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POLITICAL SCIENCE (741 journals)                  1 2 3 4 | Last

Showing 1 - 200 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
A Contracorriente     Open Access  
Ab Imperio     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Acta Politica Estica     Open Access  
Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies     Open Access  
Administrative Science Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 136)
Affirmations : of the modern     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Africa Conflict Monitor     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Africa Insight     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 14)
Africa Institute Occasional Paper     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Africa Renewal     Free   (Followers: 5)
Africa Review : Journal of the African Studies Association of India     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Africa Today     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
African Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 57)
African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
African Diaspora     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
African East-Asian Affairs     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
African Identities     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
African Journal of Democracy and Governance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
African Journal of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
African Renaissance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
African Yearbook of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Africanus     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Afrique contemporaine : La revue de l'Afrique et du développement     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Agenda Política     Open Access  
Agenda: A Journal of Policy Analysis and Reform     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Agrarian South : Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Alternatives : Global, Local, Political     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Altre Modernità     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
América Latina Hoy     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
American Communist History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
American Foreign Policy Interests: The Journal of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
American Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 236)
American Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 201)
American Political Thought     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
American Politics Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
American Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 17)
Anacronismo e Irrupción     Open Access  
Analecta política     Open Access  
Análise Social     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Annales UMCS, Politologia     Open Access  
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
Annual Review of Economics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 29)
Annual Review of Political Science     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 129)
Apuntes Electorales     Open Access  
AQ - Australian Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Arabian Humanities     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Arctic Review on Law and Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Arena Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 15)
Asia Minor Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Asia Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Asia-Pacific Journal : Japan Focus     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Asia-Pacific Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Asian Affairs: An American Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Asian Journal of Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Asian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Asian Politics and Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Astropolitics: The International Journal of Space Politics & Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
AUDEM : The International Journal of Higher Education and Democracy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política     Open Access  
Australasian Review of African Studies, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Australian Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Australian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Austrian Journal of Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia     Open Access  
Baltic Journal of European Studies     Open Access  
Bandung : Journal of the Global South     Open Access  
Basic Income Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Beleid en Maatschappij     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
BMC International Health and Human Rights     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Brazilian Political Science Review     Open Access  
Brésil(s)     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
British Journal of Canadian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
British Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 136)
British Journal of Politics and International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 25)
British Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
British Review of New Zealand Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity     Open Access   (Followers: 47)
Bulletin d'histoire politique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Bustan     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Cadernos de Estudos Sociais e Políticos     Open Access  
CADUS - Revista de Estudos de Política, História e Cultura     Open Access  
Cahiers de l'Urmis     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cahiers de Sciences politiques de l'ULg     Open Access  
California Journal of Politics and Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Cambio 16     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Cambridge Review of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Canadian Foreign Policy Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Caucasus Survey     Hybrid Journal  
Central and Eastern European Review     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Central Asian Affairs     Hybrid Journal  
Central Banking     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Central European Journal of Public Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
China : An International Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
China perspectives     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
China Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 46)
China Report     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
China Review International     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
China-EU Law Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Chinese Journal of Global Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Chinese Journal of International Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Chinese Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Cittadinanza Europea (LA)     Full-text available via subscription  
Civil Wars     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union     Open Access  
Class, Race and Corporate Power     Open Access  
Cold War History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Communication, Politics & Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
Communist and Post-Communist Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Comparative Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 131)
Comparative Politics (Russia)     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Comparative Strategy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Competition & Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Conferences on New Political Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Confines     Open Access  
Conflict and Society     Full-text available via subscription  
Conflict Management and Peace Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
Conflict Trends     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Conflict, Security & Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 360)
Congress & the Presidency: A Journal of Capital Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Constellations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Contemporary Japan     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Journal of African Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Political Theory     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 33)
Contemporary Review of the Middle East     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Contemporary Security Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 18)
Contemporary Wales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Contenciosa     Open Access  
Contexto Internacional     Open Access  
Cooperation and Conflict     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
CQ Researcher     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Criterio Jurídico     Open Access  
Critical Asian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Critical Review : A Journal of Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Critical Reviews on Latin American Research     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Critical Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 32)
Critical Studies on Terrorism     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 27)
Cuadernos de historia de España     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Cultura de Paz     Open Access  
Cultural Critique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Culture Mandala : The Bulletin of the Centre for East-West Cultural and Economic Studies     Open Access  
Décalages : An Althusser Studies Journal     Open Access  
Decolonization : Indigeneity, Education & Society     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Defence Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Defense & Security Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Democracy & Education     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
Democratic Communiqué     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Democratic Theory     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Democratization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
Democrazia e diritto     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Demokratie und Geschichte     Hybrid Journal  
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Der Donauraum     Hybrid Journal  
Der Staat     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Desafíos     Open Access  
Development and Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 46)
Digest of Middle East Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Diplomacy & Statecraft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access  
Encuentro     Open Access  
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Equal Opportunities International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal  
Éthique publique     Open Access  
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Europe's World     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 48)
European Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
European Journal of Political Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 65)
European Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 32)

        1 2 3 4 | Last

Journal Cover Communist and Post-Communist Studies
  [SJR: 0.666]   [H-I: 30]   [14 followers]  Follow
   Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
   ISSN (Print) 0967-067X
   Published by Elsevier Homepage  [3031 journals]
  • On Europeanisation, national sentiments and confused identities in Georgia
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 12 May 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Lia Tsuladze
      This paper analyses Georgians' popular online discourses on Europeanisation in the period between Georgia's initialling and signing of the Association Agreement with the EU (November 2013–June 2014). It investigates the ambivalence encountered by Georgians: Despite their long-lasting aspiration towards EU integration, hopes of gaining political security, economic stability, and cultural integration are accompanied by doubts and fears of asymmetric power relations, diminishing national sovereignty, and declining national identity. Despite these doubts, EU integration is considered to be the only right choice for the country, encouraging Georgians, who readily perform their pro-European aspirations on the international “front stage”, to push their uncertainties and respective national sentiments to the domestic “backstage”.

