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  Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 899 journals)
    - CIVIL RIGHTS (10 journals)
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    - POLITICAL SCIENCE (756 journals)
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POLITICAL SCIENCE (756 journals)                  1 2 3 4 | Last

Showing 1 - 200 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
A Contracorriente     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Ab Imperio     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Acta Politica Estica     Open Access  
Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Administrative Science Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 157)
Affirmations : of the modern     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Africa Conflict Monitor     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Africa Insight     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 14)
Africa Institute Occasional Paper     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Africa Renewal     Free   (Followers: 5)
Africa Report     Full-text available via subscription  
Africa Review : Journal of the African Studies Association of India     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Africa Today     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
African Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 59)
African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
African Diaspora     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
African East-Asian Affairs     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
African Identities     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
African Journal of Democracy and Governance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
African Journal of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
African Renaissance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
African Yearbook of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Africanus     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review     Open Access  
Afrique contemporaine : La revue de l'Afrique et du développement     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Agenda Política     Open Access  
Agenda: A Journal of Policy Analysis and Reform     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Agrarian South : Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Alternatives : Global, Local, Political     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Altre Modernità     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
América Latina Hoy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
American Communist History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
American Foreign Policy Interests: The Journal of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
American Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 276)
American Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 227)
American Political Thought     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
American Politics Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 26)
American Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 17)
Anacronismo e Irrupción     Open Access  
Analecta política     Open Access  
Análise Social     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Annales UMCS, Politologia     Open Access  
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Annual Review of Economics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 31)
Annual Review of Political Science     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 156)
AQ - Australian Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Arabian Humanities     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Arctic Review on Law and Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Arena Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Armed Conflict Survey     Full-text available via subscription  
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 16)
Asia Minor Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Asia Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Asia-Pacific Journal : Japan Focus     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Asia-Pacific Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Asian Affairs: An American Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Asian Journal of Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Asian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Asian Politics and Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Astropolitics: The International Journal of Space Politics & Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
AUDEM : The International Journal of Higher Education and Democracy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política     Open Access  
Australasian Review of African Studies, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Australian Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Australian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Austrian Journal of Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia     Open Access  
Baltic Journal of European Studies     Open Access  
Bandung : Journal of the Global South     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Basic Income Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Beleid en Maatschappij     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
BMC International Health and Human Rights     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Brazilian Political Science Review     Open Access  
Brésil(s)     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
British Journal of Canadian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
British Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 219)
British Journal of Politics and International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
British Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
British Review of New Zealand Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity     Open Access   (Followers: 49)
Bulletin d'histoire politique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Bustan     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Cadernos de Estudos Sociais e Políticos     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
CADUS - Revista de Estudos de Política, História e Cultura     Open Access  
Cahiers de l'Urmis     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cahiers de Sciences politiques de l'ULg     Open Access  
Cambio 16     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Cambridge Review of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Canadian Foreign Policy Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Caucasus Survey     Hybrid Journal  
Central and Eastern European Review     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Central Asian Affairs     Hybrid Journal  
Central Banking     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Central European Journal of Public Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
China : An International Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 17)
China perspectives     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
China Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 49)
China Report     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
China Review International     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
China-EU Law Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Chinese Journal of Global Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Chinese Journal of International Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Chinese Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Cittadinanza Europea (LA)     Full-text available via subscription  
