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  Subjects -> POLITICAL SCIENCE (Total: 950 journals)
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    - POLITICAL SCIENCE (797 journals)
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POLITICAL SCIENCE (797 journals)                  1 2 3 4 | Last

Showing 1 - 200 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
A Contracorriente     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Ab Imperio     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Acciones e Investigaciones Sociales     Open Access  
Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Acta Politica Estica     Open Access  
Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Administory. Zeitschrift für Verwaltungsgeschichte     Open Access  
Administrative Science Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 172)
Affirmations : of the modern     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Africa Conflict Monitor     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Africa Insight     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
Africa Institute Occasional Paper     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Africa Renewal     Free   (Followers: 6)
Africa Report     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Africa Review : Journal of the African Studies Association of India     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Africa Today     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 19)
African Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 64)
African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
African Diaspora     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
African East-Asian Affairs     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
African Identities     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
African Journal of Democracy and Governance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
African Journal of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
African Renaissance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
African Yearbook of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Africanus     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Afrika Focus     Open Access  
Afrique contemporaine : La revue de l'Afrique et du développement     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Agenda Política     Open Access  
Agenda: A Journal of Policy Analysis and Reform     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Agrarian South : Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Alternatives : Global, Local, Political     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Altre Modernità     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
América Latina Hoy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
American Communist History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
American Enterprise Institute     Free  
American Foreign Policy Interests: The Journal of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
American Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 307)
American Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 250)
American Political Thought     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 11)
American Politics Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
American Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 18)
Anacronismo e Irrupción     Open Access  
Analecta política     Open Access  
Análise Social     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Annales UMCS, Politologia     Open Access  
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 42)
Annual Review of Economics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 32)
Annual Review of Political Science     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 165)
Anuario Latinoamericano : Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales     Open Access  
AQ - Australian Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription  
Arabian Humanities     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Arctic Review on Law and Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Arena Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Armed Conflict Survey     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 16)
Asia Minor Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Asia Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Asia-Pacific Journal : Japan Focus     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Asia-Pacific Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Asian Affairs: An American Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Asian Journal of Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Asian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Asian Politics and Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Astropolitics: The International Journal of Space Politics & Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
AUDEM : The International Journal of Higher Education and Democracy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política     Open Access  
Australasian Review of African Studies, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Australian Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Australian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 17)
Austrian Journal of Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia     Open Access  
Baltic Journal of European Studies     Open Access  
Bandung : Journal of the Global South     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Basic Income Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Beleid en Maatschappij     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
BMC International Health and Human Rights     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Brazilian Political Science Review     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Brésil(s)     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
British Journal of Canadian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
British Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 165)
British Journal of Politics and International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
British Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
British Review of New Zealand Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity     Open Access   (Followers: 46)
Bulletin d'histoire politique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Bustan     Hybrid Journal  
Cadernos de Estudos Sociais e Políticos     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
CADUS - Revista de Estudos de Política, História e Cultura     Open Access  
Cahiers de l'Urmis     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cahiers de Sciences politiques de l'ULg     Open Access  
Cambio 16     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Cambridge Review of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Canadian Foreign Policy Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 7)
Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 23)
Caucasus Survey     Hybrid Journal  
Central and Eastern European Review     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Central Asian Affairs     Hybrid Journal  
Central Banking     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Central European Journal of Public Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
China : An International Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 19)
China perspectives     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
China Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 50)
China Report     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
China Review International     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
China-EU Law Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
Chinese Journal of Global Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Chinese Journal of International Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Chinese Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Cittadinanza Europea (LA)     Full-text available via subscription  
Civil Wars     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union     Open Access  
Class, Race and Corporate Power     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cold War History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Communication, Politics & Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
Communist and Post-Communist Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Comparative Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 163)
Comparative Politics (Russia)     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Comparative Strategy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Competition & Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Conferences on New Political Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Confines     Open Access  
Conflict and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Conflict Management and Peace Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 32)
Conflict Trends     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 12)
Conflict, Security & Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 380)
Congress & the Presidency: A Journal of Capital Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Constellations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Contemporary Italian Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Contemporary Japan     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Contemporary Journal of African Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Political Theory     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 39)
Contemporary Review of the Middle East     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Security Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 21)
Contemporary Wales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Contenciosa     Open Access  
Contexto Internacional     Open Access  
Cooperation and Conflict     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
CQ Researcher     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Criterio Jurídico     Open Access  
Criterios     Open Access  
Critical Asian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Critical Review : A Journal of Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Critical Reviews on Latin American Research     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Critical Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 40)
Critical Studies on Terrorism     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
Cuadernos de historia de España     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Cultura de Paz     Open Access  
Cultural Critique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Culture Mandala : The Bulletin of the Centre for East-West Cultural and Economic Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Debater a Europa     Open Access  
Décalages : An Althusser Studies Journal     Open Access  
Decolonization : Indigeneity, Education & Society     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Defence Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Defense & Security Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Democracy & Education     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
Democratic Communiqué     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Democratic Theory     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Democratization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 35)
Democrazia e diritto     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Demokratie und Geschichte     Hybrid Journal  
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Der Donauraum     Hybrid Journal  
Der Staat     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 14)
Desafíos     Open Access  
Development and Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 51)
Digest of Middle East Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Diplomacy & Statecraft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 7)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription  
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 37)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 35)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access  
Encuentro     Open Access  
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Equal Opportunities International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 20)
Ethics & International Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 7)