      PubDate: 2017-05-12T16:53:43Z
  • The Eastern partnership in Georgia: Europeanizing civil society?
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 11 May 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Thijs Rommens
      Through the Eastern Partnership the EU specifically attempts to strengthen democracy in Georgia. Lacking strong conditionality, the EU has to rely on a different approach to democracy assistance, such as a network governance mode. The implementation of EU policies has led to an expanding institutional network where NGO inclusion has been strengthened. However, this form of network governance operates within the realities of the domestic political and international context, influencing its effectiveness and impact. Despite the increased involvement of NGOs in EU policies the role and impact of civil society within Georgian politics and society has remained limited.

      PubDate: 2017-05-12T16:53:43Z
  • Historical memory and political propaganda in the Russian Federation
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 10 May 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Miguel Vázquez-Liñán
      This paper explores the hegemonic discourse on historical memory in contemporary Russia, in addition to its political implications. Furthermore, the role played by the Russian media system in the dissemination of the memory discourse endorsed by the Kremlin, and its impact, are also described. The analysis is carried out in a theoretical framework that advocates for the need for delving deeper into the intersections between communication and memory studies.

      PubDate: 2017-05-12T16:53:43Z
  • Corruption-oriented model of governance in contemporary Russia
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 9 May 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Alexander Pavroz
      This article reveals Russian paradox: the combination of high level of corruption with strong and relatively effective government. In the focus of attention lies the examination of relations between the corruption and the processes of socio-political transformations of the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI centuries and the particularities of the corruption integration into the government of Russia. Basing upon the concept of the corruption as a political and administrative rent the author arrives to the conclusion about the formation of the corrupt model of governance in Russia. The article analyses factors which give relative efficiency to the Russian model of corrupt governance as well as the costs and contradictions of it. The author also reaches the conclusion that corruption-oriented model of governance is prospectless and makes a point that effective anti-corruption measures in Russia can be carried out only in case of current regime change and consequent realization of democratic, market and administrative reforms.

      PubDate: 2017-05-12T16:53:43Z
  • Gender inequality in Russia's rural informal economy
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 8 May 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Stephen K. Wegren, Alexander Nikulin, Irina Trotsuk, Svetlana Golovina
      This article analyzes gender inequality in Russia's rural informal economy. Continuation of unequal gendered roles in Russia's rural informal economy suggests that tradition and custom remain strong. Gender differentials in time spent tending the household garden remain significant, as is the distribution of household tasks into gendered roles in ways that effect professional advancement for women. Land ownership is the domain of men, and women are not owners in Russia's new economy. Moreover, men earn more from entrepreneurial activity, a function of how male and female services are valued and priced in society. Responsibility that is shared includes the marketing of household food. The conclusion is that institutional change is less impactful on gender inequality than persistence of culture and tradition.

      PubDate: 2017-05-08T16:48:12Z
  • Structural change versus turnpike optimality: A Polish perspective
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 18 January 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Henryk Gurgul, Łukasz Lach
      Using a modified dynamic IO model for Poland which allows taking into account actual trends observed in recently available statistical data we compare the rate of economic growth calculated for different growth paths resulting from the model. The goal of the research was to examine the distance between the actual structure of production and the structure on the turnpike and its impact on the economic growth of the economy under study. The results of the study indicate that the impact of structural change on output takes place in three general stages. The benefits of structural change do not outbalance the corresponding costs immediately, since it takes several periods until the growth rate of those paths which are closer to the von Neumann ray become larger than the corresponding growth rate of the benchmark growth path.

      PubDate: 2017-01-22T12:33:08Z
  • Self-rated health and barriers to healthcare in Ukraine: The pivotal role
           of gender and its intersections
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 18 January 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): William C. Cockerham, Bryant W. Hamby, Olena Hankivsky, Elizabeth H. Baker, Setareh Rouhani
      The ongoing health crisis in the Ukraine has persisted for 48 years with a clear division of gender-based outcomes as seen in the decline of male life expectancy and stagnation of female longevity. The purpose of this paper is to investigate differences in self-rated health and system barriers to health care applicable to gender and its intersections because of the differing negative health outcomes for men and women. Intersectionality theory provides an analytic framework for interpreting our results. Utilizing a nationwide sample of the Ukrainian population (N = 1908), we found that low socioeconomic status (SES) women rate their health worse than men generally and any other socioeconomic group. Yet women also face the greatest barriers to health care until older ages when the ailments of men cause them to likewise face the obstacles. In reviewing the barrier to health care scale, one barrier—that of health care services being too expensive—dominated the responses with some 52.5 percent of the sample reporting it. Consequently, the greatest problem in Ukraine with respect to health reform reported by the population is the out-of-pocket costs for care in a system that is officially free. These costs, constituting some 40 percent of all national health expenditures, affect women and the aged the most.

      PubDate: 2017-01-22T12:33:08Z
  • Ukrainian kleptocrats and America's real-life House of Cards: Corruption,
           lobbyism and the rule of law
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 17 January 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Taras Kuzio
      Washington DC is not only a center for democracy promotion programs by government-funded and private foundations and think tanks. Washington DC has also attracted hundreds of millions of dollars for lobbyists, political consultants and think tanks from authoritarian political forces and kleptocrats who have little in common with American and European values. Both Republicans and Democrats have been recipients of these illicit funds from state officials and oligarchs who are seeking to ingratiate themselves with American public opinion. Political consultants, lobbyists, lawyers and think tanks which receive funds from such sources are part of a bigger problem of reverse corruption and cynicism and the export of authoritarian practices from Ukraine and post-Soviet states to the West. This was clearly seen in the hiring of Paul Manafort, Viktor Yanukovych's long-time political consultant by US presidential candidate Donald Trump. Trump's promise to ‘drain the (Washington) swamp’ rings hollow after it was revealed he accepted funds from a Ukrainian oligarch who had earlier donated funds to the Clinton's (Reader 2016).

