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POLITICAL SCIENCE (738 journals)                  1 2 3 4 | Last

Showing 1 - 200 of 281 Journals sorted alphabetically
A Contracorriente     Open Access  
Ab Imperio     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Acta Politica Estica     Open Access  
Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies     Open Access  
Administrative Science Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 134)
Affirmations : of the modern     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Africa Conflict Monitor     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Africa Insight     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 14)
Africa Institute Occasional Paper     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Africa Renewal     Free   (Followers: 5)
Africa Review : Journal of the African Studies Association of India     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Africa Today     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
African Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 57)
African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
African Diaspora     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
African East-Asian Affairs     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
African Identities     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
African Journal of Democracy and Governance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
African Journal of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
African Renaissance     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
African Yearbook of Rhetoric     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Africanus     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Afrique contemporaine : La revue de l'Afrique et du développement     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Agenda Política     Open Access  
Agenda: A Journal of Policy Analysis and Reform     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Agrarian South : Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Alternatives : Global, Local, Political     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Altre Modernità     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
América Latina Hoy     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
American Communist History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
American Foreign Policy Interests: The Journal of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
American Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 225)
American Political Science Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 193)
American Political Thought     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
American Politics Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
American Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 17)
Anacronismo e Irrupción     Open Access  
Analecta política     Open Access  
Análise Social     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Annales UMCS, Politologia     Open Access  
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
Annual Review of Economics     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 29)
Annual Review of Political Science     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 121)
Apuntes Electorales     Open Access  
AQ - Australian Quarterly     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Arabian Humanities     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Arctic Review on Law and Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Arena Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 15)
Asia Minor Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Asia Policy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Asia-Pacific Journal : Japan Focus     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Asia-Pacific Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Asian Affairs: An American Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Asian Journal of Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Asian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Asian Politics and Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
Astropolitics: The International Journal of Space Politics & Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
AUDEM : The International Journal of Higher Education and Democracy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política     Open Access  
Australasian Review of African Studies, The     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Australian Journal of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 23)
Australian Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Austrian Journal of Political Science     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia     Open Access  
Baltic Journal of European Studies     Open Access  
Basic Income Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 15)
Beleid en Maatschappij     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
BMC International Health and Human Rights     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Brazilian Political Science Review     Open Access  
Brésil(s)     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
British Journal of Canadian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
British Journal of Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 129)
British Journal of Politics and International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 24)
British Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
British Review of New Zealand Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity     Open Access   (Followers: 47)
Bulletin d'histoire politique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Bustan     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Cadernos de Estudos Sociais e Políticos     Open Access  
CADUS - Revista de Estudos de Política, História e Cultura     Open Access  
Cahiers de l'Urmis     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cahiers de Sciences politiques de l'ULg     Open Access  
California Journal of Politics and Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Cambio 16     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Cambridge Review of International Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Canadian Foreign Policy Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Caucasus Survey     Hybrid Journal  
Central and Eastern European Review     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Central Asian Affairs     Hybrid Journal  
Central Banking     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Central European Journal of Public Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
China : An International Journal     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 16)
China perspectives     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
China Quarterly     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 46)
China Report     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
China Review International     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
China-EU Law Journal     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Chinese Journal of Global Governance     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Chinese Journal of International Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Chinese Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Cittadinanza Europea (LA)     Full-text available via subscription  
