility and the presumed effect of this central international security practice. An understanding of deterrence as a ritual-like social practice probes the scope of rational deterrence theory, replacing its ‘I think, therefore I deter’ presumption with a socially and politically productive ‘I am, therefore I deter’ logic. Drawing on the example of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s enhanced Forward Presence, the proposed conceptualization of extended deterrence as an interaction ritual chain in allied defence, solidarity and community-building offers novel insights about the deterrence and collective identity nexus. Extended deterrence has much more than deterrence at stake: how an alliance practices deterrence tells us more about the alliance itself than about the nature of threats it responds to. The tripwire posture of the enhanced Forward Presence highlights the instrumentality of ritualization for mediating ambiguity in extended deterrence.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-10-24T07:54:58Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120966039
  • The organizational ecology of global governance
    • Authors: David A Lake
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The ecology of governance organizations (GOs) matters for what is or is not governed, what legitimate powers any governor may hold, and whose political preferences are instantiated in rules. The array of actors who comprise the current system of global governance has grown dramatically in recent decades. Especially notable has been the growth of private governance organizations (PGOs). Drawing on organizational ecology, I posit that the rise of PGOs is both required and facilitated by disagreements between states that block the creation of what might be otherwise effective intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). In a form of “double-negative regulation,” states block IGOs, which in turn leave open niches that are then filled by PGOs, which then both complement and sometimes substitute for state law. The organizational ecology approach outlined here extends and refocuses inquiry in systematic ways that give us a fuller understanding of how and why PGOs have emerged as one of the most striking features of the contemporary world order. The key innovations in this paper are to (a) shift the level of analysis from single agents or populations of agents to the entire field of GOs, including states, IGOs, and PGOs and (b) draw on principles of ecology to understand the composition and dynamics of systems of governance.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-30T07:43:23Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120959407
  • International studies in an unpredictable world: still avoiding the
           difficult problems'
    • Authors: Ivan Fomin, Konstantin Kokarev, Boris Ananyev, Nikita Neklyudov, Anzhelika Bondik, Pavel Glushkov, Aliya Safina, Svetlana Stolyarova, Dmitry Tkach, Oksana Vedernikova, Irina Yakovenko, Daria Korobkova, Daria Kovaleva, Ekaterina Kuzina, Darya Voronina, Alexander Chekov, Andrey Sushentsov, William Wohlforth
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      We revisit and empirically evaluate crucial yet under-examined arguments articulated in “God Gave Physics the Easy Problems” (2000), the authors of which emphasized that, in International Relations (IR) predictions, predominant nomothetic approaches should be supplemented with concrete scenario thinking. We test whether the IR predictive toolkit is in fact dominated by nomothetic generalizations and, more broadly, map the methodological profile of this subfield. We build on the TRIP database, supplementing it with extensive original coding to operationalize the nuances of predictive research. In particular, we differentiate between nomoscopic predictions (predictive generalizations) and idioscopic predictions (predictions for concrete situations), showing that this distinction is not reducible to other methodological cleavages. We find that even though in contemporary IR an increasing number of articles seek to provide predictions, they consistently avoid predictions about concrete situations. The proportion of idioscopic predictions is stably small, with an even smaller proportion of predictions that develop concrete narratives or specify any determinate time period. Furthermore, those idioscopic studies are mostly limited to a niche with specialized themes and aims. Thus, our research shows that the critical claims from 20 years ago are still relevant for contemporary IR, as the “difficult problem” of developing predictive scenarios is still consistently overlooked in favor of other objectives. Ultimately, the types of predictions that IR scholars develop depend on their specific aims and constraints, but the discipline-wide result is a situation in which international studies’ ambition to provide predictions grows, but they tend to reproduce the same limitations as they did in 2000.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-12T10:19:59Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120948124
  • The (de)legitimation of torture: rhetoric, shaming and narrative
           contestation in two British cases
    • Authors: Frank Foley
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Existing studies on democracies’ involvement in torture emphasise how governments have been able to circumvent the international anti-torture norm and shape public discourse on the issue through powerful rhetorical strategies of denial and exception. Less attention has been paid, however, to the rhetoric of opponents of torture and how it impacts on governments and security agencies. This article proposes a typology of four common arguments against torture, which make use variously of ethical, utilitarian and ‘shaming’ rhetoric. These arguments often take a narrative form and are extensively contested by governments. Drawing on the literature on rhetorical coercion, I argue that anti-torture narratives can play an important role in constraining democratic states and significantly reducing their perpetration of torture. Yet the multiplicity of narratives at play opens up opportunities for governments to accept some messages against torture while simultaneously contesting others in a way which enables them to continue their involvement in torture. I develop this argument through a comparative analysis of the role of torture in two British counterterrorism campaigns – against Irish republican terrorism in the 1970s and against jihadist violence after 9/11. Differences in the content and salience of the narratives advanced by critics of the government during the two time periods explain much about why the British government contested some arguments against torture, but accepted others. This variation helps to explain in turn why British security agencies carried out coercive interrogations on a wide scale during the 1970s, while their perpetration of torture was significantly reduced in the post-9/11 case.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-10T06:11:53Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120950011