      PubDate: 2017-01-22T12:33:08Z
  • Active resistance to democratic diffusion
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 9 January 2017
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Rachel Vanderhill
      Recent research on the international diffusion of democracy has focused on demonstrating how diffusion can change regime outcomes. Although there is still debate within the field of democratization over how important democratic diffusion is relative to domestic factors, autocratic leaders believe that democratic diffusion can be a threat to their rule. It is clear that some countries, such as North Korea, prevent diffusion by severely restricting interactions with foreigners and forbidding access to external sources of information. The more intriguing question is how the states that have economic, diplomatic, and social linkages with democratic states prevent democratic diffusion. In other words, what methods do globally-engaged, autocratic governments use to limit exposure to and reduce receptivity to democratic diffusion? In addition to using coercion and economic patronage, autocratic states utilize two non-material mechanisms to prevent democratic diffusion: 1) restricting exposure to democratic ideas and 2) developing alternative narratives about democracy to reduce local receptivity to democratic diffusion. Sophisticated autocratic leaders can limit receptivity to democratic diffusion if they convince citizens that those ideas are “foreign,” will cause “chaos,” or if they believe they already have their own form of democracy. I explore these methods of establishing firewalls to prevent diffusion by examining the cases of China and Kazakhstan, two countries where a high level of economic linkage coincides with a successful continuation of autocratic rule, despite the global spread of democratic norms. China has developed extensive methods to restrict access to foreign ideas about democracy while Kazakhstan has mainly focused on developing an alternative narrative about democracy. This article contributes to the literature on authoritarian persistence and democratic diffusion by investigating the internal methods autocratic leaders adopt to ensure that democratic diffusion does not threaten their rule.

      PubDate: 2017-01-15T12:20:38Z
  • Introduction to the special issue: Citizens' participation in
           post-communist Europe
    • Authors: Timofey Agarin
      Pages: 201 - 206
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 9 July 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Timofey Agarin

      PubDate: 2016-07-24T19:01:09Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.008
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 3 (2016)
  • Mapping the substance of the EU's civil society support in Central Asia:
           From neo-liberal to state-led civil society
    • Authors: Vera Axyonova; Fabienne Bossuyt
      Pages: 207 - 217
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 4 July 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Vera Axyonova, Fabienne Bossuyt
      Over the years, civil society empowerment has become an integral part of the European Union's (EU) external and internal governance as a way to advance democracy and enhance citizen participation. While there has been increasing scholarly attention to the instruments and impact of the EU's civil society support, so far there has been little research on the question what kind of civil society the EU actually promotes. This article intends to fill this gap by examining the substance of the EU's civil society support in post-Soviet Central Asia, a region where various forms of civil society organizations (CSOs) exist. The findings reveal a differentiation between civil society types promoted in EU strategic documents and those that are supported in practice. While at the strategic planning level the EU seeks to strengthen civil society broadly construed, at the program implementation level the (neo-) liberal CSOs are the main beneficiaries. At the same time, the EU customizes its civil society assistance depending on the realities on the ground and at times finds itself empowering state-led civil society, while communal groups rarely benefit from the EU assistance schemes. This has severe implications for the advancement of citizen participation, considering that the actual grass-root initiatives are largely excluded from the EU assistance.

      PubDate: 2016-07-24T19:01:09Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.005
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 3 (2016)
  • Development of citizen participation in Central and Eastern Europe after
           the EU enlargement and economic crises
    • Authors: Petra Guasti
      Pages: 219 - 231
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 8 July 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Petra Guasti
      The main focus of this article is the role of organized civil society in facilitating citizen engagement in Central and East European new EU member states after the EU accession and the recent economic crises. Using international comparative methodologies and data this article analyses democratic processes in the new member states focussing on the changes in strengths and weaknesses of citizen engagement. It shows the ways in which the post-enlargement process, especially the economic crisis affected the ability of CEE citizens – both directly, and via civil society organisations and trade unions – to be active participants of the multilevel governance processes. It finds that one of the key remaining gaps of the democratization process remains the relative weakness of state–citizens relationship. The impact of the economic crisis on the CEE countries was significant, in particular in regard to financial viability of organised civil society. However, economic crisis also acted as an important mobilization factor, and in all countries under study, civic participation, enabled by civil society and trade unions increased. New initiatives – in particular those tackling corruption and party campaign finance, saw NGOs focussing their advocacy efforts towards the government as well as actively mobilizing and engaging citizens. Across the CEE region, we are seeing gradual social learning, internalization of new norms and emergence of new identities – active citizens engaged with (and if necessary in opposition to) the state – directly (public mobilization and protests) and via organized civil society.

      PubDate: 2016-07-24T19:01:09Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.006
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 3 (2016)
  • Distrust unbound: What next after joining the EU
    • Authors: Simona Guerra
      Pages: 233 - 241
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 8 August 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Simona Guerra
      The 2004–07 EU enlargement towards the post-communist region showed that the long waiting for EU membership could impact on levels of public support for the EU. This article examines citizens' trust towards national and international institutions after joining the EU in Poland, in comparative perspective. In the post-Communist region, levels of trust towards national institutions are generally lower compared to the European and international ones. Politicians and political parties are the most distrusted actors, undermining the social and political fabric in the region. An overview of political participation and levels of trust with focus on national data sets and the European Social Survey shows that levels of trust are quite low and a share of the population is concerned with sovereignty vis-à-vis EU integration. This analysis addresses how the relationship between citizens and institutions have changed and how this may affect not just the EU's policies towards candidate countries and third countries, but how it can also affect citizen participation during the process of democratization and after joining the EU.