Civil Wars     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union     Open Access  
Class, Race and Corporate Power     Open Access  
Cold War History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Communication, Politics & Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
Communist and Post-Communist Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Comparative Political Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 120)
Comparative Politics (Russia)     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Comparative Strategy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Competition & Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Conferences on New Political Economy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Confines     Open Access  
Conflict and Society     Full-text available via subscription  
Conflict Management and Peace Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
Conflict Trends     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Conflict, Security & Development     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 357)
Congress & the Presidency: A Journal of Capital Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Constellations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Contemporary Japan     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Journal of African Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Political Theory     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 32)
Contemporary Review of the Middle East     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Contemporary Security Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 14)
Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 18)
Contemporary Wales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Contenciosa     Open Access  
Contexto Internacional     Open Access  
Cooperation and Conflict     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
CQ Researcher     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Criterio Jurídico     Open Access  
Critical Asian Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Critical Review : A Journal of Politics and Society     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Critical Reviews on Latin American Research     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Critical Social Policy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 33)
Critical Studies on Terrorism     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 27)
Cuadernos de historia de España     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Cultura de Paz     Open Access  
Cultural Critique     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Culture Mandala : The Bulletin of the Centre for East-West Cultural and Economic Studies     Open Access  
Décalages : An Althusser Studies Journal     Open Access  
Decolonization : Indigeneity, Education & Society     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Defence Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Defense & Security Analysis     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 19)
Democracy & Education     Open Access   (Followers: 13)
Democratic Communiqué     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Democratic Theory     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Democratization     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
Democrazia e diritto     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Demokratie und Geschichte     Hybrid Journal  
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 8)
Der Donauraum     Hybrid Journal  
Der Staat     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 13)
Desafíos     Open Access  
Development and Change     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 47)
Digest of Middle East Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
Diplomacy & Statecraft     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Diplomatic History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Dissent     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Diversité urbaine     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict: Pathways toward terrorism and genocide     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
East European Jewish Affairs     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)
East European Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 9)
Economia Politica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 34)
Ecopolítica     Open Access  
eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
El Cotidiano     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Electoral Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 28)
Em Pauta : Teoria Social e Realidade Contemporânea     Open Access  
Encuentro     Open Access  
Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 12)
Equal Opportunities International     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Espacios Públicos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudios Políticos     Open Access  
Estudos Avançados     Open Access  
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 18)
Ethics & Global Politics     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Ethics in Science and Environmental Politics     Hybrid Journal  
Éthique publique     Open Access  
Études internationales     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Eureka Street     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Europe's World     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
European Integration Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
European Journal of American Culture     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
European Journal of Government and Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
European Journal of International Relations     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 46)
European Journal of Political Economy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 43)
European Journal of Political Research     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 63)
European Political Science     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 31)
European Security     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 13)

        1 2 3 4 | Last

Journal Cover Digest of Middle East Studies
  [11 followers]  Follow
   Hybrid Journal Hybrid journal (It can contain Open Access articles)
   ISSN (Print) 1060-4367 - ISSN (Online) 1949-3606
   Published by John Wiley and Sons Homepage  [1589 journals]
  • Israel: Divided by Religion and Education
    • Authors: Judith A. Cochran
      Abstract: Israel is a democracy splintered by religion and education. Two of its fastest growing religious groups, ultra-Orthodox and Muslim Israeli Arabs, are not learning democratic principles or marketable skills that enable them to assist in the economic development of the country. Even Israelis who are attending secular and religious Israeli government schools are academically behind in mathematics as measured on 2011 international achievement tests of PISA and TIMSS. The history of religion and education from 1928 to 1955 built the foundation for the current divisions. The impact of the Ottoman and British occupation on citizens is particularized thorough the experiences of Elias Tuma, who lived under British and Israeli government systems. Today's educational system in Israel reinforces religious and sectarian conflict among its citizens. Educational and religious structural suggestions are provided for readers to consider. The implications of this work for future research are provided.