Civil Wars     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union     Open Access  
Class, Race and Corporate Power     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cold War History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Communication, Politics & Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
Communist and Post-Communist Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Comparative Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 156)
Comparative Politics (Russia)     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Comparative Strategy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Competition & Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Conferences on New Political Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Confines     Open Access  
Conflict and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Conflict Management and Peace Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
Conflict Trends     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
Conflict, Security & Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 367)
Congress & the Presidency: A Journal of Capital Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Constellations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Contemporary Italian Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Contemporary Japan     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Contemporary Journal of African Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Contemporary Political Theory     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 37)
Contemporary Review of the Middle East     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Security Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 21)
Contemporary Wales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Contenciosa     Open Access  
Contexto Internacional     Open Access  
Cooperation and Conflict     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
CQ Researcher     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
CQ Weekly     Full-text available via subscription  
Criterio Jurídico     Open Access  
Critical Asian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Critical Review : A Journal of Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Critical Reviews on Latin American Research     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Critical Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
Critical Studies on Terrorism     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
Cuadernos de historia de España     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Cultura de Paz     Open Access  
Cultural Critique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Culture Mandala : The Bulletin of the Centre for East-West Cultural and Economic Studies     Open Access  
Décalages : An Althusser Studies Journal     Open Access  
Decolonization : Indigeneity, Education & Society     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Defence Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Defense & Security Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Democracy & Education     Open Access   (Followers: 15)
Democratic Communiqué     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Democratic Theory     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Democratization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 33)
Democrazia e diritto     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Demokratie und Geschichte     Hybrid Journal  
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Der Donauraum     Hybrid Journal  
Der Staat     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 14)
Desafíos     Open Access  
Development and Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 49)
Digest of Middle East Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Diplomacy & Statecraft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 36)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 29)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access  
Encuentro     Open Access  
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Equal Opportunities International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Éthique publique     Open Access  
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Europe's World     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 52)

        1 2 3 4 | Last

Journal Cover African Yearbook of Rhetoric
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   Full-text available via subscription Subscription journal
   ISSN (Print) 2220-2188 - ISSN (Online) 2305-7785
   Published by Sabinet Online Ltd Homepage  [188 journals]
  • The Elephant and the Obelisk - a special series and imprint of the African
           Yearbook of Rhetoric
    • Abstract: In the fantastical imagination Europe has of Africa and the South, the elephant and the obelisk enjoy a lasting presence. During the Renaissance the Elephant meant the energy of memory in heeding lessons of the past while the needle of the Obelisk emblematised the probing penetration of reason - the Elephant carrying an Obelisk was an evocation of lost or recondite virtues European high culture, at the very time of Portuguese descobrimentos, attributed to Africa or to the South, which in turn provoked a sharper investigation into Europe's place in a newly expanded humanity.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Foreword
    • Abstract: This volume of the African Yearbook of Rhetoric is devoted to key speeches in the history of South Africa and Argentina.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • The wind of change (the original text) : South Africa - white voices
    • Authors: Philippe-Joseph Salazar
      Abstract: When, on 3 February 1960, British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan (1894-1986) addressed a supposedly informal gathering of the Houses of Parliament in Cape Town, at a "luncheon", he delivered a speech he had already given a month earlier in Accra. Barring a few changes. These changes alone catapulted the speech into another rhetorical dimension: it per-formed politics. Indeed, the speech delivered in Cape Town had an international impact its antecedent delivery in Accra could not, and did not have. It raised the Liberation movements' hopes for a steadfast support by Britain. It was a precipitating agent for a surge of revolt, and the repression that followed: the Sharpeville massacre took place shortly afterwards. It was the prologue to thirty years of emergency, until F.W. de Klerk's speech at the same Parliament in February 1990, and the liberation of Nelson Mandela. Macmillan's speech is an essential, if paradoxical moment in South Africa's rhetorical foundation. The version presented here is the exact transcription of Macmillan's own original type-script used by him to deliver his speech, together with hand written notes and corrections. It offers a unique insight in the rhetorical processes of speech delivery, and evinces a care for kairos that should never elude politicians faced with seizing up the moment and performing politics through rhetoric.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • In support of a motion of no-confidence in the Prime Minister (9 July
           1958) : South Africa - white voices
    • Authors: Michael Coombes