  • Conceptualizing and assessing norm strength in International Relations
    • Authors: Michal Ben-Josef Hirsch, Jennifer M. Dixon
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      What constitutes a strong or a weak norm' Scholars often refer to strong or weak, or strengthening or weakening norms, yet there are widespread inconsistencies in terminology and no agreed-upon measures. This has hindered the accumulation of knowledge and made it difficult to test competing hypotheses about norm development and contestation. To address these conceptual problems and their analytical implications, this article conceptualizes norm strength as the extent of collective expectations related to a principled idea and proposes two indicators to assess a norm’s strength: the level of international concordance with a principled idea, and the degree of international institutionalization of a principled idea. The article illustrates the applicability and utility of the proposed conceptualization by evaluating the strengths of two transitional justice norms: the norm of legal accountability and the norm of truth-seeking. In so doing, the article resolves empirical disputes over the origins and status of these norms. In particular, the analysis reveals that while legal accountability became a norm in the early 1990s and is today a strong norm, truth-seeking emerged later and remains a weak norm. More generally, the proposed framework should advance existing debates about norm contestation, localization, violation, and erosion.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-09-04T05:40:42Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120949628
  • The ontological threat of foreign fighters
    • Authors: Raphaël Leduc
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The threat represented by foreign fighters to their home state has rarely materialised, yet states have increasingly legislated against foreign fighters over the course of the last 300 years. This observation points to the act of legislating as fulfilling some function other than the protection of the state against a physical threat presented by foreign fighter returnees. This paper asks what is problematic about foreign-fighter returnees from the point of view of lawmakers if they do not represent a physical threat' It argues that returnees generate ontological insecurity on the part of lawmakers. Consequently, the act of legislating against them serves to reify the identity of individual lawmakers. This argument is supported using historical case comparison of Westminster parliamentary debates on foreign fighting. This paper finds that what is at stake in foreign-fighter legislation is not the physical security of the national state but the ontological security of lawmakers. These findings point to the need for a shift of the research on foreign fighters that moves beyond the potential terrorist threat they represent to an understanding of what they mean for International Relations.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-08-28T12:54:19Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120948122
  • Dugong v. Rumsfeld: social movements and the construction of ecological
    • Authors: Claudia Junghyun Kim
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Two high-profile social movements against the construction of military bases in Jeju, South Korea, and Okinawa, Japan, represent a contest between anti-militarist ecological security and traditional military security. At the heart of these movements, which went from a local phenomenon to a transnational cause célèbre, are two iconic movement symbols: Gureombi, a unique lava rock formation, and the dugong, an endangered marine mammal. By analyzing the emergence and resonance of the two nonhuman movement symbols, the paper joins the continuing debates in International Relations (IR) over what constitutes security and who deserves protection. The contributions are twofold. First, it employs theories of social and transnational movements to establish movement actors as practitioners of ecological security, showing how recent theoretical debates in IR on ecological security parallel new developments in social movements against military bases. Second, by analyzing the emergence and resonance of nonhuman beings as anti-militarist ecological symbols, the paper also contributes to the growing literature on ecological security that currently lacks empirical examinations.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-08-27T05:48:46Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120950013
  • The things they carry: Victims’ documentation of forced disappearance in
           Colombia and Sri Lanka
    • Authors: Kate Cronin-Furman, Roxani Krystalli
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Survivors of systematic violations of human rights abuses carry with them the evidence of their victimization: photographs of the missing, news clippings, copies of police reports. In some contexts, collecting and preserving these documents is part of an effort to claim benefits, such as official victim status or reparations, from the state. In others, it serves as a record of and rebuke to the state’s inaction. In this article, through a comparative case study of victim mobilization in Colombia and Sri Lanka, we explore how these dynamics play out in contexts with high and low (respectively) levels of state action on transitional justice. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork in both contexts, we examine grassroots documentation practices with an eye toward how they reflect the strategic adaptation of international transitional justice norms to specific contexts. We also examine how they organize relationships among individuals, the state, and notions of justice in times of transition from war and dictatorship. We argue that, beyond the strategic engagement with and/or rebuke of the state, these documents are also sites of ritual and memory for those who collect them.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-08-17T07:16:01Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120946479