        1 2 3 4 | Last

Journal Cover
Estudios Políticos
Number of Followers: 0  

  This is an Open Access Journal Open Access journal
ISSN (Print) 0121-5167
Published by SciELO Homepage  [715 journals]
  • Las responsabilidades del Legislativo con la paz

    •  
  • The Pacific Alliance and How Colombia Is Facing China’s Raise to
           Global Economic Superpower

    • Abstract: Resumen El abatimiento del comercio mundial por efecto de la crisis de 2008 alentó el proyecto asociativo entre México, Chile, Perú y Colombia en 2013. Fieles al credo neoliberal, acordaron exponer sus aparatos productivos a una intensa competencia mutua, divergente de los proyectos para ampliar el mercado regional bajo parámetros proteccionistas, al modo de Mercosur. Compenetrado el cuarteto en una “integración profunda”, tuvo allí la base para acometer el ingreso a los mercados asiáticos, en asocio con la nueva generación de acuerdos comerciales, de los cuales el Tratado Transpacífico fue emblemático. Aquí, desde una perspectiva geopolítica se valoran las opciones de política conjunta para Asia, bajo la hipótesis de autolimitación china de su presencia en América Latina, lo cual abre oportunidades de intercambio económico, social y cultural más intenso con ese país. The downing of the world trade in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis encouraged the association between Mexico, Chile, Peru and Colombia. In 2013, faithful to the neoliberal creed, they agreed to expose their productive apparatus to intense and mutual competition, in a divergent way of projects in order to expand the regional market under protectionist parameters, like Mercosur. The “deep integration” of these contries would allow them to establish a base for entering Asian markets, in partnership with the new generation of trade agreements, of which the trans-Pacific Treaty was emblematic. We examine options of joint policy for Asia from a geopolitical perspective under the hypothesis of Chinese self-limitation of its presence in Latin America options, which, at the same time, opens up opportunities for more intense economic, social and cultural exchanges with that country.
       
  • Chile, a Century of Struggle for the Democratization of the Regions.
           Minimized Representation and Transverse Centralism

    • Abstract: Resumen El artículo repasa la historia chilena contrastando la hegemonía presidencialista centralista con las principales pugnas que incitan en la última década a un proceso de descentralización. Tras el fracaso del federalismo en el siglo xix y la nula implementación de la asamblea provincial de la Constitución de 1925 se profundizó el autoritarismo portaliano, que ha marcado por casi dos siglos la historia institucional chilena y que se revela en el aislamiento de la demanda regionalista hasta la actualidad, en la resistencia de las dos coaliciones mayoritarias a descentralizar, en el conflicto mapuche y en la demanda por gobiernos metropolitanos en comunas con una fuerte urbanización, así como en el doble discurso de la élite que “programa” descentralizar pero que evita la democratización regional sustantiva. A partir del análisis de actores y agendas, sumado a una descripción de la mentalidad dominante centralista asumida por la derecha y la izquierda, se concluye que hay una transformación parcial de dicha hegemonía presicrática lo que reduce el actual proceso de descentralización en curso en Chile a un modelo dual incremental de baja intensidad. The article reviews the Chilean history contrasting the centralist presidentialist hegemony to the main struggles that have driven to a process of decentralization in the last decade. After the failure of federalism in the 19th century and the lack of implementation of the provincial assembly ruled by the Constitution of 1925, the conformation of a centralist authoritarism that has marked for almost two centuries the Chilean institutional history took hold. This centralist authoritarianism is revealed by the isolated regionalist demand during the 20th century and by the reluctance of both majoritarian coalitions to decentralize. This centralist homogeneous state was the origin of the Mapuche conflict and of the demand for metropolitan governments under a strong process of urbanization. Moreover, the double-discourse of the elite that attempts to avoid a process of substantial regional democratization is also an expression of this political tendency. This article follows the methodology of analysis of actors and agendas in addition to a description of the centralized dominant mentality assumed by both the right and the left wing. It concludes that there is a partial transformation of this presicrática hegemony which reduces the current process of decentralization underway in Chile to a low incremental dual model.
       