      PubDate: 2016-08-09T02:38:30Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.007
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 3 (2016)
  • Chasing the green buck? Environmental activism in post-communist
           Baltic States
    • Authors: Timofey Agarin; Miķelis Grīviņš
      Pages: 243 - 254
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 17 June 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Timofey Agarin, Miķelis Grīviņš
      The paper investigates the dynamics and volution of issues on the agenda of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since the collapse of communism. The past research on Baltic environment activism suggests that these enjoy high visibility because they tapped the core societal views of natural environment as a crucial asset of a nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, the changes in agendas of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) make clear that the rhetorical toolbox of ‘national environment’ is often used to mainly achieve greater financial gains for individual members, rather than for society at large. We illustrate how the dearth of economic opportunities for domestic public has impacted perceptions of ‘nature’ advocated by the environmental activists, focussing specifically on national perceptions of ownership and the resulting actions appropriating ‘nature’ as a source for economic development, only tangentially attaining environmental outcomes on the way. The vision that the ‘environment’ is an economic resource allowed ENGO activists to cooperate with the domestic policymaking, while tapping international networks and donors for funding. Throughout the past decades they worked to secure their own and their members' particularistic economic interests and, as we demonstrate, remained disengaged from the political process and failed to develop broader reproach with publics.

      PubDate: 2016-06-18T18:06:52Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.001
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 3 (2016)
  • Protest and participation in post-transformation Poland: The case of the
           Committee for the Defense of Democracy (KOD)
    • Authors: Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski
      Pages: 255 - 267
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 30 June 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski
      The paper explores the recent political participation in Poland focusing on the KOD movement. Given that very limited data is available on the impact of citizen participation in political process in Poland, the paper attempts a preliminary assessment of the participation “between elections”. The paper tries to take a snapshot of the KOD movement and to examine it in the context of civil society concept. The paper argues that the KOD movement is located between civil and political society on the one hand. On the other hand, it draws strongly on the symbolism of the civil resistance during the last two decades of communism. The dichotomy of post-communism and the former anti-communist opposition (including former Solidarity and KOR activists) was relevant for the political participation in Poland in the 1990s and 2000s and, as I argue now, has been replaced by new identity conflict between the symbolic politics of nationhood and the liberal Europeanized vision of politics.

      PubDate: 2016-07-24T19:01:09Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.003
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 3 (2016)
  • Pride parades and prejudice: Visibility of Roma and LGBTI communities in
           post-socialist Europe
    • Authors: Aidan McGarry
      Pages: 269 - 277
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 22 June 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Aidan McGarry
      This article argues that public space is important for marginalised communities in order to ensure visibility and presence in public life. Often minority groups are excluded from democratic procedures which favour majority interests and preferences. This is not to say that minority interests are incompatible with those of the majority but some marginalised groups are not anchored in public space, can suffer discriminatory treatment and lack the ability to control dominant, usually negative, ascriptions of group identity. This article explores two cases of marginalised communities and access to public space in post-socialist Europe: Roma and the LGBTI communities. Both communities have attempted to ensure their presence in public space through ‘Pride’ parades across Central and Eastern European capitals. The purpose of pride parades is to demand rights as citizens, such as equality and respect, and to ensure visibility in public life. On the one hand, visibility is important for LGBTI communities who remain relatively hidden and fear ‘coming out’. On the other hand, for Roma, who are highly visible, pride offers an opportunity to harness this visibility to challenge prevailing negative stereotypes through an affirmation of group identity.

      PubDate: 2016-07-24T19:01:09Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.002
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 3 (2016)
  • Endogenous growth theory and regional performance: The moderating effects
           of special economic zones
    • Authors: Wei-Hwa Pan; Xuan-Thang Ngo
      Pages: 113 - 122
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 13 May 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Wei-Hwa Pan, Xuan-Thang Ngo
      Previous studies have explored regional performance from the perspective of endogenous growth theory. This empirical investigation is conducted on a panel dataset of 64 Vietnamese provinces and integrates moderated regression analysis. Statistically, the empirical results did not fully support the endogenous growth model in cases in which regional per capita income tended to converge across different regions, while improved foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow, capital investment, and degree of openness did have significant positive impacts on GDP growth. This study questions the validity of endogenous growth theory in the early stage of a less developed country. Furthermore, results indicate that internationalization activities positively affect regional performance for provinces that have established special economic zones (SEZs) through liberal state regulation.

      PubDate: 2016-05-14T11:43:41Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.005
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 2 (2016)
  • The politics of citizenship in divided nations: Policies and trends in
           Germany and China
    • Authors: Choo Chin Low
      Pages: 123 - 135
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 6 May 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Choo Chin Low
      Looking at how divided states competed against each other in the arena of citizenship since 1949, this research observes a number of common trends. The German and Chinese case studies manifested a shared trend in large part because they faced comparable challenges and responded with similar citizenship strategies in their quest for national legitimacy and diplomatic recognition. The policy effectiveness depended on the intensity of inter-state rivalry, the Cold War diplomacy, and the global nationality trends. The tight bipolar system and the strong international cooperation on nationality in Europe (among the socialist and non-socialist blocs) explain why both German states were in more favourable circumstances in asserting their citizenship claim. These two aspects are missing in the Asian context, which explain the absence of the role of the international community in legitimising or supporting the Chinese citizenship rivalry. This paper concludes that citizenship policies in the two German states were shaped in response to one another. As compared to the German case, the Chinese and Taiwanese policies exhibited a more pragmatic and independent character.