      PubDate: 2017-04-18T05:20:43.733742-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12106
  • The Perpetuation of Regime Security in Gulf Cooperation Council States: A
           Multi-Lens Approach
    • Authors: M. Evren Tok; Jason J. McSparren, Michael Olender
      Abstract: Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have been engaging in diversification efforts, yet the types of efforts suggest that the primary interest is regime security. Regional foreign policy is complex; hence we propose a multi-lens approach to analyze overlapping and complementary political, economic, and social forces. The international political economy of hydrocarbons demonstrates the similarities among GCC states, regional dynamics illustrate interstate relations and similar patterns, while economic diversification suggests individual state trajectories and comparative and competitive patterns. By outlining the contemporary context for GCC states, we argue that low oil prices, regional dependence on hydrocarbons, and trends in economic diversification efforts signal GCC states' preference to reinforce their rentier systems with alternative state revenue streams. GCC states' diversification into new markets and sectors and use of state-owned enterprises in microcompetitions indicate a new search for alternative revenue streams and prestige, which in turn are used to assure the perpetuation of regime security. This finding sets trajectories and implications for the region, specifically economic stagnation and supplementary diversification processes.
      PubDate: 2017-03-15T03:25:41.522114-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12105
  • Exploring the Phenomena of Online Dating Platforms Versus Saudi
           Traditional Spouse Courtship in the 21st Century
    • Authors: Ayman Naji Bajnaid; Tariq Elyas
      Abstract: While traditional Saudi Arabian courtship is rigidly structured according to a set of Islamic codes of conduct, over the past decade, Saudis have increasingly turned to unconventional means of finding and courting a potential spouse: matrimonial Web sites. This research explores the debate in the literature on computer meditated communication regarding whether online settings provide rich information about other users, as they show that online interactions can provide more information about the opposite sex for users who belong to gender-segregated societies than they can get through their offline lives. The article will shed some light on the interplay between young generations and their obsessions with the world of Internet dating and the societal norms and social conducts with which they are comfortable while living in Saudi Arabia. The article may contribute to the online dating literature by showing the similarities and differences between conservative, Islamic Saudi users and Western users when using Web sites to search for a potential mate. The research shows the power of both social and religious norms in affecting these users’ behaviors and decisions when using matrimonial Web sites.
      PubDate: 2017-02-22T02:45:48.711605-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12104
  • Exploring Collaborative Civic Leadership Among Young Tunisians: Inviting
           Despair, Creating Hope
    • Authors: Sarah McLewin Kincaid
      Abstract: This article explores how civically engaged youth in Tunisia are approaching collaboration with noncivically engaged youth to promote greater levels of civic participation. This article is based on qualitative research conducted in Tunis, Tunisia during the summer of 2015 with 16 youth, all under the age of 35. This article will explore youth attitudes regarding civic engagement and barriers to participation in postauthoritarian Tunisia. This article also explores how civically engaged youth utilize informal social spaces such as coffee shops, universities, and social media sites to stir a sense of hope and pride in activism. This research provides a rich snapshot of civically and noncivically engaged youth who comprise 51% of Tunisia's population and led the 2011 revolution that burgeoned the so-called Arab Spring in North Africa and the Middle East. These findings bring into question labels such as “politically inactive” and “potential ISIS fighters” that are employed in the dominant narrative on Tunisian youth. Finally, this research suggests that Tunisian youth wield powerful leadership skills that will continue to play a critical role in the transformation of civic and social norms.
      PubDate: 2017-01-10T22:40:21.482051-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12102
  • Russia in the Eastern Mediterranean: Intervention, Deterrence, Containment
    • Authors: Spyridon N. Litsas
      Abstract: The Syrian Civil War gave the opportunity to Russia to establish itself as a pivotal strategic element in the region of the Eastern Mediterranean. This can be seen in the Russian military presence in Syria and in the new Russian maritime strategy in the Black Sea and in the Eastern Mediterranean. This articles argues that deterrence is not enough by itself to put an obstacle in Russian regional expansionism and that a new containment policy is required in order for the West to maintain the existing status in the Eastern Mediterranean.