  • The Effect of Economic Perceptions on Non-Conventional Political
           Participation in Chile in 2015

    • Abstract: Resumen Al analizar los determinantes de la participación política convencional se destaca el efecto del voto económico y se evalúa si este también explica la participación política no convencional. A partir de la encuesta del PNUD, Desarrollo humano en Chile 2015, se identifica el efecto del voto económico —en sus dimensiones sociotrópica, egotrópica, prospectiva y retrospectiva— sobre la participación política no convencional. Se usaron análisis de factores como mecanismo metodológico para agrupar la participación política no convencional en tres tipos: individual, colectiva y online. Con base en regresiones lineales (MCO) y logísticas, se obtuvo que a mejor percepción egotrópica retrospectiva, mayor participación no convencional; a mejor percepción sociotrópica retrospectiva, menor es la probabilidad de participar; y que las evaluaciones prospectivas ego y sociotrópica no afectan la probabilidad de participar. Se concluye que las percepciones retrospectivas explican la participación no convencional, positivamente en el caso de las egotrópicas y negativamente en el caso de las sociotrópicas. Cuando la gente cree que a ellos les ha ido bien, participan más, pero cuando creen que al país le ha ido bien, participan menos. In analyzing the determinants of conventional political participation, this article highlights the effect of the economic vote and assesses its effect on non-conventional political participation. Using the UNDP-Human Development 2015 poll in Chile, the study assesses the effect of the economic vote —in its sociotropic, egotropic, retrospective and prospective dimensions— on non-conventional participation. The article uses factor analysis as a methodological mechanism to group non-conventional participation into three types, individual, collective, and online. Using OLS and logistic regressions, the article reports that non-conventional participation increases with better retrospective egotropic perception, decreases with better socio-tropic retrospective perception and is not affected by ego and socio-tropic prospective perceptions. In conclusion, retrospective perceptions explain non-conventional participation, positively in the case of egotropic perceptions and negatively in case of socio-tropic perceptions. When people believe they have fared well, they participate more, but when they believe the country has fared well, they participate less.
       
  • Elite Government Officials. The Creation of the Body of Government
           Administrator in Argentina

    • Abstract: Resumen En 1984 el entonces presidente argentino Raúl Alfonsín se propuso la formación de un cuerpo de funcionarios de “elite”, y bajo esta consigna surgió el Programa de Formación de Administradores Gubernamentales. El país había recuperado su democracia recientemente y se necesitaban medidas que generaran transparencia institucional, el espíritu de la iniciativa era romper la escisión entre roles políticos y administrativos, inspirándose en el modelo de la École nationale d’administration (ENA), Francia. Este trabajo se propone explicar el proceso que dio origen a este programa, su puesta en marcha y situación actual a partir de un abordaje metodológico principalmente cualitativo. Se reconstruyeron las trayectorias de diferentes agentes clave, sus vínculos políticos y personales. Actualmente, las convocatorias para integrar este cuerpo están suspendidas, pero los administradores gubernamentales continúan cumpliendo funciones, camino a su extinción. In 1984, President Raúl Alfonsín, was determined to create a body of elite officials, and it was under this initiative that the Training Program for Government Administrators was launched. The goal of the initiative was to bridge the gap between political and administrative roles, following the model of the École nationale d’administration in France. The aim of this study is to explain the process that gave origin to this program, its startup and current situation, based on a mainly qualitative methodological approach. In order to do so, it was necessary to reconstruct the personal careers of different key stakeholders, as well as their political and personal connections. New recruitments for this program are currently suspended, however, government administrators continue to perform their duties while on the road to extinction.
       