  • Intertwined parliamentary arenas: Why parliamentarians attend
           international parliamentary institutions
    • Authors: Jana Lipps
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The internationalisation of political authority elongates the chain of delegation between the citizen and elected representatives. It increases executive dominance while weakening parliamentary control. International Parliamentary Institutions (IPIs), parliamentary assemblies affiliated with international organisations, could potentially mitigate the ‘parliamentary deficit’ of global governance but are commonly criticised for their weak authority. This paper revisits this critical perspective and argues that IPIs provide access to information circumventing the privileged access of governments. Thereby, IPIs strengthen national parliaments’ capability to control the executive. This benefit explains the motivation of national MPs to attend IPIs. The study is based on novel data on the attendance of parliamentarians to the sessions of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Parliamentary Assembly from 2007 to 2015. The results speak in favour of intertwined parliamentary arenas, as attributes of national parliaments drive attendance. For one, parliaments with higher scrutiny capacity participate more in delegations to IPIs. Moreover, the composition of delegations is related to control incentives, causing a difference in attendance patterns of government and opposition parties.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-08-10T12:58:37Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120946480
  • Trickstery: pluralising stigma in international society
    • Authors: Xymena Kurowska, Anatoly Reshetnikov
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      International politics is often imagined via a binary opposition between the oppressor and the oppressed. Attention to entrenched hierarchies of power is essential in the study of international politics. However, taking this division too rigidly can obfuscate the very mechanisms of power that must be understood in order to grasp these hierarchies. We identify one such mechanism in the practice of trickstery, particularly as practiced in the context of Russia’s ambivalent and conflicted place in international society. Through the dynamics of trickstery, we show the workings of stigmatisation to be a plural phenomenon, giving rise to various normative challenges. The trickster is both conformist and deviant, hero and anti-hero – a “plural figure” both reflecting the rich cultural texture of international society and contesting its hierarchies. The trickster particularly unsettles the ideal liberal (global) public sphere through its simultaneous performance of emancipatory and anti-emancipatory logics. In this, trickstery produces normatively undecidable situations that exceed the analytical capacities of, for example, the strategic use of norms, norm contestation, and stigma management literatures. We find trickstery to be encapsulated in the contemporary international situation of Russia, while recognising that its practices are potentially available to other actors with similarly liminal status and cultural repertoires. We particularly analyse the trickster practice of ‘overidentification’ with norms, which apparently endorses but indirectly subverts the normative frameworks within which it is performed. Such overidentification is a form of satire, contemporaneously appropriated by state actors, which has indeterminate yet significant effects.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-08-06T05:55:49Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120946467
  • What kills international organisations' When and why international
           organisations terminate
    • Authors: Mette Eilstrup-Sangiovanni
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This article addresses the puzzle of why, and under what conditions, international organisations cease to exist. International Relations literature offers rich explanations for the creation, design and effectiveness of international institutions and their organisational embodiments, international organizations (IOs), but surprisingly little effort has gone into studying the dynamics of IO termination. Yet if we want to understand the conditions under which international organisations endure, we must also explain why they frequently fail to do so. The article formulates and tests a theory of ‘IO death’ using a combination of population-wide statistical analysis and detailed historical case studies. My analysis is based on an original dataset covering the period 1815–2016. I find that exogenous shocks are a leading proximate cause of IO terminations since 1815 and that organisations that are newly created, have small memberships, and/or lack centralised structures are most likely to succumb. My analysis leads me to suggest a number of extensions and refinements to existing institutionalist theories.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-07-22T11:40:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120932976
  • Bringing Morgenthau’s ethics in: pluralism, incommensurability and the
           turn from fragmentation to dialogue in IR
    • Authors: Haro L Karkour, Dominik Giese
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Why did IR pluralism end with so many incommensurable camps' (How) can IR be demarcated as a discipline where these camps can find common ground for dialogue without glossing over theoretical pluralism' To answer the first question, the paper argues that Morgenthau’s critique of IR as social science can explain the proliferation of camps in IR pluralism that are incommensurable and cannot engage in dialogue. By transcending the dilemma of politics as highlighted in Morgenthau’s critique of social science, theories today are ideological camps that bestow on morality an ideological function that justifies their powers-that-be that serve particular means/ends hierarchies. This leads to the proliferation of empirical causal analyses that cannot be debated, since they rely on political interests that theory ideologically justifies and offers internal validation. To avoid this problem, the paper answers the second question by proposing to demarcate the discipline through Morgenthau’s concept of ‘interest defined as power’. It argues that demarcating the discipline on the basis of this concept opens room for engaging in dialogue in IR through leaving open the normative debate of means and ends, and thus acts as a bulwark against the proliferation of ideological camps, while promoting theoretical pluralism.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-07-06T10:45:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120934044