      PubDate: 2016-12-12T02:25:23.010931-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12103
  • The Securitization of the Kurdish Minority in Turkey: Ontological
           Insecurity and Elite's Power Struggle as Reasons of the Recent
    • Authors: Maurizio Geri
      Abstract: This article analyzes the treatment of the Kurdish minority by the government of Turkey. The uninterrupted power of the AKP (Justice and Development Party/Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) that since 2002 has created a de facto dominant party democracy (today going toward totalitarianism) and is implementing a strategy of securitization (Buzan, Waever, & de Wilde, 1998) of the issue of the Kurdish minority since the interruption of the ceasefire with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) in July 2015. The article argues that this strategy has been implemented for three main reasons: the reduced ontological security (Giddens, 1991) of Turkey because of the recent violent conflicts in Syria and Iraq, the risk of loss of power of the ruling party and the elites (Snyder, 2000) because of the recent entrance in the Parliament by the HDP (People's Democratic Party, a pro-Kurdish party), and the ideological threat posed by HDP to the AKP regime (a left-wing progressive ideology opposed to the moderate Islamist ideology of AKP). The purpose of this study is to fill a research gap in the area of why the post-July 2015 era constitutes a new context shaping the AKP's perception and management of the Kurdish issue. The methodology followed in this research is a qualitative case study analysis based on process tracing of the recent Turkish treatment of the Kurdish minority and, in particular, the recent events of the second part of 2015 and the beginning of 2016. The article starts with a brief historical overview of Turkish democracy and a theoretical overview on the securitization theory. Then, it analyzes the past and current securitization of the Kurdish issue, arguing that the causes of the recent intensification of this securitization since the summer of 2015 have to be found in these three factors: the low level of ontological security of the state; the fear of losing the power by the AKP ruling elite; and the threat to the political ideology of the AKP posed by the HDP.
      PubDate: 2016-11-08T03:11:01.231804-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12099
  • The Father's Success and the Son's Failure: Explaining the Growth of
           Lebanon's Resistance to Syria's Invisible Occupation
    • Authors: Ido Yahel; Or Honig
      Abstract: In the 15-year period since the Syrian military entry into Lebanon on June 1, 1976, allegedly to put an end to the civil war that broke out there a year earlier, Syria firmly solidified its control of the country, as evidenced by the signing of the “Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Syria and Lebanon,” on May 22, 1991, which granted Syria a special status. Yet, 14 years later, on April 24, 2005, the Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon. This article seeks to explain this relatively rapid decline in Syria's standing in Lebanon by examining the strategies of the two Syrian rulers who indirectly controlled this country during those years. It examines what was right in Hafiz al-Asad's strategy in Lebanon, and what did not work in Bashar's policy.In 2000, the year of Hafiz al-Asad's death, Syria's status in Lebanon seemed unshakable: 1) Lebanon's president (Emile Lahoud) acted as Damascus's puppet; 2) Hezbollah, the Shi‘a militia Hezbollah largely accepted Syria's authority while it simultaneously tightened its control over southern Lebanon and also began gaining popularity in the rest of the country; and 3) finally the politics of the noble families, which had characterized Lebanon since its establishment, began to gradually give way to a politics where a political figure is measured by the level of his connections to the country's power base in Damascus. Yet, merely five years later, Syria was under immense pressure to withdraw its forces from Lebanon. This suggests that we must look at the difference between the strategies of Hafiz al-Asad and his son Bashar for controlling Lebanon to better understand the rapid deterioration in Syria's standing in the country.We argue that the difference in the degree of anti-Syrian pressures from Lebanon's society and political elements between the two tenures is largely rooted in the different strategies that the two Syrian presidents adopted for informally ruling Lebanon. We identify three main areas where Bashar al-Asad made mistakes due to his failure to continue his father's methods. First, Bashar put all his cards on Hezbollah, thus antagonizing all the other groups which resented that Shi‘a dominance. Second, in stark contrast to his father, Bashar distanced himself from the regular management of Lebanon's ethnic politics. Hafiz al-Asad made sure that all the leaders