  • The Uneasy Place of the Institutions in the Latin America
           “Populismology”

    • Abstract: Resumen La relación entre populismo e instituciones aparece como una de las cuestiones más espinosas de la “populismología” contemporánea. Este trabajo se inserta en dicho nexo a partir de la reconstrucción de las formulaciones que el liberalismo y el posmarxismo han efectuado al respecto. El primero sentencia la escasa disposición de los populismos para fortalecer las instituciones democráticas; el segundo considera que la materialización institucional de los populismos tiende a bloquear la lógica antagónica, a saber, el principio constitutivo de lo político. Así, enfatizando en una mirada dicotómica y de mutua exterioridad entre populismo e instituciones, la populismología dominante pierde de vista la complejidad de sus relaciones y deja abierto un campo de indagación sobre la capacidad instituyente del populismo en sus intrincados nexos con el antagonismo y la democracia. Este artículo ofrece diversas pistas sobre tales dilemas. The relationship between populism and institutions appears as one of the thorniest issues of the contemporary “populismology”. The aim of this paper is to address this field from the reconstruction of the approaches elaborated by liberalism and Post-Marxism perspectives. The first one states that populism shows a weak disposition to strengthen the democratic institutions. The second approach asserts that the institutional materialization of populism tends to restrict the antagonist logic, namely, the constitutive principle of the political. In this way, by assuming a dichotomous look based on a link of exteriority between populism and institutions, the predominant “populismology” would lose sight of these complex relationships and opens a field of inquiry about the institutional capacity of populism and its intricate link to antagonism and democracy. The article provides some clues about these dilemmas.
       
  • Dike and Troubled Waters of Gaitanismo. Political Violence and Populism in
           the Mid-20th Century in Colombia

    • Abstract: Resumen A pesar de los múltiples estudios existentes sobre el gaitanismo colombiano, la caracterización de este proceso político como populista ha sido una cuestión muy problemática. Este artículo se propone no solo mostrar la pertinencia analítica del concepto de populismo a partir de los estudios contemporáneos sobre las identidades políticas para comprender la configuración del movimiento gaitanista, sino también dar muestra de un debate ulterior: la compleja relación entre la violencia política y el fenómeno populista. La hipótesis es diferenciar ambos procesos políticos tomando como caso la discursividad gaitanista de mediados de siglo xx en Colombia. Así, el leitmotiv de esta imbricación de análisis teórico y estudio histórico es mostrar las tensiones propias de los procesos populistas latinoamericanos en contextos violentos imperantes en la región, especialmente el colombiano. Se considera, entonces, que el populismo, antes que promover una violencia desmesurada hacia la alteridad, pregona una transformación radical del todo comunitario, al mismo tiempo que polariza el campo político donde se desarrolla. Despite the many existent studies about Colombian Gaitanismo, this political process’ characterization as a populist one has been a very troublesome matter. This work proposes not only to show the analytical pertinence of the concept of populism – from the contemporary studies about political identities – in order to understand the configuration of the Gaitanist movement, but also to propose a subsequent debate: the complex link between political violence and the populist phenomenon. The hypothesis of this paper is to distinguish both political processes taking as a case the Gaitanist discursivity of the mid-20th century in Colombia. Thus, the Leitmotiv of interweaving the theoretical analysis with the historical study is to show the typical tensions of the Latin American populist processes in an important prevailing violent context in the region, that is, the Colombian one. Finally, the analysis considers that the populism, instead of promoting a disproportionate violence toward others, proclaims a radical transformation of the communitary as a whole, and simultaneously polarizes the political field where it takes place.
       
  • Local Responses from Identity to the Implementation of a State Extractive
           Project. The Cases of Támesis and Buriticá (Antioquia, Colombia)