      PubDate: 2016-05-07T11:27:45Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.006
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 2 (2016)
  • Regional differences in political trust: Comparing the Vysocina and Usti
    • Authors: Daniel Čermák; Renáta Mikešová; Jana Stachová
      Pages: 137 - 146
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 19 April 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Daniel Čermák, Renáta Mikešová, Jana Stachová
      This article deals with the factors influencing the degree of trust in political institutions at three levels of government in the Czech Republic (national, regional and local) in two dissimilar regions in the time of economic crisis in 2009, the year when citizens of the Czech Republic experienced the negative impacts of growing unemployment and a substantial decline in real GDP. Two competitive theories - the cultural and the performance explanation - were used as a theoretical framework. The results show that there are significant differences among particular levels of government as well as regions. The influence of both institutional performance, including factors related to economic crisis, and cultural background were found. The influence of contextual factors was also confirmed.

      PubDate: 2016-04-22T19:05:29Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.003
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 2 (2016)
  • On the (non) distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism: The Portuguese and Greek
           communist parties compared
    • Authors: Dan Keith; Giorgos Charalambous
      Pages: 147 - 161
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 12 May 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Dan Keith, Giorgos Charalambous
      The study of parties that label themselves as Marxist-Leninist has, for the most part been subsumed in the exploration of the broader radical (or, far) left tradition in the post-1989 period. In an attempt to bridge this gap in the recent literature on radical left parties, this article attempts to uncover the (non) distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism by studying empirically two European parties that are self-labelled as Marxist-Leninist – the Greek (KKE) and Portuguese (PCP) Communist parties. The central question we explore is whether there are significant similarities between these parties, so as to allow us to speak of Marxism-Leninism's distinctiveness today. Overall, the two parties studied here have enough in common to testify to Marxism-Leninism's ongoing distinctiveness with several qualifications, especially concerning ideology.

      PubDate: 2016-05-14T11:43:41Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.001
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 2 (2016)
  • From the communist point of view: Cultural hegemony and folkloric
           manipulation in Albanian studies under socialism
    • Authors: Enika Abazi; Albert Doja
      Pages: 163 - 178
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 28 April 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Enika Abazi, Albert Doja
      In the standard folkloric and ethnographic tradition of Albanian studies, various efforts to seize an authentic, traditional and popular culture, supposed to have really functioned in a society of official ideology, were devoted primordially to a catalogue of descriptivist and empiricist research, which only served to confirm the ultimate goal of constructing a primarily essentialized national specificity and a particularly antiquated view of national culture. Whereas the long-term continuities in the Albanian studies of people's culture (kultura popullore), which pre-dated and out-lived socialism, together with the ambiguous relationship to anthropology are emphasized elsewhere, in this paper we look more closely at the limited changes and innovations that occurred in the decades of communist regime in Albania. The aim is to uncover how the traditional ethnographic-folkloric studies of people's culture, marked by intellectual isolation and stigmatized by association with moralist and nationalist ideologies, were mobilized to service the shifting ideological needs and state policies towards the cultural hegemony of the communist regime.

      PubDate: 2016-05-02T12:18:34Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.002
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 2 (2016)
  • Evaluations of perestroika in post-Soviet Central Asia: Public views in
           contemporary Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan
    • Authors: Timur Dadabaev
      Pages: 179 - 192
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 4 April 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Timur Dadabaev
      This paper suggests that the different and sometimes contradictory public narratives of perestroika constitute an essential part of understanding the expectations of people regarding perestroika and their evaluation in the post-perestroika years. These narratives also underline the notion that post-Soviet governments have been unable to consolidate new constructs of memory with respect to perestroika. Historical construction regarding the pre-perestroika years of the Soviet administration in most of the post-Soviet Central Asian (CA) countries is conducted along the ideological lines associated with the post–independence years in each of the republics.

      PubDate: 2016-04-07T14:05:26Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.03.001
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 2 (2016)
  • Historical narrative and emotional paradigms: The case of Solzhenitsyn's
           The Red Wheel and his other works
    • Authors: Dmitry Shlapentokh
      Pages: 193 - 200
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 5 May 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Dmitry Shlapentokh
      It is not the collection of data but emotional axioms which defines the nature of the narrative. Alexander Solzhenitsyn's view on the 1917 Revolution demonstrates this clearly. Working on his monumental history of the Russian Revolution, he collected enormous amounts of material which indicated that Russia experienced the complete meltdown throughout 1914–1917 and the brutal Bolshevik dictatorship was among the few viable options to stop the country's complete destruction. Still due to his visceral hatred of the regime, Solzhenitsyn was unable to understand the nature of the events when the outcome was in sharp contrast to his views.

      PubDate: 2016-05-07T11:27:45Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.004
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 2 (2016)
  • Nationalism and authoritarianism in Russia: Introduction to the special
    • Authors: Taras Kuzio
      Pages: 1 - 11
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 7 January 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Taras Kuzio
      This article discusses different aspects of the political evolution of Russian President and former Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and the impact of his evolution upon the type of regime that has evolved from soft authoritarianism to a ‘militocracy’ and ‘consolidated authoritarian regime.’ The article discusses seven contributions to this special issue by placing them within the broader context of how the West misread two areas pertaining to Russia. The first is how the West by wrongly believing that Russia, being a member of G8, the NATO-Russia Council and other Western structures, continued to be interested in becoming a Western political and economic system. The second is the tradition, stretching back to Sovietology, of ignoring and downplaying the issue of how the nationalities question and different nationalisms could go together with democratic revolutions, transitions and, specifically, with Russian politics. The introductory article next discusses the seven contributions within the context of: Russian messianism, the Russkii Mir (Russian World), how and when nationalists and fascists became mainstream in Russian politics, Putin's great power nationalism, Ukrainophobia and Russian chauvinism, historical myths and re-Stalinization of Putin's political system. The final section compares Russia's invasions of Georgia and Ukraine in 2008 and 2014 respectively and the growing xenophobia in Russian foreign policy.