of the different ethnic groups would visit Damascus and update him on their inter-ethnic conflicts, and then he would be the one who would either arbitrate between them or, for expediency reasons, exacerbate these feuds. Once the ethnic leaders had to manage without Damascus, they learned to get along, making him far less indispensable for the running of the country. Finally, Bashar, unlike his father, did not make a real effort to gain international and regional legitimacy (or at least de-facto acceptance) for Syria's continued control over Lebanon. Most conspicuously, while Hafiz participated in the First Gulf War against Iraq, his son supported Sunni rebels who fought against the United States-led coalition forces there. This foreign acquiescence was significant since the Lebanese felt they had a backing when they demanded Syria's withdrawal in 2005.These different strategic approaches of the two rulers meant that the father's policies wisely laid the ground for some of the most controversial measures which were needed as part of any attempt to monopolize control over another country, such as Lebanon (assassinating popular but too independent-minded Lebanese presidents/prime ministers or extending tenures of loyalist ones), whereas the son's policies myopically failed to do so properly. Indeed, the article will show that while both the father and the son took these same controversial measures, the responses of the Lebanese were completely different.Admittedly, some historical developments increased the Lebanese propensity to rise up against Syria, and these meant that Bashar did in fact face a harder task than his father in maintaining Syria's informal occupation. The Israeli withdrawal from its so-called “security zone” in south Lebanon meant that one justification for the Syrian presence was gone. More importantly, the risk of renewed eruption of the civil war (which in turn had meant for many years a greater willingness by the locals to tolerate the Syrian presence which prevented the war's resumption) declined significantly due to a variety of processes that could not have been halted even with better “management” of the interethnic strife from Damascus (i.e., making sure that the ethnic groups remained in deep conflict with each other). Nevertheless, as we will show, Bashar's mistakes played a crucial role in bringing the rival ethnic groups together by making Damascus their joint enemy.
      PubDate: 2016-10-17T08:26:09.101067-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12097
  • The Evolution of Administrative Systems in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and
           Qatar: The Challenge of Implementing Market Based Reforms
    • Authors: Mhamed Biygautane; Paula Gerber, Graeme Hodge
      Abstract: The dramatic plunge in oil prices since the second half of 2014 poses serious challenges for the oil dependent states of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, and revives their interest in accelerating the implementation of market-based reforms such as outsourcing, privatization, and public–private partnerships. This article challenges the assumption that these reforms offer a panacea for administrative change, and argues that while they might appear to be a solution to the growing fiscal constraints in the three Gulf states, considerable administrative, cultural, economic, and political barriers hinder their effective implementation. The conclusion reached is that western labels of market-based reforms offer limited options for the three states in the absence of strong political will to make fundamental reforms that could alter the state–society relations. It is suggested that further theorization of administrative change is required in cultural contexts, such as the Gulf region, where administration and society are intertwined, and where trying to minimize the role and size of the state, poses a direct threat to the political legitimacy of the ruling elites.
      PubDate: 2016-10-14T05:46:18.365707-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12093
  • Turkey and the Palestinian Question: The Shift of Roles in Foreign Policy
    • Authors: Erkan Ertosun
      Abstract: For Turkey, which was seeking a leading role in the Middle East, the Palestinian Question became a priority in its foreign policy during the late 1990s. In this article, it is argued that the role Turkey primarily espoused in the resolution of the Palestinian Question in the period 2000–2009 has mainly been that of a communicator. Nonetheless, in times of crises between Palestine and Israel, Ankara lost its neutrality and credibility to some extent, as it shifted to the role of guardian of Palestinians and proponent of Palestine, thereby undermining its communicator role. Finally, this dilemma in Turkish foreign policy in the Palestinian Question was the fundamental impediment to Turkey's sustainable and constructive contribution to the settlement of the problem in the examined period.