    • Abstract: Resumen Desde 2001 se ha formado en Colombia un proyecto extractivo estatal que se manifiesta en agendas políticas, planes de desarrollo y normativa minera con el propósito de reposicionar al país en un contexto económico internacional caracterizado primordialmente por el incremento del precio del oro. Este énfasis extractivo ha tenido implicaciones locales en territorios con otras trayectorias históricas, culturales y socioeconómicas que se vieron envueltos en nuevas dinámicas de ordenamiento del territorio, originadas por las proyecciones estatales. Este artículo explora los usos políticos de la identidad en los municipios de Támesis y Buriticá, departamento de Antioquia, para resistir, ajustarse o negociar con este proyecto estatal, a partir de dos estrategias metodológicas: la etnografía y la revisión documental. Propone que las alusiones a la identidad operan como un recurso político a través del cual se revalorizan viejos aspectos para incidir en nuevos retos, problemáticas y discusiones: se potencian elementos de una “identidad ecológica” para resistirse a la minería, se exaltan particularidades locales para defender el “aquí no” y las referencias a la tradición buscan promover renegociaciones en el despliegue del proyecto estatal. Since 2001, a state extractive project has been in place in Colombia, with concrete expressions in political agendas, development plans and mining regulations. This project was intended to reposition the country in an international economic context characterized by an increase in the price of gold. The extractive approach has had local implications in territories with their own historical, cultural and socioeconomic paths, which were involved in new land-use planning dynamics stemming from state projections. This paper explores the political uses of identity in Támesis and Buriticá, Antioquia, to resist, adjust or negotiate this state project. It is based on two methodological strategies: ethnography and documentary revision. It argues that allusions to identity operate as a political resource by which old features are revalued with the aim of influencing new challenges, problems and discussions: elements of an “ecological identity” are strengthened to resist mining, local particularities are extolled to defend the territory, “the not here policy,” and references to tradition seek to promote new negotiations in the deployment of the state project.
       
  • Between Subsistences and Local Neo-Extractivism. Mining Dynamics in
           Northern Cauca, Colombia

    • Abstract: Resumen Teniendo en cuenta la complejidad de los procesos que hoy envuelven la zona norte del departamento del Cauca, como una región donde confluyen actores armados ilegales y actores sociales de gran importancia, como poblaciones afrodescendientes, indígenas y campesinas, este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la manera en que las transformaciones productivas ocurridas en torno a la extracción aurífera han dado origen a nuevas formas extractivas locales. Estas nuevas formas de extractivismo local sustentadas en la noción de modernidades alternativas invitan a comprender la manera en que campesinos mineros afrodescendientes, ahora empresarios del oro, hacen su vida posible en un territorio altamente disputado por actores externos. A partir de un enfoque metodológico sustentado en el análisis etnográfico, se busca conocer las transformaciones de las dinámicas mineras de la región y la manera como reconfiguran relaciones económicas y políticas, en una de las regiones estratégicas para el posconflicto en Colombia. Considering the complexity of the processes that surround the northern part of the Cauca department, as a region where illegal armed actors and social actors of great importance such as Afro-descendant, indigenous and peasant populations converge, this article aims to understand the way in which the productive transformations that took place around the gold extraction originated new local extractive forms. These forms of local neo-extractivism, supported by the notion of alternative modernities, allows us to explain how the Afro-descendant mining peasants —now gold entrepreneurs— make their living in a territory highly disputed by external actors. We will also analyze how these new extractivisms reconfigure economic and political relations in one of the strategic regions for the Colombian post-conflict.
       
  • The New Political Contenders in Municipal Council Elections in Colombia
           2015. Impact of the Size of the Constituency on Municipal Councils

    • Abstract: Resumen Este artículo analiza la incidencia del tamaño de la circunscripción electoral para Concejos municipales en los resultados electorales de tres partidos heterogéneos y con proyección nacional recientemente incorporados al juego político y que participaron por primera vez en las elecciones subnacionales de 2015 en Colombia: el Centro Democrático (CD), el Movimiento Alternativo Indígena y Social (MAIS) y la Unión Patriótica (UP). Según los resultados obtenidos, se confirma la regla electoral, según la cual, dependiendo del volumen de votación de cada organización política, cuanto más grande es la circunscripción, más posibilidades tienen dichos partidos de ubicar sus candidatos en los Concejos, en la medida en que el porcentaje de votación requerido para acceder a una curul disminuye. Aunque esta es la constante, se presentan algunas excepciones que indican la necesidad de considerar también otros factores del sistema electoral, la campaña política, los propios partidos y el contexto para explicar los logros de partidos políticos nuevos en corporaciones políticas municipales. This article analyzes the incidence of the size of the constituency at the municipal councils in the electoral achievements of three heterogeneous parties with national influence recently incorporated into the political game. These parties went to the polls for the fist time in 2015 for subnational elections in Colombia: The Center Democratic Movement (CD), the Alternative Indigenous and Social Movement (MAIS) and the Patriotic Union (UP). The results confirmed the electoral rule that, depending on the voting volume of each political organization, the larger constituencies, these parties are more likely to locate their candidates in the councils, because the percentage of votes required to access a seat at the council decreases. Although this is the constant, there are some exceptions, indicating the need to consider other factors of the electoral system, such as, the political campaign, the parties themselves, and the context, in order to explain the achievements of new political parties in municipal political corporations.
       
