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  Subjects -> HISTORY (Total: 1577 journals)
    - HISTORY (932 journals)
    - History (General) (57 journals)
    - HISTORY OF AFRICA (61 journals)
    - HISTORY OF ASIA (68 journals)
    - HISTORY OF AUSTRALASIA AREAS (10 journals)
    - HISTORY OF EUROPE (227 journals)
    - HISTORY OF THE AMERICAS (167 journals)
    - HISTORY OF THE NEAR EAST (55 journals)

HISTORY OF AFRICA (61 journals)

Showing 1 - 61 of 61 Journals sorted alphabetically
África     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Africa Development     Open Access   (Followers: 26)
Africa Renewal     Free   (Followers: 7)
Africa Review : Journal of the African Studies Association of India     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Africa Spectrum     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
African Anthropologist     Open Access   (Followers: 16)
African Archaeological Review     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 19)
African Economic History     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 15)
African Journal of History and Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
African Social Science Review     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
Afrika Focus     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Afrique : Archéologie & Arts     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Afrique contemporaine : La revue de l'Afrique et du développement     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Afriques     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Afro Eurasian Studies     Open Access  
Annales islamologiques     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Annali Sezione Orientale     Hybrid Journal  
Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Cadernos de Estudos Africanos     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Canadian Journal of African Studies / La Revue canadienne des études africaines     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Contemporary Journal of African Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
CONTRA : RELATOS desde el Sur     Open Access  
Critical African Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Dotawo : A Journal of Nubian Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Historia     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Inkanyiso : Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
International African Bibliography     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Islamic Africa     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Journal for Contemporary History     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 19)
Journal of African Cinemas     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Journal of African Conflicts and Peace Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Journal of African Cultural Heritage Studies     Open Access  
Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology and Heritage     Hybrid Journal  
Journal of African History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 21)
Journal of African Military History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Journal of African Studies and Development     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Journal of African Union Studies     Full-text available via subscription  
Journal of Africana Religions     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Journal of Egyptian History     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Journal of History and Diplomatic Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 9)
Journal of Namibian Studies : History Politics Culture     Full-text available via subscription  
Journal of Pan African Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Retracing Africa     Open Access  
Journal of Somali Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Journal of the Indian Ocean Region     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Journal of the Musical Arts in Africa     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Kronos : Southern African Histories     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Lagos Historical Review     Full-text available via subscription  
Libyan Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Modern Africa : Politics, History and Society     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Nordic Journal of African Studies     Open Access  
Philosophia Africana     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
Research in Sierra Leone Studies : Weave     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Revista Brasileira de Estudos Africanos / Brazilian Journal of African Studies     Open Access  
Revista Eletrônica Discente História.com     Open Access  
Settler Colonial Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Southern African Humanities     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 2)
Studia Orientalia Electronica     Open Access  
Thought and Practice : A Journal of the Philosophical Association of Kenya     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
University of Mauritius Research Journal     Open Access  
Similar Journals
Journal Cover
Journal for Contemporary History
Number of Followers: 19  
 
  Full-text available via subscription Subscription journal
ISSN (Print) 0285-2422 - ISSN (Online) 0258-2422
Published by Sabinet Online Ltd Homepage  [190 journals]
  • Preface / Voorwoord
    • Authors: Pieter Duvenage
      Abstract: This edition of the Journal for Contemporary History consists of three thematic fields. It starts with themes on South African contemporary history – with articles by Ngqulunga, Mouton, Van Jaarsveld, Hendrich, Klee and Van Eeden, and Labuschagne. Secondly, the articles of Pherudi and Vhumbunu address themes in broader African contemporary history, but still with relevance to the South African context. Thirdly, more theoretical and general issue are addressed in the contributions of Pretorius, Froneman and Tempelhoff, on the one side, and the article of Raath, on the other.