      Abstract: The year 1958 marked the ten year anniversary of National Party rule in South Africa, and their overriding policy of racial segregation known as Apartheid. On the day of the speech under discussion, the current Minister of Native Affairs, H.F. Verwoerd, was less than two months away from being sworn in as South Africa's seventh Prime Minister. During his time as the Minister of Native Affairs Verwoerd became known as the "Architect of Apartheid". As such, his position is diametrically opposed to that of Margaret Ballinger, an elected member of parliament since 1937 in the role of Native Representative. The Native Representatives held four parliamentary seats set aside for White representatives and voted for by Black constituents. Margaret Ballinger had served her constituency of the Eastern Cape for over two decades, but, as much as her international fame, and liberal attitudes towards racial policy were well established, she had not been able to achieve any significant impact in terms of guiding South African politics away from White-minority rule and international disapproval and condemnation. At this point in time Ballinger had largely lost the support of the leadership of the African National Congress, as the younger members, such as Nelson Mandela, moved the organisation towards a more radical, revolutionary uprising. Ballinger, who had advocated for peaceful resistance refused to concede that she was largely ineffectual. At the point of presenting this speech Ballinger and her three colleagues were also within two years of Verwoerd scrapping the Native Representative seats in parliament altogether, and with it their political careers. As a Native Representative, Margaret Ballinger fought tirelessly for the rights of the Black majority, who been increasingly marginalised and subjugated by successive Parliamentary Acts of the White rulers. After time spent studying at Oxford, Ballinger returned and taught history at both Rhodes University and the University of the Witwatersrand. A highly gifted speaker, Ballinger was credited by a Time magazine article in 1944 with being perhaps the best speaker in South Africa's parliament apart from Jan Smuts (then current Prime Minister) and perhaps his protégé Jan Hofmeyr. Ballinger's particular rhetorical style focusses predominantly on the use of logos and extensive substantiation in order to form very powerful arguments and claims. Through comprehensive research, she was able to create arguments that were very difficult to dispute on rational grounds. The choice to steer away from pathos arguments and to avoid ethos claims might initially seem strange, in particular when considered in the light of major ethical questions concerning the ill treatment of Black South Africans. However, the two Nationalist party leaders who had the greatest influence on Apartheid policy (D.F. Malan and H.F. Verwoerd) both held PhDs (in Theology and Psychology respectively) and were very intelligent men, and Ballinger understood they could not be successfully out-manoeuvred using either ethos or pathos due to their superior educational and religious standing. As such, she realised that the audience for her speeches were predominantly conservative, Afrikaner men amongst whom her use of ethos would not stand comparison, and due to the religious aspect, neither would the use of pathos. The other dominant aspect of Ballinger's speeches is her ability to couch her claims and warrants in terms of the best interests of the White men who formed the governing party. While she would express the importance of greater equality for the Black population she represented by ensuring that the argument always revolved around the benefit that would accrue to the White farmers, businessmen and population in general, should this happen, Ballinger was able to constantly undermine the Apartheid façade. Additionally, newspapers reporting on her speeches meant that it became increasingly difficult to contain the veracity of her arguments, and many Parliamentary rebuttals of her positions were no more than ad hominem attacks designed to detract from her ethos. The speech that is presented below is one given by Ballinger in support of a motion of no confidence in the Prime Minister of South Africa, J.G. Strijdom, which was brought before the House by the Leader of the Opposition, Sir DeVilliersGraaff of the United Party. Ballinger's speech follows that of J.H. Abraham, the National Party MP for Groblersdal against the motion. Of particular interest in this speech is the manner in which she uses the information supplied by the National Party Government to substantiate her arguments. Unfortunately, the only version of this speech which exists is that of the Hansard transcripts of Parliamentary Debates, which do not clearly record all of the paragraph breaks. I have chosen not to change this, as it could possibly influence the reading of the speech and the interpretation thereof.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Introduction : Argentina - Argentine voices
    • Authors: Maria Alejandra Vitale
      Abstract: The four speeches presented as founding in Argentina were selected using two criteria, which are based on the recognition of the performative power of words in a community. On the one hand, it has to do with constructing the audience, endowed with a certain identity and, on the other, about declaring the beginning of a new period in the country's history.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • This is the suffering people that represent the pain of the motherland :
           Argentina - Argentine voices
    • Authors: Maria Alejandra Vitale
      Abstract: Juan Domingo Peron began to gain prominence in Argentina's political scene after the military coup of 4 June 1943, which overthrew the conservative president Ramon Castillo, who had come to power through fraud. In 1945, General Edelmiro Farrell was ruling the country and Colonel Peron was Secretary of Labour, Vice President and Minister of War. Due to the pressure coming from both civilian and military opponents, on 9 October 1945, he was forced to resign from all his posts and on the 12 October he was imprisoned. On 17 October, after a huge mass mobilisation calling for his release, and which according to Alain Rouquie gave the military the understanding that it was best to stand by Peron than to be on the sidelines of his indisputable leadership, he was released. In order to placate the crowd that had gathered in the Plaza de Mayo, at 23:00 Farrell himself presented Peron on the balcony of the Government House (Casa Rosada) to speak publicly. Peron fulfilled this purpose especially because he avoided giving the crowd information about what had happened during his imprisonment, and by asking them to quietly return to their homes and to go on strike on 18 October, as decreed by the General Confederation of Workers, as a public holiday (not as a protest). But the speech of 17 October, which lasted about half an hour and was broadcast throughout the country by the Official Broadcasting Service, is famous for other reasons. In it, Peron constructed his audience with the identity of the Argentine people. In successive rhetorical moves, Peron brought the workers into existence through expressions such as "the authentic Argentine people" and performs it by saying "This is the people". In various expressions Peron implied that one social sector claimed to be the people but was actually an inauthentic Argentine people, a false people. According to Peron's speech, the true and authentic people were the Peronist workers, so left-wing workers were excluded from it, as well as those of the Communist Party - not co-opted by Peronism - the middle class who were against his policies, and the upper class. In his 17 October speech there is a "conversion" of the identity of Peron that allows for a "transubstantiation with the people" and the rhetorical construction of its political