  • The national accounting paradox: how statistical norms corrode
           international economic data
    • Authors: Daniel Mügge, Lukas Linsi
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The transnationalization and digitization of economic activity has undermined the quality of official economic statistics, which still center on national territories and material production. Why do we not witness more vigorous efforts to bring statistical standards in line with present-day economic realities, or admissions that precision in economic data has become increasingly illusive' The paradoxical answer, we argue, lies in the norms underpinning global statistical practice. Users expect statistics to draw on unambiguous sources, to allow for comparison over time and across countries, and they prize coherence—both internally and with holistic macroeconomic models. Yet as we show, the ambition of the transnational statistical community to meet these norms has in fact undermined the ability of economic data to represent economic life more faithfully. We base our findings on interviews with two dozen leading statisticians at international economic organizations, archival research at the International Monetary Fund and a thorough review of debates among statistical experts.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-07-01T05:38:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120936339
  • Fragmenting and connecting' The diverging geometries and extents of
           IR’s interdisciplinary knowledge-relations
    • Authors: Stephen Aris
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      IR has long been concerned about its claim on disciplinary status. This includes concerns about its differentiation from Political Science and a divide between scholars who advocate a narrow disciplinary approach and others who conceive of IR as a pluri-disciplinary concept. Although these dilemmas revolve around its position vis-à-vis other disciplines, the vast majority of the recent disciplinary-sociology debates have focused on the extent of IR scholarship’s intradisciplinary fragmentation, along epistemological, topical, national, status and other lines. However, the sociology of science literature stresses that disciplines are the product of not only internal practice but also their knowledge relations to and differentiation from other disciplines. In short, intradisciplinary fragmentation cannot be considered as detached from a discipline’s relations to other disciplines – and, by extension, the differentiated knowledge relationships held by distinct intradisciplinary fragments to other disciplines. Taking this into account, this article uses bibliometric analysis of journals as a proxy for analysing the relationship between IR’s intradisciplinary make-up and its interdisciplinary relations to eight cognate disciplines between 2013 and 2017. Three distinct modes of bibliometric analysis are operationalised to map three different aspects of interdisciplinary knowledge practice: (inter)disciplinary debates (direct citation), multidisciplinary knowledge bases (bibliographic coupling) and interdisciplinary knowledge production (co-citation). On this basis, the article asks, one, whether and how differences in the interdisciplinary knowledge relations practised by IR scholarship correlate with intra-IR lines of fragmentation. And two, what are the implications for how IR’s socio-intellectual composition is understood and its disciplinary status evaluated'
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-30T10:25:44Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120922605
  • How foreign pressure affects mass mobilization in favor of authoritarian
    • Authors: Sebastian Hellmeier
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Authoritarian regimes are frequent targets of international pressure in the form of economic sanctions or threats thereof. Existing research shows that foreign interventions can carry several unintended consequences for politics and the economy in the targeted countries. One of the side effects of such interventions is boosting support for incumbent autocrats. Public demonstrations in support of embattled leaders are one aspect of this dynamic. This article investigates the link between foreign pressure and domestic mobilization in favor of ruling autocrats. It is argued that pressure simultaneously increases regime supporters’ willingness to participate in rallies and the regime’s demand to display and even overstate regime support. Foreign pressure facilitates mobilization as autocrats can fuel nationalist sentiments and frame foreign interventions as an attack on the nation as a whole. At the same time, rallies are a strategic tool to reduce political opportunities for the opposition and to signal resolve to the international community. Empirically, I conduct the first quantitative analysis that evidences the existence of a relationship between international pressure and mobilization in support of incumbent autocrats. Using monthly data on rally events in all authoritarian regimes between 2003 and 2015, I find that sanctions but also threats significantly increase pro-government mobilization. In addition, I show evidence for a moderating role of media freedom in the targeted state, highlighting the importance of how international events are portrayed in national news.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-29T08:51:34Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120934527
  • Revisiting the expansion thesis: international society and the role of the
           Dutch East India company as a merchant empire
    • Authors: Kevin Blachford