      Hierdie uitgawe van die Tydskrif vir Eietydse Geskiedenis bestaan uit drie tematiese dele. Dit begin met temas oor kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis – met artikels deur Ngqulunga, Mouton, Van Jaarsveld, Hendrich, Klee en Van Eeden en Labuschagne. Tweedens, spreek die artikels van Pherudi en Vhumbunu eietydse histories kwessies in Afrika aan – kwessie wat ook in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks relevant is. Derdens word teoretiese en meer algemene kwessies in eietydse geskiedenis aangespreek in die bydraes van Pretorius, Froneman en Tempelhoff, aan die een kant, en die artikel van Raath, aan die ander kant.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • A mandate to lead : Mangosuthu Buthelezi and the appropriation of Pixley
           ka Isaka Seme’s legacy
    • Authors: Bongani Ngqulunga
      Abstract: This article discusses the appropriation of Seme’s name and political legacy by Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). While Buthelezi has always invoked Seme’s name in his long political career, the analysis in the article focuses on two periods. The first was the 1980s when Buthelezi’s political party, Inkatha Yenkululeko Yesizwe, was involved in a fierce competitive struggle for political hegemony with the exiled African National Congress (ANC) and its allies inside the country. During this period, Buthelezi used Seme’s name to serve as a shield to protect him from political attacks from his adversaries in the broad ANC alliance. After the advent of democracy in the early 1990s, the political hostilities of the 1980s between the ANC and the IFP cooled down and the two parties worked together in the Government of National Unity (GNU). It was during this period that Buthelezi gradually moved closer to the ANC, especially under the leadership of its former president, Thabo Mbeki. Although the political circumstances had changed, Buthelezi continued to use Seme’s name to advance his political interests. The purpose for appropriating Seme’s name however changed. He invoked Seme in order to present himself as belonging to the broad black political tradition as represented by the ANC. I suggest that this change of tune and tack was Buthelezi’s tactic to secure himself a respectable position in the pantheon of the liberation struggle. In other words, he was staking a claim for his place in history.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • “Beyond the pale” : Oswald Pirow, Sir Oswald Mosley, the ‘Enemies of
           the Soviet Union’ and apartheid, 1948 - 1959
    • Authors: F.A. Mouton
      Abstract: In 1948, Oswald Pirow, trapped in the political wilderness after his once glittering political career had self-destructed with the founding of the national-socialistic New Order, was desperate for a political comeback. In search of an international platform to portray himself as a leading anti-communist campaigner, and as a political sage with a solution to the challenge of securing white supremacy in Africa, he visited Sir Oswald Mosley, former British fascist leader, in London. The result was a short-lived alliance of opportunism, the ‘Enemies of the Soviet Union’, by two discredited politicians who were beyond the pale in public life. By 1959, this alliance would come to haunt Pirow, who had done his utmost to shed his fascist past. It also caused the apartheid state, which had appointed Pirow as the chief prosecutor in the Treason Trail, considerable embarrassment.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Die Afrikaanse filmgeskiedenis binne ‘n groter Suid-Afrikaanse konteks
           in heroënskou : eksklusiwiteit in die weg van inklusiwiteit
    • Authors: Anthea van Jaarsveld
      Abstract: This article investigates the archiving of the Afrikaans film within the larger South African context. Against the background of a long-standing problematic South African socio-political history, the obstacles and challenges in the industry are discussed. The ultimate purpose of this article is an exposition of the issues surrounding the conservation of the entire Afrikaans film heritage, in an effort to reflect on the possibility of a comprehensive and accessible film archive in view of future research possibilities. Considering all that has been said, this article asserts that the Afrikaans film history is currently in jeopardy because of the ongoing neglect of an updated and interactive archiving system. As a point of departure, reference is made to core aspects of conservation as essential elements of collective cultural heritage. A historical overview of the Afrikaans film industry within the specific realm of Afrikaner nationalism, is given. This review aims to serve as a basis for the critical evaluation of the current position of the Afrikaans film industry within the larger South African context. From this article, important conclusions can be made about the particular influences of political considerations within certain periods in a country’s history, economic considerations, as well as social sentiments of the community or government at a given time. In light of this situation, it is worrying that there is no physical laboratory in South Africa where a full collection of the Afrikaans film heritage is housed. The gaps identified here do not just affect the archiving of the Afrikaans film, but to a large extent also the research possibilities in the relevant field.