leadership. Peron explicitly expresses that he is putting the uniform aside and putting on the civilian's coat to blend in with the sweaty masses. But while he mingles with the masses, by means of other rhetorical moves, he climbs up to a higher place in hierarchical terms (he formulates requests, advice and recommendations, positioning himself as an "older brother") until he ends his speech above the crowd, observing it from the balcony of the Government House. The tension between the fusion/division of the constitutive dialectic is manifested in the relationship itself between Peron and the crowd: he merged with it, but at the same time he ends his speech positioned outside of it, physically and symbolically above it as their leader. In his 17 October speech, Peron used the slang word "vieja" (old lady) to refer to his mother, saying "you have had the same pains and the same thoughts as my poor old lady", thus distancing himself from the conservative and dry language of his political opponents. It also builds the spoken scene rhetorically between Peron and the crowd in a familiar setting and re-semanticises political relations as family relations. Therefore Peron portrays himself as an older brother who gives advice to the mass. This older brother, who is wiser and more powerful, presents himself as a leader who communicates with the people without mediation. Thus, Peron represents his meeting with the workers by means of the expression "this true celebration of democracy", a phrase that separates the notion of celebration of democracy into a true celebration and a false one, which implicitly refers to the celebration of liberal representative democracy, where raw mediated relations between the representatives and the represented come first. The 17 October speech is constitutive of an enunciation device that establishes a verbal link between the leader and his audience without mediation, and which situates this crowd in an ambiguous place with regard to their own right to speak. The people ask Peron several times to tell them where he had been, but he says: "With all this new insistence, I request that you do not ask me". In an act of authority, Peron defines himself as sole administrator of his rights and duties as political speaker, and in the same act he defines the rights and duties of his audience, the acts of legitimate and illegitimate enunciation. My thanks go to Maria Sofia Vasallo, of the National University Institute of Arts, for facilitating the transcription she produced of the original audio of the speech of 17 October, preserved in the General Archive of the Nation, for her (unpublished) thesis for her Masters in Speech Analysis at the University of Buenos Aires. Unlike the written version that mainly circulates and which is archived on the educ.ar website, this audio includes the voice of the speaker who presented Peron and the part of his speech where he refers to his upcoming trip to Chubut. On the other hand, it allows us to notice the interaction between Peron and his audience and how at the end of his speech the people broke into a chant that would be repeated by Peronists at political rallies or demonstrations for the remaining decades of the twentieth century and even until today.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • A long history of struggles, setbacks and hopes : Argentina - Argentine
           voices
    • Authors: Ana Maria Corrarello; Ana Laura Maizels
      Abstract: Eva Peron (1919-1952) is one of the most important female political figures in the history of Argentina and is an essential reference when studying Peronism, on the one hand, and women's political leadership, on the other. As is widely known, Eva Peron (Evita) was the wife of Juan Domingo Peron, president of Argentina three times, 1946-1952, 1952-1958 (government interrupted by the military coup of 1955) and 1973-1974 (interrupted by his passing in 1974). Eva Peron played an active role as First Lady, as President of the Women's Peronist Party, President of the Eva Peron Foundation and "Spiritual Leader of the Nation". Her political action was specifically focused on achieving labour and social rights. Part of these achievements is the law of women's suffrage. During the period prior to the enactment of Law 13, 010, which established women's suffrage, Eva Peron's public participation was intense, through radio and print, in order to promote and defend it. The law was approved by the National Congress on 9 September, but its enactment was postponed until 23 September. Its text, only seven articles long, would allow women - four years later, in the 1952 presidential elections - to vote for the first time. The speech presented here was delivered on the balcony of the Casa Rosada, on 23 September 1947, immediately after the enactment of the law, which had been signed that day by President Juan Domingo Peron and Interior Minister Angel Borlenghi, within the framework of a popular celebration held in the Plaza de Mayo. In Argentina, the claim for equal civil rights for women, including women's suffrage, has its origin in the socialist and anarchist militants of the early twentieth century, among whom are Elvira Rawson de Dellepiane, Cecilia Grierson and Alicia Moreau de Justo. On the other hand, women's sectors of the national oligarchy were also in favour of voting rights for women, but with a marked selectivity that did not question the injustice of an established social order that held women back, a questioning that was at the core of Evita's messages. Part of that sector are Victoria Ocampo, Susana Larguia and Maria Rosa Oliver, who in 1936 founded the Argentine Women's Union. Earlier, in 1932, Carmela Horne had founded the Argentine Association for Women's Suffrage. In the decades leading up to 1947, over thirty more projects were started to promote women's voting rights, but none of them came to be discussed in the parliamentary bodies. The first one dates from 1911, driven by socialist MP Alfredo Palacios, and even predates the Saenz Peña Law of 1912, by which the electoral methods in Argentina are democratised, when the secret, compulsory and universal vote is instituted for male Argentine citizens over the age of eighteen years. However, with the Saenz Peña Law, political fraud could not be avoided, and this allowed conservative sectors to take power during the "Infamous Decade" until the military coup of 1943, an event that would facilitate the rise to power of Juan Domingo Peron three years later through institutional means. Eva Peron's campaign to achieve women's suffrage law is framed within this context and is projected towards the 1952 elections, in which women vote for the first time. While Eva Peron was driving a shared claim, both with liberal leftist leaders and those of the oligarchy, her speech is "founding" because it establishes, for the first time, a new recipient: it politically calls on women, all women, building a civic consciousness while maintaining the suitable indispensable condition as the "basic pillar of the home". That is, the symbolic space that is generated incorporates women into the political scene but without losing sight of the spiritual values or traditionally assigned gender roles. Eva Peron's speech announcing women's voting rights establishes women in a politically meaningful place, on a par with the place held during Peronism. In this sense, it builds a national future in tension with the political model of the oligarchic past and puts not only the role of the Peronist woman, but of all women as citizens, at stake. This differentiates it from previous speeches that promoted women's right to vote but were directed, in their claim, only at men or women who had "political awareness".