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This paper breaks new ground by looking at the role played by merchant empires, such as the Dutch East India Company (VOC), in shaping European interactions with the non-Western world. It offers a critique of the English School’s state-centric narrative of the expansion of international society by looking to how the VOC and its expansion in Asia influenced developments within Europe. As a non-state actor, the VOC developed networks of trade and power, which were intertwined with the Dutch struggle against Iberian hegemony. As this paper shows, the development of international law, sovereign equality and European international society needs to be understood as being constituted through these colonial encounters. Looking to the VOC as a merchant empire presents a more nuanced approach to the expansion narrative that recognises that states, empires and early modern companies developed in a co-evolutionary manner. This critical approach calls for the recognition of international society as an ongoing process formed by the contestation of hybrid cultures.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-25T11:38:51Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120932300
  • The prejudice first model and foreign policy values: racial and religious
           bias among conservatives and liberals
    • Authors: Richard Hanania, Robert Trager
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Scholars who study public opinion and American foreign policy have accepted what Rathbun et al. (2016) call the “Vertical Hierarchy Model,” which says that policy attitudes are determined by more abstract moral ideas about right and wrong. This article turns this idea on its head by introducing the Prejudice First Model, arguing that foreign policy preferences and orientations are driven by attitudes toward the groups being affected by specific policies. Three experiments are used to test the utility of this framework. First, when conservatives heard about Muslims killing Christians, as opposed to the opposite scenario, they were more likely to support a humanitarian intervention and agree that the United States has a moral obligation to help those persecuted by their governments. Liberals showed no religious preference. When the relevant identity group was race, however, liberals were more likely to want to help blacks persecuted by whites, while conservatives showed no racial bias. In contrast, the degree of persecution mattered relatively little to respondents in either experiment, and the effects of moral foundations were shown to be generally weak relative to those of prejudice. In another experiment, conservatives adopted more isolationist policies after reading a text about the country becoming more liberal, as opposed to a paragraph that said the United States was a relatively conservative country. While not necessarily contradicting the Vertical Hierarchy Model, the results indicate that under most conditions the Prejudice First Model presents a better lens through which to understand how foreign policy preferences are formed.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-24T11:10:41Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120930801
  • Realist avenues to global International Relations
    • Authors: Michiel Foulon, Gustav Meibauer
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Realism has long been criticized by global IR, but the former can contribute to the latter and thereby improve explanations of international relations. Global IR criticizes that realism supposedly applies universally, sidelines non-Western perspectives, and misunderstands much of foreign policy, grand strategy, and international affairs. Reviewing global IR’s case against realism, however, exposes avenues for realism to complement global IR. Realism can contribute to a more global understanding of international relations through its most recent variant: neoclassical realism (NCR). This newest realism allows for contextualization and historicization of drivers of state behavior. It can embrace and has already been engaging global questions and cases; global thought and concepts; and global perspectives and scholarship. Mapping 149 NCR publications produced by 96 scholars reveals a slow shift in knowledge production away from North America toward Europe and to a lesser extent Asia and Africa. Creative research designs and scholarly collaboration can put realism in fruitful conversation with global IR. This has implications for theory building and inclusive knowledge production in realism, global IR, and the wider discipline. Only when we discover new avenues for realists to travel can they contribute to a more global IR. In turn, when global IR scholars engage realism, they may be better able to address the Western versus non-Western dichotomies they challenge.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-15T07:09:32Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120926706
  • Rethinking leadership: understanding the roles of the US and China in the
           negotiation of the Paris Agreement
    • Authors: Robyn Eckersley
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The study of leadership in International Relations has followed two different paths: work on hegemony and work on different leadership types in international negotiations. Yet there is little overlap between them and no agreement on the distinctive features of leadership and what connects leaders and followers in a collective pursuit. This article critically engages with both literatures and offers a reconceptualization of leadership as a form of legitimated asymmetrical influence that is marked off from domination and performs an important social function in facilitating collective agency towards common goals in a given community. This account is then operationalised in relation to multilateral negotiations to examine and clarify the roles of the United States and China in the negotiation of the mitigation provisions of the Paris Agreement. It is shown that the US under the Obama administration performed a sustained but largely transactional leadership role in bringing the parties to an agreement while China’s role was predominantly that of a defensive co-operator but with significant moments of shared leadership with the US towards the endgame. The analysis shows that, despite growing international expectations, China, unlike the United States, did not see its role as leading the world.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-11T09:31:21Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120927071
  • Company-states and the creation of the global international system
    • Authors: Andrew Phillips, JC Sharman
