Abstract: For most of Ukraine’s post-Soviet history, as the country grappled with enormous social, economic, and international tensions,1 party-political ultra-nationalism—as opposed to organized moderate nationalism—was surprisingly unsuccessful in national electoral contests.2 Nationalist slogans gained prominence during Ukraine’s 2004 electoral uprising, which came to be known as the Orange Revolution.3The subsequent Revolution of Dignity of 2013–2014, while demonstratively pro-European, had similarly “nationalizing” effects.4 It also provided ample opportunity for far-right propaganda, whose representatives and symbols (flags, stickers, slogans, etc.) became prominent not only on Kyiv’s Independence Square, but across ... Read More PubDate: 2020-05-07T00:00:00-05:00
Abstract: In the North Caucasus, as in Russia more broadly, civil society is a topic of public discourse, actively discussed by everyone from politicians to civic actors, from the media to academics. Indeed, the North Caucasus is seen as being almost emblematic of state suppression of civil society institutions. Yet the conventional understanding of civil society—and the mainstream debates that take this understanding as their point of departure—sideline the most interesting and controversial parts of this issue.2Around the world, informal but deeply rooted methods of civic participation help to ensure stability in non-democratic states. In the North Caucasus, a variety of civic patterns and mechanisms serve as authentic ... Read More PubDate: 2020-05-07T00:00:00-05:00
Abstract: Between 2001 and 2005, Belarus, Russia, and Armenia each proposed a law aimed at increasing legal regulatory barriers to the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). However, the outcome of these proposed laws was different in each country. In 2001, Decree #8 raised legal regulatory barriers for NGOs in Belarus that sought to receive foreign funding.1 Regulations passed in Russia in 2006, although softened from their initial version, also erected a variety of legal barriers for NGOs.2 In contrast, legislation introduced in 2005 to limit the activities of NGOs was not passed into law by Armenia’s National Assembly.3This difference in outcome in Belarus, Russia, and Armenia is puzzling because these ... Read More PubDate: 2020-05-07T00:00:00-05:00
Abstract: The 2013–2014 Euromaidan Revolution spurred an increase in anti-corruption activism across Ukraine. Political corruption was one of the most prominent causes of the Revolution of Dignity.2 Thus, the Revolution of 2013–2014 reinforced anti-corruption sentiment among Ukrainians, leading to greater pressure for broad anti-corruption reform.3 Legal provisions on transparency, access to public information, and open data were substantially improved soon after the Revolution, providing activists with more tools to fight corruption. Ongoing decentralization reform also included prominent anti-corruption elements. As a result of these reforms, the power of the central government has been reduced, while municipalities have ... Read More PubDate: 2020-05-07T00:00:00-05:00
Abstract: In the public and private sectors alike, rampant corruption remains a major impediment to the development of Ukraine. The absence of comprehensive reforms, particularly in state institutions, has tended to result in stagnation and the spread of corrupt practices.1 Domestically, the implementation of the necessary anti-corruption reforms in Ukraine has been limited for many reasons, not least a lack of political will on the part of Ukrainian legislators and government officials. Nor should the international context be disregarded: the armed aggression of the Russian Federation, which resulted in the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of some parts of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions, has consumed both the ... Read More PubDate: 2020-05-07T00:00:00-05:00
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