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • All we have done is interpret the sentiment of the Argentine people :
           Argentina - Argentine voices
    • Authors: Mariano Dagatti
      Abstract: "In late 1982, hardly any other country in the world was in a more alarming and unfortunate situation". This statement by David Rock, in his book Argentina 1516-1987, although it does not lack the pathos of hyperbole, concisely describes the political, social and economic crisis in Argentina after seven years of military dictatorship. On 2 April, 1982, General Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri, third de facto president of the self-styled "National Reorganisation Process", from the balcony of the Government House addresses a cheering crowd celebrating the momentary recovery of the Falkland Islands, after almost 150 years under British rule. National papers titled the news somewhere between verifying and celebrating it: "Argentine troops land on the Falklands" (Clarín), "Argentina lands on the archipelago of the Falklands" (La Nación), "Today is a glorious day for our country. Argentina rules in the Falklands" (La Razón), and, "Argentina strikes: the Falklands have been recovered" (Crónica). Two days earlier, on 30 March, 1982, the repression of a mass mobilisation to Plaza de Mayo in front of the Government House, hosted by leading Argentine unions under the slogan "Bread and Work", had revealed the decay of the living conditions in Argentine society and the decline of a dictatorship that had ruled cruelly and brutally since 24 March 1976, when it overthrew the constitutional president Maria Estela Martinez de Peron and closed all the fundamental institutions of democracy. In the early Eighties, the word "Malvinas" (Falklands) had multiple meanings in the collective memory of the Argentines: the colonial usurpation, the anti-imperialist struggle, sovereignty. From 1833 onward, that territory in the hands of Great Britain functioned in Argentina's culture and politics as one of the many metaphors of the Nation. The positions in favour of the recovery of the archipelago covered the most diverse political banners and were a constant in the national profiles outlined by national politics. Diplomatic and legal action was interrupted only during the Seventy-four-day war in 1982. After 1982, as suggested by Julieta Vitullo in Islas imaginadas, we say "Falklands" rather than "war". Between late December 1981 and early January 1982, the military junta had begun to outline plans to recover the islands. The purpose was to generate a stream of popular fervour to divert attention from current problems, as well as to regain lost credibility among large sectors of the country that would be sensitive to an action of patriotic interest such as this. The Falklands War sought to remember, as Leon Rozichner indicates in Las Malvinas: De la guerrasucia a la guerralimpia, "old lost glories: the British invasions and the boiling oil, the Mendoza ladies weaving flags". The Falklands would become a strong mobilising driver of English anti-imperialism, which indelibly fuelled the collective Argentine nationalist imagination and its irredentism.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Ensuring today and for all times, democracy and respect for human dignity
           in Argentina : Argentina - Argentine voices
    • Authors: Florencia Magnanego; Mariano Dagatti
      Abstract: On 10 December 1983, Raul Alfonsin takes up the presidency of Argentina after seven years of military dictatorship. Forty days earlier he had been elected in the polls with almost 52% of the votes, in elections comparable to the plebiscite victories of Juan Domingo Peron or Hipolito Yrigoyen, undisputed leaders of the Peronist Party and the Radical Civic Union, respectively. Alfonsin decided to deliver his first speech to the Argentine people since the return of democracy on a particular day and place. International Human Rights Day is commemorated on 10 December, and the president, whose campaign speech contrasted with the dominant repressive discourse and had placed emphasis on the restoration of democratic values and on overcoming the authoritarian mentality, chose this date to start a new cycle. The choice of the town council, on the other hand, indicates a difference with the political tradition of speaking from the balcony of the Casa Rosada (Government House) and it restores the historical significance of that building, linked to the founding of the Argentine nation and the significant role of the people. Just as the date and space indicate the beginning of a political era of re-founding, Alfonsin's trajectory itself is linked to the shaping of a new subjectivity. In 1972 he led the renewal of radicalism through the creation of the Movement for Renewal and Change, a division closer to European social democracy, and during the dictatorship he distinguished himself from other politicians when he publicly confronted the military, took up the defence of political prisoners and the claims for the missing persons, and criticised the occupation of the Falkland Islands by the de facto government. Alfonsin's speech at the town council is part of Argentina's rhetorical history. It is a founding speech, or rather, one of re-founding, as it invokes the desire to form a national union, expressed for the first time in the 1853 Constitution, to which he makes explicit reference. Over and above conflicting interests, Alfonsin, before a multiparty and diverse popular demonstration, defines democracy as a collective construction. Through rhetoric, he constitutes a heterogeneous audience, composed of diverse political and ideological affiliations, into a homogeneous democratic subject, united around a civic ethic.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • The Elephant and the Obelisk - a special series and imprint of the African
           Yearbook of Rhetoric
    • Abstract: In the fantastical imagination Europe has of Africa and the South, the elephant and the obelisk enjoy a lasting presence. During the Renaissance the Elephant meant the energy of memory in heeding lessons of the past while the needle of the Obelisk emblematised the probing penetration of reason - the Elephant carrying an Obelisk was an evocation of lost or recondite virtues European high culture, at the very time of Portuguese descobrimentos, attributed to Africa or to the South, which in turn provoked a sharper investigation into Europe's place in a newly expanded humanity.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Foreword / Préface / Prólogo