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      We investigate the nature and significance of the vital but neglected “company-states” in helping to facilitate the move from contained regional international systems to the first genuinely global international system. Historically, actors like the Dutch and English East India Companies were crucial in spearheading the first wave of European expansion in Asia, Africa, and the Americas. Conceptually, company-states broaden our understanding of international actors. At a time when intra-European politics favored gradual institutional convergence on the sovereign state, the demands of extra-European expansion meanwhile gave rise to diverse competing institutions. Company-states succeeded in an era of weak sovereign states because of their relative efficiency in managing the transaction costs and principal-agent challenges of intercontinental trade and rule. Conversely, company-states later declined as they succumbed to the effects of sharpening worldwide geopolitical competition, and were displaced by increasingly powerful new European empire-building projects. This argument advances earlier work on the creation of the international system by eschewing Eurocentrism and state-centrism, and foregrounding diversity and hybridization.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-07T11:57:47Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120928127
  • Grist to the mill of subversion: strikes and coups in counterinsurgencies
    • Authors: Christian Gläßel, Belén González, Adam Scharpf
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Why are acts of organized resistance associated with coups' Inspired by the Arab Spring, a large literature suggests that militaries confronted with civil resistance tend to side with protesters and oust their government. In the historically most coup-prone environment of insurgencies, however, alliances between the military and protesters are implausible because soldiers suspect insurgents behind social dissent. Disentangling different types of resistance, this article analyzes whether and how strikes, demonstrations, riots, and guerrilla attacks affect the military’s disposition and ability to stage a coup during counterinsurgencies. We argue that only strikes trigger coup attempts. Soldiers interpret strikes as manifestations of a strengthening subversive enemy that threatens their victory over insurgents, while economic elites support a coup in the hope that the military will terminate costly walkouts. This interest alignment fosters military takeovers. We provide case-study evidence from Cold War Argentina and Venezuela to show our suggested mechanism at work. Demonstrating the scope of our argument, we quantitatively analyze coup attempts in counterinsurgency worldwide (1950–2005). Results show that strikes increase wartime coup risk, whereas demonstrations, riots, and guerrilla attacks do not. The findings highlight the backfiring potential of nonviolent resistance with important implications for post-coup political orders and democratization prospects.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-05-22T11:45:22Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120923028
  • Democratic Breakdown and the Hidden Perils of the Democratic Peace
    • Authors: Joshua Tschantret
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      One empirical regularity in International Relations appears consistent: democracies rarely fight one another. However, this article maintains that the democratic peace comes with hidden costs. Democratic regimes are more pacifistic toward each other, but regimes formed through democratic breakdown are more bellicose than other authoritarian regimes. I argue that autocracies established through democratic breakdown are especially aggressive because they select leaders who tend to be impatient with democratic norms, and these leaders can leverage nationalism and mass mobilization fomented during the democratic era to support international aggression. Additionally, I argue that these factors interact with important institutional features that vary across authoritarian regimes. Post-democratic leaders lacking institutional constraints on their executive authority should be more aggressive than constrained post-democratic leaders and other unconstrained autocrats. Statistical analysis of militarized interstate disputes demonstrates that autocracies are more belligerent following democratic breakdown, especially under institutional conditions favorable to leaders instigating the breakdown. We should therefore be wary of urging democratization based on democratic peace when democracy has a high chance of reverting and focus more effort on ensuring that current democracies do not break down.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-05-22T10:01:13Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120916525
  • Rebel governance in de facto states
    • Authors: Adrian Florea
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      De facto states, such as Somaliland (Somalia), are unrecognized separatist enclaves that display characteristics of statehood but lack an international legal status. To acquire domestic and external legitimacy, these actors engage in a wide range of governance practices: they set up military and police forces; executive, legislative, and judicial branches; hospitals; schools; banks; or social security networks. In spite of the obvious gains that can be accrued through the establishment of a complex governance architecture, de facto states exhibit great variation in the range of statelike institutions that they build: some, like Luhansk People’s Republic (Ukraine), put together a rudimentary governance apparatus, while others, like Transnistria (Moldova), manage to construct a complex system of rule. What explains the variation in governance practices across these separatist enclaves' Using original data on governance institutions across all de facto states (1945–2016), this study offers an empirical examination of the key factors that shape separatists’ incentives to supply governance. The findings reveal that de facto state separatists are less likely to provide governance when they have access to lootable mineral resources but are more likely to do so when they receive external military support, when peacekeepers are present, when they have access to relatively immobile assets, when they adopt a Marxist ideology, and when they control the territory for a long time. The findings help us better understand the conditions under which armed nonstate actors supplant sovereign states as de facto authorities and successfully institutionalize their rule.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-05-06T10:41:13Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120919481