      PubDate: 2016-09-27T02:18:42.099821-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12098
  • Issue Information
    • Pages: 177 - 179
      PubDate: 2016-10-25T06:15:59.727388-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12064
  • Editor's Viewpoint: Beyond Oil: A New Middle East Vision
    • Authors: Mohammed M. Aman
      Pages: 180 - 185
      PubDate: 2016-10-11T08:20:41.295258-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12096
  • A Matter of Framing: Explaining the Failure of Post-Islamist Social
           Movements in the Arab Spring
    • Authors: Justin A. Hoyle
      Pages: 186 - 209
      Abstract: Shortly after the Arab Spring began in 2010, multiple scholars noted that the dominant discursive trend present within these protests was that of post-Islamism. Post-Islamism is broadly defined as an ideology seeking to establish a democratic state within a distinctly Islamic society. Despite the presence of post-Islamist opportunity structures, social movements embodying post-Islamist principles have had little success consolidating power. The theoretical argument presented here is that the failure of these movements is the result of inherent flaws within post-Islamist frames. Specifically, this study posits that unlike traditional Islamist frames (i.e., frames emphasizing the creation of a state governed by Shari‘a) post-Islamist frames limit the ability of movements’ to monopolize religion as a cultural asset. As such, when post-Islamist movements face political challenges during contentious periods they cannot rely on nontemporal legitimacy to retain power. Additionally, the challenging task of integrating Islamic and democratic frames in contentious moments renders post-Islamist movements susceptible to counterframing. The preceding claims will be tested through a comparative analysis of the Iranian Hierocracy (1977–1979), and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (2011–2014). Comparing the experiences of a post-Islamist movement (Brotherhood) with that of an Islamist movement (Hierocracy) will explicate the flaws within post-Islamist frames.
      PubDate: 2016-08-01T11:20:35.05781-05:0
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12089
  • An International Constitutional Court: Future Roles & Challenges
    • Authors: Laith K. Nasrawin
      Pages: 210 - 226
      Abstract: This article comprehensively examines the 1999 recommendation of the Tunisian government to create an International Constitutional Court that is designed to enhance the principles of democracy and human rights and to strengthen the constitutional doctrine which states that the people are the source of authority in a given country. This proposal, which was strongly advocated by former Tunisian President Mohamed Moncef Marzouki during his term in office, aims to underscore the importance of establishing an international judicial entity and analysing its bylaws with respect to its terms and conditions, formation, jurisdiction, and selection of judges. The article traces the trajectory of the movement, from the proposal stage to the latest developments in formally establishing the international judicial entity. Finally, the article identifies various possible difficulties and challenges that are likely to stand in the way of implementing the proposal.
      PubDate: 2016-08-26T02:11:31.787346-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12090
  • Misconceptions About the Caliphate in Islam
    • Authors: Wayel Azmeh
      Pages: 227 - 263
      Abstract: Three common misconceptions about the caliphate in Islam are explored alleging: 1) that there has been only one caliph at a given time governing all Muslims, uninterrupted until the caliphate system was abolished in 1924, 2) that caliphs governed vast territories, 3) that God in Islam mandates a blueprint for governance called the caliphate. This essay begins with the role the caliphate played in agendas of Islamic movements over the last 100 years. Then the historic development of the caliphate is discussed providing the background to explore the first two misconceptions. The third misconception is consequently addressed through a linguistic, Qur'anic, and historical analysis of the word “caliphate.” The fact that neither the Qur'an, nor the Prophet saw himself as a head of state is explored, and the misappropriation of the word “constitution” to replace the word “pact” in “the pact of Medina” is pointed out. A simple classification of three types of “caliphates” is suggested, emphasizing the wide range of connotations it conveys. Finally, counterarguments using the Qur'an and Hadith are addressed. The essay concludes with the idea that what makes a state Islamic are not name nor its structure, but rather its orientation towards Qur'anic ethical values.