    • Authors: Lucas G. Martin
      Abstract: How does a society deal, in words and arguments, not by revenge and murder, with its criminal past? How does it come to terms with a resistance to have the past become past? And what is to be done with those who committed political crimes, with perpetrators? Which are the best ways to repair the irreparable? And who is authorized to decide it? This issue of the African Yearbook of Rhetoric examines a range of answers given by post-criminal societies, as well as the deliberative, even rhetorical arguments on which they are the grounded. Punishment, remembrance, reconciliation, truth-seeking, amnesty, referendum, are questioned without prejudice (be it moral or political), but under the sharp light provided by a variety of local experiences, those of Argentina and South Africa, of Rwanda and Uruguay, of Haiti and the ex-USSR. Sortir du crime exige d'affronter la force et la convenance du silence. Ce silence concerne la communauté entière. Les criminels, tout d'abord, parce qu'ils veulent éviter la souffrance du châtient, mais aussi les victimes, qui ne veulent ni peuvent plus souffrir davantage, et la société en général, qui voudrait mieux oublier le passé et, du coup, oublier aussi le travail de reconnaissance, de accountability, de responsability. "J'ai voulu parler mais je ne pouvais rien dire" ("Quise hablar pero no me salía nada"), dit Hebe de Bonafini, Madre de Plaza de Mayo, quelques jours après le décès de Videla, l'ancien dictateur argentin qui dut passer, sa vie durant, devant plusieurs tribunaux. Dire la violence, en parler, la montrer, sont des conditions pour surmonter le passé criminel et autant de manières de le faire - dire, parler, montrer constituent le but et les moyens au même temps. Encore faut-il admettre qu'il y a des différents dispositifs de reconnaissance? Lequel le plus "parlant", lequel le plus juste? La question de la représentation de l'horreur est solidaire de celle du fondement du droit de même que la question du fondement des représentations publiques l'est de celle de la représentation du droit et du droit des représentants à dire la loi. No se encontrará, a lo largo de este volumen, un modelo o un paradigma; sí, en cambio, la posibilidad de un debate, de varios debates. Se sostiene la singularidad de cada caso. Se afirma, por ejemplo, que la experiencia de Sudáfrica es indócil e inexportable. En Argentina, ha podido afirmarse algo también indócil e inexportable: "el modelo sudafricano es inmoral". Podría asimismo decirse que la inmoralidad está en la idea de modelo. En ese sentido, ¿no es acaso también inmoral, indócil, inexportable, un museo del horror, de la violencia extrema, una museografía del desastre? ¿No es también inmoral, indócil, inexportable, juzgar penalmente el Mal, traducirlo al lenguaje de la ley? El derecho internacional provee los medios y el lenguaje desde un lugar transfronterizo, global a su modo, que evita la pregunta por lo ex-im-portable, en una palabra, la pregunta sobre lo que importa. Es un lenguaje moral, de lo imprescriptible, lo inamnistiable, lo que debe ser sancionado. Un lenguaje también indócil e inexportable, acaso in-importable.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • "Por eso, Sr. Eichmann, debe Ud. colgar". De Eichmann en Jerusalén a los
           "Juicios" en Argentina (reflexiones situadas)
    • Authors: Claudia Hilb
      Abstract: Al inicio del epílogo de su crónica del juicio de Eichmann en Jerusalén, Hannah Arendt afirma que dicho juicio nos coloca frente a problemas políticos, morales y jurídicos que sin embargo el juicio mismo, por cómo fue llevado adelante, lejos de ayudarnos a elucidar, contribuye a oscurecer. Me propongo aquí restablecer brevemente cuáles son, a ojos de Arendt, estos problemas políticos, morales y jurídicos, a fin de apoyarme en su reflexión para interrogar, a partir de allí, cuáles pueden ser los problemas políticos, morales y jurídicos con los que nos confronta el juzgamiento, en Argentina, de los autores de los crímenes cometidos por la Dictadura militar que asoló el país entre 1976 y 1983.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • De l'indocile et de l'inexportable
    • Authors: Philippe-Joseph Salazar
      Abstract: Lors de la renonciation de Benoît XVI au pontificat suprême j'ai durant une bonne journée souffert d'une sorte de Mardi-Gras de la sottise journalistique, ou plutôt de l'idiotie de l'idiome public enfermé dans des conventions qui ne lui permettait pas de voir une chose pourtant évidente : que le Saint Père avait choisi la langue latine pour cette étonnante proclamation, et qu'il avait proclamé son annonce deux jours avant le Mercredi des Cendres, quand les cendres des palmes incinérées de l'année précédente sont marquées au front des fidèles. Qui, en lisant l'admirable texte latin, a compris que le saint père affirmait ne pas pouvoir physiquement pratiquer les mortifications supplémentaires qu'imposent au successeur de saint Pierre la période et les liturgies des Quarante-Jours. Qui a vu le sacrifice stupéfiant du pontife à ne pas pouvoir annoncer la Résurrection du dieu vivant ? Qui aura vu que sa renonciation est en elle-même un jeûne, et le carême supérieur, celui du monde allant à la destruction de sa chair salvatrice, le Christ incarné ? Un acte docile d'indocilité, un acte inexportable.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • The quietude of transitional justice : five rhetorical questions
    • Authors: Erik Doxtader
      Abstract: What are we talking about? For a day, a virtual eternity in the governing "news cycle", the left-leaning international media buzzes with commentary regarding the South African government's decision to parole Eugene de Kock. For those familiar with South Africa's history and its transition to non-racial democracy, de Kock requires no introduction. An Afrikaner who "distinguished" himself in the apartheid government's "border wars", he is best and widely known as the leader of an apartheid death squad that took its name from the farm outside of Pretoria where it was headquartered - Vlakplaas. Operating from the mid-1980s into the early 1990s, de Kock's Vlakplaas unit kidnapped, tortured, and murdered scores (the precise number remains unknown) of anti-apartheid activists, many of whom were members of the ANC's Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK).