      PubDate: 2016-01-10T20:27:14Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.002
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Putin's macho personality cult
    • Authors: Valerie Sperling
      Pages: 13 - 23
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 11 January 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Valerie Sperling
      Masculinity has long been Russian President Vladimir Putin's calling card. At the center of Putin's macho aura is his image as a tough leader who will not allow Western countries to weaken Russia or dictate what Russia's domestic and foreign policies should look like. This article draws attention to the role of masculinity in the Putin regime's legitimation strategy, and how it became more obvious during the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine in 2014 and the Russian annexation of Crimea. To the extent that there is a “personality cult” in contemporary Russia, the personality at the center of it is defined in highly gendered terms, shaping the tenor of both domestic and foreign policy.

      PubDate: 2016-01-15T20:50:15Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.001
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Putin's Russia as a fascist political system
    • Authors: Alexander J. Motyl
      Pages: 25 - 36
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 23 January 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Alexander J. Motyl
      There is a broad consensus among students of contemporary Russia that the political system constructed by Vladimir Putin is authoritarian and that he plays a dominant role in it. By building and expanding on these two features and by engaging in a deconstruction and reconstruction of the concept of fascism, this article suggests that the Putin system may plausibly be termed fascist. Not being a type of group, disposition, politics, or ideology, fascism may be salvaged from the conceptual confusion that surrounds it by being conceived of as a type of authoritarian political system. Fascism may be defined as a popular fully authoritarian political system with a personalistic dictator and a cult of the leader—a definition that makes sense conceptually as well as empirically, with respect to Putin's Russia and related fascist systems.

      PubDate: 2016-01-24T21:47:19Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.01.002
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Russian national identity and the Ukrainian crisis
    • Authors: Paul Goble
      Pages: 37 - 43
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 10 February 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Paul Goble
      No aspect of the Russian–Ukrainian war has proved more unexpected than the revelation that Ukrainian national identity both ethnic and civil is far stronger than almost anyone thought, while Russian national identity is far more fragmented and weak than most expected. That was especially surprising to many because Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine on the assumption that Ukrainians are not a “real” nation unlike Russians and that his actions were advancing the interest of what the Kremlin leader chooses to call “the Russian world”. One result of this discovery has been that the Kremlin has had to take Ukrainian identity more seriously. Another has been that it has gone to great lengths to promote Russian national identity via state-controlled media, but the latter effort has come up short because Moscow's ability to promote Russian identity is limited by the same three factors that have restricted previous Russian rulers: the fundamental weakness of Russian identity, the tensions inherent between identities the state supports and those it fears, and the reactions of the increasingly numerous non-Russian nationalities to any ethnic Russian identifications.

      PubDate: 2016-02-11T00:14:25Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.006
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Russian politics and the Soviet past: Reassessing Stalin and Stalinism
           under Vladimir Putin
    • Authors: Thomas Sherlock
      Pages: 45 - 59
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 2 February 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Thomas Sherlock
      Evidence drawn from the intersection of historical memory and politics in Russia underline not only on-going framing battles over the Soviet past. The evidence suggests that the Kremlin is unwilling to develop and impose on society historical narratives which promote chauvinism, hypernationalism, and re-Stalinization. Although such an agenda has some support among incumbent elites and in society, it remains subordinate in terms of political influence as of early 2016. Instead, the regime is now extending support to groups in society and the political establishment which favor a critical assessment of the Soviet era, including Stalinism. This emerging criticism of the Soviet past serves a number of important goals of the leadership, including re-engagement with the West. To this end, the Kremlin recently approved new history textbooks critical of the Soviet past as well as a significant program that memorializes the victims of Soviet repressions. Yet the regime is unlikely to usher in thorough de-Stalinization which would threaten its power. Instead, the Kremlin is attempting to assemble a grand narrative that approves, as well as criticizes – in different measures – each of the regimes that existed in the 20th century (tsarist, communist, and post-communist). This incipient narrative constitutes a form of bricolage, which involves the retrieval and reassembly of diverse, often conflicting, elements to solve a problem. Here the problem is the long-standing, divisive issue of how to evaluate the history of 20th century Russia and its different regimes. The Kremlin now seeks to knit together the diverse identities of these regimes through the unifying historical thread of the Russian state. This act of bricolage also seeks to reconcile the contradictions within each regime: elements of the new narrative can be expected to condemn the inhumanity of Stalin and Stalinism while other facets will extol industrialization and the Great Patriotic War as the achievements of Russian-led Soviet society. From this perspective, neither re-Stalinization nor de-Stalinization is likely to occur in Putin's Russia. Nevertheless, if recent initiatives remain in place, critical assessments of Soviet foreign and domestic policies will become increasingly commonplace.

      PubDate: 2016-02-11T00:14:25Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.01.001
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Triumphant memory of the perpetrators: Putin's politics of
    • Authors: Dina Khapaeva
      Pages: 61 - 73
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 4 February 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Dina Khapaeva
      In this article, I explore the interconnection between Putin's politics of re-Stalinization, historical memory, and a specific version of the post-Soviet neo-medievalism. I show that re-Stalinization is a mass movement that is grounded in the unprocessed memory of Soviet crimes and atrocities. The popular myth of the “Great Patriotic War” and the myth of Stalinism as the Golden Age exploited by Putin's memory politics became a golden mine for Putin's kleptocracy. I argue that re-Stalinization and the Kremlin-sponsored ideology of the Eurasianism represents two interrelated trends of a complex ideological process. The Eurasianism combines Soviet denial of individuality with the idea of a state-dependent patriarchal society and Russian historical messianism. It glorifies the reign of Ivan the Terrible and Stalin. The ‘medievalist’ discourse of Eurasian ideologists, which advocates a return to the medieval society of orders, on the one hand, and the Gothic monsters populating post-Soviet film and fiction, on the other, create a political language that expresses new attitudes to people in post-Soviet Russia. They depict new social contract that reconsiders the modern concept of citizenship, and creates a social basis for the criminalization and militarization of Russian society.