      Given today’s archiving practices, the apparent peripheral factors mentioned play a decisive role. It largely influences the way in which archiving is approached. Subsequently, it also has implications for the available funding for archiving purposes. The prestige and intrinsic value attached to the industry has a further significant influence on archiving practices; the more social prestige, the more readily material is archived. The more historical value is attached to the material, the more suitable it becomes for archiving. As far as the Afrikaans film industry is concerned, the problem is precisely its exclusivity in this regard. The cultural and historical baggage lies heavily on the accessibility of the industry, which sometimes leads to selective archiving. Against the background of the foregoing the historical background of the Afrikaans film industry, demonstrates the complexities with reference to the socio-political aspects of South African history.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Soviet draft declaration of 1960 in the United Nations and implications
           for southern Africa
    • Authors: Gustav Hendrich
      Abstract: The United Nations Organisation fulfils an instrumental role in addressing injustices, conflict and humanitarian problems. After the Second World War the demand of African states for independence from colonial rule became inevitable as they strove to bring about a more free and humane world. By the 1960s, the Soviet Union, as principle member state of the United Nations, proposed a draft declaration that called for the total eradication of colonialism in all its forms. In terms of global political relevance, it was to be of critical importance as it stimulated intense discussion against colonialism. Although the declaration of the Afro-Asian group would be formally approved as the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Territories and Peoples, the initiating role of the Soviet delegation could not be underestimated. The implications of the draft declaration proved wide-ranging, as it led to an intensification of political pressure and economic sanctions against the remaining colonial states in Southern Africa, the minority rule in apartheid South Africa in particular. The author seeks to reassess the original Russian political documents of the Soviet draft declaration that formed the foundation for the eradication of colonialism since the mid-20th century.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Contemplating the approach of RAU’s founders towards radically
           
    • Authors: J. Klee; E.S. van Eeden
      Abstract: This discussion on the former Rand Afrikaans University (RAU) covers the founding years of the University from 1955 to 1975. What should become clear from the contemplations is that the establishment of RAU in 1968 (today the University of Johannesburg), was not driven by the increase in the population of white Afrikaans speakers on the Witwatersrand or to act as a force against the liberal influences of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits). The philosophy behind the establishment of RAU was mainly to reposition and empower white Afrikaans speakers with the education required to ensure that they could take their place in particularly the Witwatersrand as economic heartland of South Africa, and South Africa in general. Part of this approach by the founders was to create and develop RAU to become the most modern Afrikaans university of its time, providing quality teaching and learning of a high local and international standards. The prominence of being a university driven by specific ideals contributed to the forming of the Afrikaans speaker’s identity in education and the national economy. As examples, this discussion mainly emphasises some new teaching methods introduced at the time, visibly blending with a refreshed view on the architectural design to accommodate the philosophical ideals envisioned for RAU. The founders’ vision was for RAU to become an educational instrument towards transforming white Afrikaans speaker identity within a modernised context.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • South Africa, coalition and form of government : semi-presidentialism a
           tertium genus'
    • Authors: Pieter Labuschagne
      Abstract: The decline in support for the ruling ANC party in the 2016 municipal election has opened for the first time the likelihood of a coalition government in South Africa. However, there remain a number of questions and uncertainties regarding coalitions and their perceived success in providing stability. The formation of coalitions in parliamentary systems is well researched; however, many gaps exist in the available literature regarding coalitions in presidential systems and variations of presidential systems in South America. In both systems, the instability of coalition formation has raised fundamental questions about the interrelationship between the various forms of government and the success and duration of coalitions. The fundamental question is how well coalition governments in the different forms of government relate to fulfilling the goals of government stability, securing enduring legislative majorities, and encouraging democratic practices, including the ability to hold the shared leadership structure accountable. The article examines South Africa’s form of government with the aim of ascertain its ability to accommodate a coalition.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • The assassination of military commanders in Lesotho : triggers and
           reactions
    • Authors: Mokete Pherudi