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Verbalising violence
    • Authors: Etienne Tassin
      Abstract: To achieve the "move" beyond dictatorship and a successful "entry" into democracy - if these terms might have a sense other than the mere metaphorical reference to a "transition", which is, to say the least, problematic - require, as a condition, that the terror wielded in the name of the State should be spoken of. It should be spoken of in public by those who turned to violence, and by those who were subjected to it. Without this public space of expression, it is hard to imagine how a solid and lasting democratic social bond could be established. This is perhaps one of the principal difficulties that Haitian society faces today. The violence has not been spoken of, it is still not spoken of; it has been silenced. This straightforward observation prompts three questions. Can one speak publicly of this violence? Is it sufficient to speak of it in order to overcome it? What provisions are required for its public expression? These three questions lead to a fourth: Can we be sure that this public verbalisation opens a way to move beyond State terrorism? Can we be certain that the fact of recreating a lasting bond of trust between citizens will permit the establishment of democratic practices of power? The question of the conditions under which violence can be spoken of is certainly a prerequisite for two other questions that should be treated together: on the one hand, the sentencing of the dictator and his accomplices and, on the other, the commemoration of the crimes committed and the injuries suffered.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • The museography of disaster : museums faced with the material traces of
           extreme violence
    • Authors: Elisabeth Anstett
      Abstract: Since the publication of the book edited by Appadurai in 1986 and especially since Kopytoff's contribution, we have known that objects have a social life. From that point on, research on material culture has taken a decidedly culturalist turn, based on the notion that objects have a social and cultural biography. Simultaneously a trace, document, and support for social memory, every object, every artefact, is indeed the product of a world. It offers the possibility of directly reconstructing practices (ways of doing), representations (ways of thinking), and value systems. But to what extent can things render extreme violence intelligible? I have chosen to focus more particularly on museums dedicated to mass crimes and genocides in order to understand the place attributed to objects and the role they are given.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Truth versus impunity : post-transitional justice in Argentina and the
           'human rights turn'
    • Authors: Sevane Garibian; Sevane Garibian
      Abstract: In Argentina, the processes of democratic transition and transitional justice are both inextricably associated with Raú Alfonsín, for both began with his accession to the presidency after the free elections that followed seven years of military dictatorship (1976-1983). Having thus initiated the transition to democracy, Alfonsín set up, in 1983, the CONADEP (Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas), which was tasked with investigating the 'disappearances' and other grave human rights violations committed in the context of the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional overseen by the generals. That same year, the Argentine parliament repealed the self-amnesty law which, in an attempt to guarantee the impunity of perpetrators, had been hurriedly passed by General Bignone's government two months before the fall of the dictatorship under the pretext of maintaining civil harmony and achieving national reconciliation. Shortly afterwards, Alfonsín gave the go-ahead for legal proceedings against the generals of the first three military juntas.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • 'El silencio de los que no hablarán'
    • Authors: Astrid Pikielny
      Abstract: (Astrid Pikielny) - ¿Cuál fue el impacto y la escala del proceso llevado adelante por la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación en Sudáfrica? (Philippe-Joseph Salazar) - La Comisión no nació de golpe, pero recuerdo un acontecimiento que me hizo comprender en lo que se convertiría. Su inventor fue el arzobispo Desmond Tutu. Un día fui a escucharlo a la catedral an-glicana de San Jorge y dio un sermón sobre la "transfiguración". Y en ese sermón le dio, con sutileza, un aspecto político a la cuestión: la idea de que la transfiguración se aplica también a la ciudadanía. Cuando salí de la catedral, supe que algo importante estaba ocurriendo y que era la adaptación de un vocabulario teológico a una solución política. En Sudáfrica todas las religiones - la católica, la protestante, la judía - son consideradas, a diferencia de otros países, como un aporte positivo a la reflexión política. Lo extraordinario es que Tutu tenía una suerte de magistratura moral transversal sobre todos, y lo que hizo fue inventar un glosario político tomado de la teología de San Pablo, que incluye la idea de transformación, la idea de tomar la buena oportunidad, de leer los signos. Y como los sudafricanos, blancos y negros, son todos muy protestantes, todos los domingos leían la Biblia y tenían caminos de pensamiento que estaban a disposición y a la mano de la política.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Forms of justice after evil : Argentina, Uruguay, South Africa
    • Authors: Lucas G. Martin
      Abstract: What relationship to justice is established when an attempt is made to respond to the legacy of a criminal regime in the context of a new democratic beginning? To respond to this question, we must confront both the question of the foundation of a new democracy as well as the need for justice that accompanies this new beginning. On the following pages, I will offer interpretations of the different yet exemplary forms of responding to this question in Argentina, Uruguay and South Africa at the end of the last century. To do so, I will compare and contrast these three experiences in an attempt to shed light on an issue that is difficult to approach and entails certain debts.