  • Incidence of the Political Parties for the Victory of the Blank Vote in
           the Bello-Antioquia Mayoral Elections in 2011

    • Abstract: Resumen Para conocer la incidencia de los partidos políticos en el resultado de las elecciones para Alcaldía que se llevaron a cabo en el municipio de Bello, Antioquia, en 2011, el presente artículo realiza una descripción de las actuaciones de los partidos políticos en el proceso de la contienda, las estrategias y alianzas empleadas por los partidos políticos. A través de técnicas de investigación cualitativas y cuantitativas se advierte que el resultado de la contienda no fue solamente una manifestación de disenso propia, intransferible y única de los electores, sino que los partidos políticos pueden terminar siendo, directa o indirectamente, los precursores del triunfo del voto en blanco que, como en este caso, a partir de alianzas electorales determinaron un candidato único sin más opciones que el voto en blanco. In order to know the incidence of the political parties in the results of the mayoral elections in the municipality of Bello-Antioquia in 2011, this article describes the actions of the political parties in the process of the contest, that is, the strategies and alliances used by them. Through a qualitative and quantitative research it could be established that the result of the contest was not only the manifestation of a non-transferable and genuine dissent of the voters, but that the political parties can end up influencing, directly or indirectly, the triumph of the blank vote that, as in this case, based on electoral alliances, determined a single candidate leaving no other option for the voters than to cast the blank vote.
       
  • Keys to the Rejection of the Referendum for Peace in Colombia

    • Abstract: Resumen El artículo analiza la victoria del NO en el plebiscito sobre los Acuerdos de Paz de octubre de 2016 en Colombia, mediante la cartografía analítica. Muestra la existencia de un clivaje territorial estable acerca del conflicto armado que se expresó en las urnas tanto en la segunda vuelta presidencial de 2014 como en el plebiscito, y se enfoca en explicar los cambios decisivos entre los dos eventos electorales que fueron decisivos en la victoria del NO. Concluye que la victoria del NO se debe al voto de los sectores populares urbanos, periurbanos y de las ciudades intermediarias que no se sintieron interpretados por el discurso de la paz y temieron ser olvidados en el contexto del posconflicto. The article analyses the victory of the NO in the referendum on the peace agreements of October 2016 in Colombia, through the analytical cartography. It shows the existence of a stable territorial cleavage on the armed conflict that was expressed at the polls both in 2014 presidential run-off and the plebiscite, and focuses on explaining the key changes between the two electoral events which were decisive in the victory of the NO. The article concludes that the NO victory is due to the votes of the urban popular sectors, peri-urban populations and intermediary cities, who did not fell represented by the discourse of peace, and feared that they would be forgotten in the context of the post-conflict.
       
  • Brachet-Márquez, Viviane y Uribe Gómez, Mónica (coords.). (2016).
           Estado y sociedad en América Latina. Acercamientos relacionales .
           México, D. F.: El Colegio de México.

    • Abstract: Resumen El artículo analiza la victoria del NO en el plebiscito sobre los Acuerdos de Paz de octubre de 2016 en Colombia, mediante la cartografía analítica. Muestra la existencia de un clivaje territorial estable acerca del conflicto armado que se expresó en las urnas tanto en la segunda vuelta presidencial de 2014 como en el plebiscito, y se enfoca en explicar los cambios decisivos entre los dos eventos electorales que fueron decisivos en la victoria del NO. Concluye que la victoria del NO se debe al voto de los sectores populares urbanos, periurbanos y de las ciudades intermediarias que no se sintieron interpretados por el discurso de la paz y temieron ser olvidados en el contexto del posconflicto. The article analyses the victory of the NO in the referendum on the peace agreements of October 2016 in Colombia, through the analytical cartography. It shows the existence of a stable territorial cleavage on the armed conflict that was expressed at the polls both in 2014 presidential run-off and the plebiscite, and focuses on explaining the key changes between the two electoral events which were decisive in the victory of the NO. The article concludes that the NO victory is due to the votes of the urban popular sectors, peri-urban populations and intermediary cities, who did not fell represented by the discourse of peace, and feared that they would be forgotten in the context of the post-conflict.
       
 
 
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