  • Amoral realism or just war morality' Disentangling different
           conceptions of necessity
    • Authors: Masakazu Matsumoto
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      This paper addresses a misconception in the popular contrast between amoral realism and just war theory and clarifies the linguistic source of the misconception by disentangling the two interpretations of necessity. First, we can, and should, distinguish the Thucydidean “causal” conception of necessity, which is the basis for just war thinkers when they attack realist thought, from the Machiavellian “telic” conception. The paper, then, proceeds to reconsider the relationship between realism and morality through a textual analysis of representative contemporary realist theories and clarifies that their necessity judgments contain both causal and telic meanings. According to those supporting the moral view, the pursuit of national interest and security can be interpreted as emerging from their sense of moral duty. Realists are, even if partially, in line with just war theorists in evaluating the moral appropriateness of a war in itself and its methods. Finally, the paper explores the substantive disagreement between the two camps regarding the principle of discrimination, to demonstrate why they should still be assumed to have separate theories. In conclusion, their difference lies in not whether they place importance on the necessity judgment, among other considerations on the morality of war, but the extent to which they do so.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-03-24T12:01:20Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120910233
  • From armed conflict to urban violence: transformations in the
           International Committee of the Red Cross, international humanitarianism,
           and the laws of war
    • Authors: Miriam Bradley
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      The International Committee of the Red Cross traditionally seeks to protect and assist victims of armed conflict. Over the past 10 years, however, the International Committee of the Red Cross and several other major international humanitarian agencies have turned their attention to situations of urban violence that fall short of the international humanitarian law thresholds for armed conflict. This article examines the institutional consequences of expanding the International Committee of the Red Cross mandate to include urban violence, to make a three-fold argument. First, the incorporation of urban violence into its mandate has led to significant and surprising shifts in the organization’s humanitarian boundaries: from eschewing any effort to prevent or reduce conflict and prioritising neutrality and dialogue with all parties to conflict, the International Committee of the Red Cross has begun engaging in violence-prevention and violence-reduction activities, compromising its neutrality and limiting dialogue with some armed groups. Second, because the International Committee of the Red Cross is such an important and influential actor in international humanitarianism, these shifts in its boundaries have the potential to transform definitions of humanitarianism. Third, these shifts may serve to undermine the moral authority of the International Committee of the Red Cross to persuade combatants in international humanitarian law contexts to comply with international humanitarian law, irrespective of the rightness or wrongness of their or their opponents’ goals. Ultimately, then, they may erode the distinction between jus ad bellum and jus in bello in the laws of war.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-03-07T10:14:11Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120908637
  • Loyalty in world politics
    • Authors: Lauge N Skovgaard Poulsen
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Loyalty is part of the glue that holds relationships together in times of difficulty. Surprisingly, however, hardly any literature exists on the role of loyalty in International Relations. The concept is routinely invoked – not least the notion of the ‘loyal ally’ – but typically only in passing and often based on questionable assumptions about the nature and effect of loyalty. Building on literature in moral philosophy on the ethics of loyalty, this paper presents loyalty as persistently partial behaviour driven by affective attachments. Such attachments are, in turn, driven mainly by a sense of shared social identity but also the interaction between subjects and objects of loyalty. I show how this understanding of loyalty differs from how most political scientists use the concept and illustrate why it matters for the study of world politics.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-29T09:07:43Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120905895
  • Shifting targets: the effect of peacekeeping on postwar violence
    • Authors: Corinne Bara
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Existing research shows that peace after civil wars is more stable with peacekeepers present. Yet, violence persists in many postwar contexts, and although postwar violence is often strategic and closely linked to the faultlines of the preceding war, we know little about the impact of peacekeepers on such violence. What we know, moreover, focuses on the former combatants, while this study shows that the majority of deaths in postwar violence are inflicted by other armed actors. This is a challenge for peacekeepers who – for mandate or capacity reasons – usually focus on the warring parties. I argue that the impact of peacekeepers on postwar violence hinges on the extent to which they fill a public security gap after war, since responsibility for violence not covered by a mission’s mandate lies with the often dysfunctional security agencies of the state. To test this I use a novel spatial approach to generate data that captures the manifold manifestations of violence across different postwar contexts. I find that only UN police – with their broader effect on public security – mitigate postwar violence generally. UN troops have some impact on civilian targeting by former combatants but no such effect could be identified for violence by other armed actors. The findings highlight the importance of peacekeeping police at a time when the modus operandi and capacity of UN police have been questioned, but also the importance of accounting for a multitude of violent actors when analysing the impact of international interventions more generally.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-10T11:59:29Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120902503