      PubDate: 2015-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Foreword / Preámbulo
    • Authors: Ph.-J. Salazar
      Abstract: Volume 5 of the African Yearbook of Rhetoric is devoted to six key speeches in the history of South Africa, translated into Spanish. Most have never been translated, in any language, while, for instance, Spanish translations of Nelson Mandela's 1990 liberation speech are dubious. Spanish-speaking readers will have access, for the first time or in a reliable form, to momentous speeches in the history of South Africa, which, for better or for worse, were decisive at the time, shaped the nation, and are now part of a national rhetorical history. El volumen 5 del African Yearbook of Rhetoric (Anuario Africano de Retórica) está dedicado a seis discursos clave en la historia de Sudáfrica, traducidos al español. La mayoría nunca han sido traducidos, a ningún idioma, y en otros casos, algunas traducciones al español del discurso de liberación de Nelson Mandela de 1990, por ejemplo, son dudosas. Los lectores de habla hispana tendrán acceso, por primera vez o en una forma confiable, a los discursos trascendentales de la historia de Sudáfrica, que, para bien o para mal, fueron decisivos en su momento, dieron forma a la nación, y ahora son parte de una historia retórica nacional.
      PubDate: 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z
      Issue No: Vol. 5 (2014)
       
  • Sources / Fuentes
    • Authors: Philippe-Joseph Salazar
      Abstract: Sources / Fuentes
      PubDate: 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Pixley ka Izaka Seme : "Yo soy africano, y posiciono el orgullo que siento
           de mi raza" Pixley ka Izaka Seme : "I am an African, and I set my pride
           in my race"
    • Abstract: El discurso de Pixley ka Isaka Seme fue pronunciado en el Columbia College (ahora Universidad de Columbia), en Nueva York, el 5 de abril de 1906.Al igual que su primo John Dube (1871-1946) - que estudió en el Oberlin College - Seme (1881-1951) nació en la estación misionera estadounidense para zulúes. Dube llegaría a establecer la primera escuela negra en Sudáfrica, y se convirtió en presidente fundador del Congreso Nacional Sudafricano Nativo (SANNC, por sus siglas en inglés), rebautizado más adelante, en 1923, como el Congreso Nacional Africano (ANC, por sus siglas en inglés). Seme fue enviado primero a la escuela Mount Hermon para chicos en Massachusetts, luego a Columbia, y finalmente a Jesus College en Oxford. Después de haber sido admitido al colegio de abogados en Londres, regresó a Sudáfrica al establecerse la Unión de Sudáfrica, que, en esencia, privaba de sus derechos a la población negra, y eventualmente la dejó sin tierras. Se convirtió en el primer abogado negro en ejercicio.
      PubDate: 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd : "Vivir y dejar vivir - por separado" Hendrik
           Frensch Verwoerd : "Live and let live - apart"
    • Abstract: El 17 de marzo de 1961, en el Club de Sudáfrica en Londres, el primer ministro de Sudáfrica HF Verwoerd pronunció un discurso memorable, aclamado por la mayoría de los afrikáners como la fase final en el proceso de independizarse Sudáfrica del Imperio Británico, reconfigurado como la Commonwealth. Verwoerd planteó el interrogante de cómo los blancos de Sudáfrica podrían mantener su singular cultura en un continente que albergaba valores muy diferentes. Este discurso fue a la vez la culminación del republicanismo afrikáner y de la cuestión de las "relaciones raciales" entre los afrikáners y los ingleses.
      PubDate: 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela : "Es un ideal por el cual estoy dispuesto a
           morir" Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela : "It is an ideal for which I am
           prepared to die"
    • Abstract: La "declaración desde el banquillo" de Nelson Mandela (1918-2013), como se ha llamado frecuentemente y propiamente, con su emotivo final: "un ideal por el cual estoy dispuesto a morir", ha entrado en los anales de la oratoria mundial. Pertenece tan poco a Sudáfrica como "Yo tengo un sueño" (Martin Luther King Jr) pertenece a los Estados Unidos.
      PubDate: 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Jean Sinclair : "Cuando gobierna el miedo, la libertad deja de
           existir" Jean Sinclair : "Fear is the deadly enemy of a free society"
    • Abstract: El mundo exterior ha tenido una visión tan monomaníaca de Sudáfrica que la atención pública ha pasado por alto las características importantes de su identidad política. Primero, durante la Guerra Anglo-Boer, los británicos y los franceses tenían una fijación con Paul Kruger, el líder afrikáner; luego la atención se centró en el apartheid; y ahora, en la marca Mandela. El interés exótico en los zulúes, sin embargo, nunca ha disminuido. Un elemento clave de la riqueza, la sutileza y la diversidad de la vida política sudafricana es una organización de mujeres llamada Black Sash. Si trazamos un paralelo con las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo en Argentina, que lloran por los desaparecidos y defienden su visión de la democracia, Sudáfrica durante el apartheid tenía a las "Madres de la Constitución", que lloraban por la muerte de las libertades civiles y luchaban por la democracia parlamentaria y el estado de derecho; bastante cercano a lo que es Sudáfrica hoy en día.
      PubDate: 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z
       
 
 
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