      PubDate: 2016-02-11T00:14:25Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.007
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Ukrainians as Russia's negative ‘other’: History comes full
    • Authors: Mykola Riabchuk
      Pages: 75 - 85
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 15 February 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Mykola Riabchuk
      The ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, euphemistically called the “Ukraine crisis,” draws attention to its ideological underpinnings that include a historically informed Russian hegemonic view of Ukrainians as “younger brothers” who should be both patronized and censured for improper behavior. The paper examines a particular aspect of this superior attitude as embedded in ethnic stereotypes – both “vernacular”, primarily in folklore, and ideologically constructed, in both cultural and political discourses. In both cases, the structure of stereotypes reflects the dominant position of one group and subjugated position of the other within a more general paradigm of relations between Robinson Crusoe and Friday. A peculiar dialectics implies that a “good” Friday can be civilized and assimilated and become almost equal to Crusoe – “almost the same people”, in a popular Russian parlance about Ukrainians. Yet, a “bad” (“wrong”) Friday should be strongly reviled and thoroughly demonized as a complete evil, manipulated allegedly by hostile (“Western”) Robinsons. The paper argues that the Russo-Ukrainian relations cannot be normalized until Russians learn to see Ukrainians as neither “good” nor “bad” but just different –as all the people around.

      PubDate: 2016-02-20T01:43:12Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.003
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Soviet and Russian anti-(Ukrainian) nationalism and re-Stalinization
    • Authors: Taras Kuzio
      Pages: 87 - 99
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 8 January 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Taras Kuzio
      The term ‘fascist’ has been misused by both the Soviet totalitarian system and Russian authoritarian nationalist militocracy to such an extent that it is detached from scholarly understanding and openly manipulated for political purposes. In Vladimir Putin's Russia World the term ‘fascist’ is manipulated even further by political technology and massive state control of television that spews Ukrainophobic and anti-Western xenophobic propaganda. The article investigates a hitherto under-researched field of Tsarist, Soviet and Russian continuity in the denigration of ‘Ukrainian nationalism’ that goes back as far as the early 18th century. The article focuses on the Soviet and post-Soviet eras by showing how the growth of Russian nationalism, ‘conservative values’ and anti(Ukrainian)nationalism has taken place during specific periods that have combined re-Stalinization through the glorification of Joseph Stalin and downplaying and ignoring of his mass crimes against humanity with anti-Western xenophobia. Putin's re-Stalinization is therefore in line with a tradition that requires domestic and external enemies to sustain the authoritarian nationalist militocracy.

      PubDate: 2016-01-10T20:27:14Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.005
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • The influence of regime type on Russian foreign policy toward “the
           West,” 1992–2015
    • Authors: Allen C. Lynch
      Pages: 101 - 111
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 13 January 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Allen C. Lynch
      Russia's foreign policy does not follow directly from the nature of its internal political system but rather from the interaction of that political system with other political systems. Russian policy toward the Western world is best understood in terms of the capacity of Russia's post-Soviet rulers to achieve two goals that are in implicit tension with each other. They are: a) maximizing the benefit to the Russian state of the country's multifaceted relations with the Western world; and b) securing Russia's status as the undisputed hegemon throughout the country's historical borderlands. These broad policy objectives—shared by Russian liberals and nationalists alike–have been common to both the Yeltsin and Putin administrations, albeit expressed in different ways over time and with differing expectations of being able to reconcile the two. Building upon authoritarian and interventionist patterns established early in the Yeltsin years and reacting to the West's refusal to acknowledge Russian regional primacy, Putin has consolidated an arbitrary personalist regime at home and waged war along the Russian periphery, even at the cost of relations with the Western world. In this respect, Putin's regime may usefully be seen as a “state-nation” with a strong imperial imprint, building upon powerful legacies of Russian political development. The removal of Putin from power will not in se change that regime type or key challenges in Russian–Western relations.

      PubDate: 2016-01-15T20:50:15Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.004
      Issue No: Vol. 49, No. 1 (2016)
  • Lessons from Georgia's neoliberal experiment: A rising tide does not
           necessarily lift all boats
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 6 December 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Dimitri Gugushvili
      Between 2004 and 2012, Georgia implemented one of the most comprehensive packages of neoliberal economic reforms ever. These reforms have certainly helped to spur growth, but their social effects remain under-researched. To narrow this gap, this article investigates the effects of growth on poverty in Georgia using the official household survey data. The analysis shows that contrary to popular expectations, poverty has decreased only slightly throughout this period and remains high despite a number of progressive measures adopted by a successor coalition government. These findings provide further evidence on the inappropriateness of the neoliberal model as a poverty reduction strategy.

      PubDate: 2016-12-12T10:21:05Z
  • “The laughing third man in a fight”: Stalin's use of the wedge
    • Abstract: Publication date: Available online 5 December 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Robert P. Hager
      Although much IR theory focuses on balancing, this paper examines a version of the wedge strategy, what Stalin allegedly called being “the laughing third man in a fight.” This is the practice of advancing one's goals by setting up other states to fight each other. The first case study is Soviet strategy in Europe from September 1939 until June 1941. The second is Soviet strategy in the Far East in 1941–45. What I am looking at here is a policy of deliberately encouraging the start of a war and/or aiding its prolongation in order to weaken both sides. The two case studies indicate that the Soviet Union used such a strategy at times in place of the usual forms of balancing, discussed in the international relations literature. Additionally, analysis of Moscow's conduct, statements by Soviet leaders, and the policies of a number of foreign communist parties indicate that, in addition to any security goals, Stalin's agenda included furthering the USSR's goal as a revolutionary state, even thought this had at times to be constrained by realpolitik.