      PubDate: 2016-05-24T21:20:29.036212-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12083
  • Protecting Human Rights Through Constitutional Adjudication - Jordan as a
           Case Study
    • Authors: Laith K. Nasrawin
      Pages: 264 - 284
      Abstract: This article aims at defining the role of constitutional courts in protecting the fundamental human rights of individuals, by relating the importance of constitutional judicial review and the established international standards related to the way it is performed. The study also provides an in-depth analysis of the structure and working mechanism of the new constitutional court in Jordan with regard to its main functions described in the constitution of providing oversight of the constitutionality of laws and regulations in power, and interpreting provisions of the constitution. The study concludes that current statutory provisions with respect to the court proceedings and the method of undertaking its judicial work serve as safeguards that strengthen the role of the court in promoting individuals’ human rights. The study defines a vision of what is anticipated from the new constitutional court of Jordan and other courts in the field of defending human rights from the contemporary threats the world is facing, which only serve to increase fears among individuals that their basic rights are subject to serious attacks and violations.
      PubDate: 2016-05-30T20:00:25.413941-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12086
  • Reconsidering Elitist Duality: Persistent Tension in the
           Turkish–Egyptian Relations
    • Authors: Shaimaa Magued
      Pages: 285 - 314
      Abstract: Since the Muslim Brotherhood's ouster in July 3, 2013, tension has escalated between Turkey and Egypt and gained media attention as an unprecedented incident in bilateral relations. However, disagreement has characterized bilateral relations since the declaration of the Egyptian Republic and the launch of diplomatic relations with Turkey in the 1950s. By tracking the history of both countries’ bilateral relations, this study contends that, according to the elitist duality thesis, Turkish–Egyptian relations were an exception to the Turkish–Arab relations, as they were not influenced by the ruling elite. It argues that regardless of the ruling elite identity, tension has disrupted the normal course of relations. By relying on extensive interviews conducted with members of the Justice and Development Party, and academicians and staff members in the Turkish ministries of economy and foreign affairs, the study analyzes the unaddressed tension in the Turkish–Egyptian relations since the 1950s until 2013 and provides policy recommendations to improve bilateral relations.
      PubDate: 2016-09-20T02:20:21.150643-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12091
  • Sociology of the Veil in Saudi Arabia: Dress Code, Individual Choices, and
           Questions on Women's Empowerment
    • Authors: Md. Muddassir Quamar
      Pages: 315 - 337
      Abstract: Veiling is commonly practiced in many Muslim societies, but its prevalence, and enforcement in Saudi Arabia is extraordinary. With changing status, Saudi women have started to defy the practice; and it is suggested that its enforcement has also become less frequent. In contemporary Saudi Arabia, many women, following the dress code of the abaya (black cloak) and hijab (head cover), have started to discard the naqab (face veil). Does this indicate a widening of the margins so far as veiling is concerned' Or is it an indication that Saudi society is becoming amenable to individual choices' To conclude that veiling has become a matter of individual choice would stretch the point beyond fact, but suggesting diversity in veiling practice would not be wrong. Saudi women continue to face structural constraints and systemic discrimination, but their improving socioeconomic conditions have provided them the ability to choose the way they want to be dressed in public so far as the use of naqab is concerned. Though a minor development, contextualized in the larger discourse on women's empowerment, this is no small achievement and is indicative of ruptures in the established social norm of veiling.
      PubDate: 2016-05-24T21:35:24.861719-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12085
  • The Coverage of Saudi Arabia in the “Introduction to Sociology” U.S.
           Textbooks between 2001 and 2015
    • Authors: Ayad Al-Qazzaz
      Pages: 338 - 361
      Abstract: This article discusses the coverage of Saudi Arabia in “introduction to sociology” textbooks in the context of two variables — the September 11, 2001 attack, and globalization. The study covers 24 major textbooks, all published between 2001 and 2015. The textbooks were chosen with the help and consultation of many colleagues in numerous sociology departments throughout various parts of the United States. Also, the publishers of sociology textbooks were consulted throughout the process of selection. The method of investigation was content analysis which relied heavily upon studying the content of the text. The findings were organized in the following subsections: Islam; the Wahhabi version of Islam; Politics; September 11th and Bin Laden; Women in Saudi Arabia; Human Rights and Civil Rights Abuses; Social Media; Miscellaneous Positive or neutral comments on Saudi Arabia; Visual Sociology; and closing remarks. The finding of the article is more or less negative, as textbooks rarely mentioned positive things about Saudi Arabia.