  • Organizing for performance: coalition effectiveness on the battlefield
    • Authors: Rosella Cappella Zielinski, Ryan Grauer
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      States often fight side-by-side on the battlefield. As detailed in our new dataset, Belligerents in Battle, 178 of the 480 major land battles fought during interstate wars waged between 1900 and 2003 involved at least one multinational coalition. Though coalition partners fight battles together to increase their odds of securing specific objectives, they vary significantly in their capacity to do so. Why' Drawing on organization theory insights, we argue that coalitions’ variable battlefield effectiveness is a function of interactions between their command structures and the resources each partner brings to the fight. Coalitions adopting command structures tailored to simultaneously facilitate the efficient use of partners’ variably sized resource contributions and discourage free-riding, shirking, and other counterproductive actions will fight effectively; those that employ inappropriate command structures will not. Evidence from Anglo-French operations during World War I and Axis operations during World War II strongly supports our claim. For scholars, our argument and findings about the importance of military organizational dynamics for the operation and performance of coalitions raise important new questions and provide potential insights about coalition formation, duration, and termination. For practitioners, it is significant that, since 1990, 36 of 49 of major battles in interstate wars have involved at least one coalition and the majority of those coalitions have been, like the cases we study, ad hoc in nature. Understanding how command arrangements affect performance and getting organization right at the outset of wars is increasingly important.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-10T11:58:50Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120903369
  • Returning to the roots of ontological security: insights from the
           existentialist anxiety literature
    • Authors: Karl Gustafsson, Nina C. Krickel-Choi
      First page: 875
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      Research on ontological security in International Relations (IR) has grown significantly in recent years. However, this scholarship is marked by conceptual ambiguity concerning the meaning of and relationship between the key concepts of ontological insecurity and anxiety. In addition, ontological security scholarship has been criticized for applying a concept that was originally developed for understanding individuals to states, and for being excessively concerned with continuity while largely ignoring change or seeing it as a negative force to be avoided. Despite such issues, however, reflection on the theoretical origins of ontological security remains limited. Based on such reflection, the present article argues that these issues can be circumvented if we return to one of the theoretical precursors of ontological security studies, the existentialist literature on anxiety. R.D. Laing, who coined the term ontological security, was strongly influenced by the existentialist anxiety theorists. Anthony Giddens, however, who drew on Laing and whose understanding of ontological security permeates IR scholarship, explicitly rejected the distinction between normal and neurotic anxiety, which was central to the work of existentialists like Rollo May. This article reintroduces this distinction. Doing so is useful, the article argues, both for providing conceptual clarity and for moving beyond the criticisms of ontological security mentioned above. More generally, the article suggests that ontological security studies has much to gain from drawing on the insights of the existentialist literature on anxiety to a greater extent than has hitherto been the case.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-06-08T09:36:16Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120927073
  • What do I get' How do states’ negotiation alternatives influence the
           concessions they receive in multilateral negotiations'
    • Authors: Heather Elko McKibben
      First page: 896
      Abstract: European Journal of International Relations, Ahead of Print.
      When will states receive concessions in multilateral negotiations' And on which issues are those concessions likely to be received' I highlight two factors that influence the likelihood a state will receive concessions on an issue in multilateral negotiations: (1) the degree to which the issues linked together in the negotiation are “differently valued” by the negotiating states, and (2) the costliness of states’ “best alternative to a negotiated agreement” on each individual issue. The former creates the opportunity for an exchange of concessions; the latter creates the incentive for that exchange to occur. It is the interaction of having more differently valued issues on the table and having a more costly best alternative to a negotiated agreement on an issue that makes a state more likely to receive concessions on that issue. This argument stands in contrast to the standard negotiation literature, which has shown that having a more beneficial best alternative to a negotiated agreement will yield greater concessions. I argue that these contradictory assertions exist because there are two types of best alternatives to a negotiated agreement that must be taken into account – one at the negotiation level and those at the issue-specific level. The current literature has tended to focus on the former while I focus on the latter. I test my argument on an originally constructed dataset of concessions states received in the Uruguay Round trade negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. For each issue in the Round, I coded the costliness of each state's issue-specific best alternative to a negotiated agreement and the level of concessions it received on that issue. The results provide insights into the workings of multilateral negotiations.
      Citation: European Journal of International Relations
      PubDate: 2020-02-29T09:07:24Z
      DOI: 10.1177/1354066120906875
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