      PubDate: 2016-12-12T10:21:05Z
  • From the Communist Party to the Front de gauche. The French radical left
           from 1989 to 2014
    • Authors: Marco Damiani; Marino De Luca
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 6 October 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Marco Damiani, Marino De Luca
      This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a political federation to the left of the Socialist Party with positive electoral results.

      PubDate: 2016-10-09T19:47:12Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.001
  • Regime transition, value conflicts and the left-right divide at the mass
           level: The Baltic States and Southern Europe compared
    • Authors: André Freire; Kats Kivistik
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 4 October 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): André Freire, Kats Kivistik
      By comparing the Baltic States with Greece, Portugal and Spain, we seek to discover whether the type of authoritarian legacy and regime transition has any effect on the way citizens think about the left-right (L-R) divide in new democracies. We argue that while the authoritarian legacy is important, the type of transition and, particularly, the kind of political alliances and party-politicization of issues during the new regime's formative years is more important. Evidence confirms our expectations, even after several cross-validating tests.

      PubDate: 2016-10-09T19:47:12Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.08.002
  • We hate them all? Issue adaptation of extreme right parties in
           Slovakia 1993–2016
    • Authors: Alena Kluknavská; Josef Smolík
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 28 September 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Alena Kluknavská, Josef Smolík
      This article presents electoral developments and mobilization issues of the extreme right political parties between 1993 and 2016. It analyzes the changes in the extreme right discourses and framing strategies in relation to their electoral results. We argue that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s and partially later in the 2000s, the extreme right parties were predominantly focusing on the issues related to national sovereignty and were successful mostly in the context of hostility against groups that could potentially threaten this independence, while their electoral achievements were affected mainly by their internal party stability. In the late 2000s, the extreme right has, however, begun to adopt a strategy that has bridged nationalist, populist and xenophobic discourses, with stronger success during the economic and refugee crises in Europe.

      PubDate: 2016-10-02T19:28:40Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.002
  • Special cluster “The transformations of far right and far left in
           Europe”: Introduction
    • Authors: Marlene Laruelle
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 28 September 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Marlene Laruelle

      PubDate: 2016-10-02T19:28:40Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.003
  • Jobbik's successes. An analysis of its success in the comparative context
           of the V4 countries
    • Authors: Miroslav Mareš; Vratislav Havlík
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 15 September 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Miroslav Mareš, Vratislav Havlík
      The success of Jobbik, an extreme-right party in Hungary, is unique in its success compared with other extreme right parties in the Visegrad 4 countries of Central Europe. In contrast to parties in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Poland, Jobbik has managed to make substantial electoral gains and is a major player in the National Assembly in Hungary. This paper discusses five factors that show how the rise of Jobbik was possible. They are: a tradition of extreme right political movements, a party cleavage structure shaped by morals rather than socioeconomics, a specific national electoral geography, the negotiation style of the party and finally its reaction on the crisis of traditional democratic parties. In contrast to the other V4 nations, only Hungary has these elements present. This text explores each of these factors in a comparative context to demonstrate how Jobbik was able to take advantage of Hungarian political conditions in a way that extreme right parties in other Central European nations cannot.

      PubDate: 2016-09-18T02:46:56Z
      DOI: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.08.003
  • The rise of European right radicalism: The case of Jobbik
    • Authors: Dae Kim
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 12 September 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Dae Soon Kim
      Based on the qualitative research of elite interviews and narrative analysis of Hungarian documents, the main aim of this article is twofold: (1) to elucidate the transformation of Jobbik from a marginal extra-parliamentary youth focused movement to an influential parliamentary party; (2) to discuss the impact of Jobbik's ascension on the main centre-right Fidesz only as a pre-conclusion. It argues that the rise of Jobbik is not a protest phenomenon that simply demonstrates a social disenchantment with the transitional economy. Jobbik's transformation is a unique post-Communist political development that is rooted in elements of Hungarian nationalism. These national elements include underlying social prejudice against Roma and Jews, a preference for paternalistic economic systems, and even attraction to the historical narrative of mythic Turanism in the debate over the origins of Hungarian national identity. Jobbik manipulates all of these national elements for the transformation of its own party identity, emerging as a main challenger to the Fidesz.

      PubDate: 2016-09-18T02:46:56Z
  • State-building and local resistance in Kosovo: Minority exclusion through
           inclusive legislation
    • Authors: Jelena
      Abstract: Publication date: Available online 1 July 2016
      Source:Communist and Post-Communist Studies
      Author(s): Jelena Lončar
      This article focuses on the participation of local citizens in Kosovo in the process of state-building and their engagement with the institutions imposed by the international community. While previous literature focuses either on the constitutional and institutional framework or on the more direct forms of local resistance to international intervention, this article looks into more subtle forms of resistance whereby local citizens change the meanings of imposed institutions. To this purpose, this article examines the process of adoption of two minority-relevant laws: the Law on Historic Centre of Prizren and the Law on the Village of Velika Hoča/Hoçë e Madhe. By employing a critical frame analysis, this paper points to the very subtle forms of resistance to the international rule such as: exclusion of citizens from participation in decision-making, defining citizenship in ethnic terms or changing the meaning of minority relevant legislation by framing it from the perspective of state- and nation-building. All of these actions resist the international efforts to build Kosovo as a multiethnic state and impugn the legitimacy of the system. These findings indicate the important role of local citizens in creating the sustainable peace.

      PubDate: 2016-07-24T19:01:09Z
School of Mathematical and Computer Sciences
Heriot-Watt University
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