      PubDate: 2016-08-22T07:05:25.776927-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12088
  • The Intersection of Citizenship Status, STEM Education, and Expected Labor
           Market Participation in Gulf Cooperation Council Countries
    • Authors: Alexander W. Wiseman; Faisal A. Abdelfattah, Ahmad Almassaad
      Pages: 362 - 392
      Abstract: Citizenship status influences the impact of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education on the youth labor market participation in the Arabian Gulf. This research examines the relationship between citizenship status, STEM education, and expected labor market participation in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, and examines the intervening effects of information and communication technology (ICT) based instruction, specifically. The 2011 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) provides both labor market expectations and STEM education data from all participating GCC countries, including Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. Results suggest that ICT-enhanced STEM education differently influences the human capital development of Gulf national and expatriate youth. For example, GCC nationals do not emphasize STEM education as an avenue for employment, while expatriate youth do. In particular, as Gulf national youths' parents' education level increases, students are less likely to think they need to do well in science to get the job they want. This is indicative of a broader trend in the Gulf nations to rely more on non-education-related factors such as family influence or connections for social, economic, and political mobility. In contrast, results also suggest that while STEM education contributes to potential private sector labor market participation among Gulf national youth, expatriate youth are more likely to expect to need or use STEM in the labor market.
      PubDate: 2016-07-14T22:50:30.585782-05:
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12087
  • The Political Discourses of three Contemporary Muslim Scholars: Secular,
           Nonsecular, or Pseudosecular'
    • Authors: Ali Akbar
      Pages: 393 - 408
      Abstract: It is well-known that the quest for an Islamic state was a desire common to most Islamists of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. This article discusses three contemporary political theories that stand in sharp contrast to the Islamists’ theory of an Islamic state. These political theories are developed by three prominent contemporary Muslim scholars, Nasr Hamid Abū Zayd, Ablodkarim Soroush, and Muhammad Mujtahed Shabestari. The article attempts to discuss the common themes between the views of these scholars concerning governance. It argues that the political theories presented by them significantly differ from those developed by most Islamists, who share the idea that Islam is a self-sufficient political system. It also argues that while these political theories challenge the idea that incorporates the maximal role for government in religious matters and thus are close to certain aspects of regulations of governance in Western countries, they are different from those political theories in the West that focus on a sharp distinction between religion and state because religion, for such scholar, plays an important role in developing civil society.
      PubDate: 2016-05-23T22:26:11.27154-05:0
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12084
  • The Role of Efficacy, Optimism, and Political Networks in Legislative
           Elections: The Case of United Arab Emirates
    • Authors: Abdulfattah Yaghi; Osman Antwi-Boateng
      Pages: 409 - 428
      Abstract: The purpose of the present study on political participation in United Arab Emirates is to examine the factors that motivated people to cast their vote in the legislative elections of 2011. To this end, a special questionnaire was administered to a sample of 1,800 citizens and univariate and multivariate methods were used to analyze their responses. Findings reveal that three factors motivated people to cast their vote, namely 1) their political efficacy about the legislative body, 2) their optimism about the prospects of a newly elected legislature to improve their daily lives and to aid the government's effort to enhance public services, and 3) having political networks. The study recommends further research to find out factors behind the dwindling level of electoral participation in spite of a high level of political optimism and efficacy.
      PubDate: 2016-09-30T03:36:10.23793-05:0
      DOI: 10.1111/dome.12092
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