      Abstract: This article investigates civil-military relations (CMR) in Lesotho and its impact on political and security stability. The nature of CMR is unmasked by tracing the evolution of the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) and the history of its politicisation. The assassinations of LDF commanders, Lt-Gen Maaparankoe Mahao in 2015 and Lt-Gen Khoantle Motšomotšo in 2017, respectively, by members from within their ranks, are explored to illustrate how the undue involvement of the military in politics has contributed to instability in Lesotho. Other triggers contributing to the unstable situation are highlighted. The enquiry of this article is not only about the nature of CMR but how the regional body, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has sought to intervene in Lesotho with the aim of firstly stabilising the politics and security of the country. SADC’s other aim has been the facilitating of security sector reforms that will, amongst other things, configure CMR such that the armed forces are accountable to civilian authority and they do not meddle in political contest.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Reflecting on the root causes of South Sudan secession : what can other
           African leaders learn'
    • Authors: Clayton Hazvinei Vhumbunu
      Abstract: The secession of South Sudan from Sudan in 2011 remains a significant development on Africa’s political landscape. It will continue to shape and influence the direction of secessionist conflict management and resolution dynamics on the continent. This is not because it was the first secession case in Africa given the fact that, previously, Eritrea had seceded from Ethiopia in 1993. Rather, unlike the Eritrea-Ethiopian case, the South Sudan secession case has a unique and edifying pre- and post-colonial historical narrative whose instructive value to post-colonial governments and governance processes in Africa remains remotely studied and utilized. Despite numerous research on pre-secession Sudan, there has been limited constructively aligned research that unravels the root causes of South Sudan secession, and sift lessons that can be progressively applied to either avoid and prevent secession in Africa, or constructively manage secessionist pressures in a way that retains peace, stability and national development. Using secondary data analysis, this paper explores the root causes of South Sudan secession with a view to discern and deduce adaptable and appropriate lessons that can be learnt by African governments at a time when secessionist conflicts are on the rise.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Reflections on a journalistic history-writing project of North-West
           University
    • Authors: Cornia Pretorius; Johann Tempelhoff Johannes Froneman
      Abstract: There has been a significant growth in journalistic historical writing since the start of the new millennium. Its “popular history”-approach also appeals to conventional historians, as well as literary scholars. Recent publication Forging unity, the first ten years of North-West University, fits into this historiographical genre.In the execution of the project, the interpretation of the available evidence was bolstered by two strategies familiar to historians – the history of mentalities and the history of the present.The project confirms an epistemological overlap between journalism and historiography, but the disciplines pose theoretical and methodical challenges when they are used in concert. Some potential epistemological conflicts emanate from the context, while others emerge in an increasingly complex world in which both journalists and historians have been rethinking their understanding and representation of the past, present and future.In the article, the conundrum of historical and journalistic history comes under scrutiny in the field of corporate history, which, in itself, can pose a multitude of challenges to writing independent institutional history.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Karel Schoeman se impressionistiese-historiografiese rekonstruksie van
           marginalisering en die seemansspiritualiteit in Skepelinge (2017) – ‘n
           bronnestudie
    • Authors: Andries Raath
      Abstract: Karel Schoeman’s (1939-2017) extensive research on seventeenth and eighteenth century ecclesiastical life and Protestant spirituality at the Cape opened up important perspectives for studying Pietism as a transconfessional and transnational phenomenon. Schoeman's biography on Susanna Smit (1995) related Pietism as a form of transconfessional spirituality to the marginalised and isolated existence of Protestant believers in South African frontier communities. Pietism as a form of Protestant spirituality, emanating from and bolstered by the marginalised and isolated existence of believers, forms a core-element of Schoeman's work on Smit's spirituality. In his most recent posthumous work on early colonial history, Skepelinge (Shiplings) (2017), Schoeman attempts an impressionistic-historiographical reconstruction of marginalisation and spiritual piety on board the ships of the Dutch East India Company destined for the shores of the Cape of Good Hope. In this article, Schoeman's attempts at reconstructing the spirituality of these mariners are critically investigated and his impressionistic interpretation of marginalisation and isolation in the lives of these seamen evaluated in the context of his views on Pietism and marginalisation expounded in his previous publications. It is argued that the spiritual sources on which Schoeman's reconstruction of piety in Skepelinge is based are incomplete. However, his impressionistic descriptions of the marginalised and isolated existence of the Dutch seafaring community represent historiographical reflections of a high standard. It is concluded that Schoeman's neglect to relate the spiritual life on board Dutch East India ships more closely to the marginalised and isolated life of the seafaring communities is, arguably, a missed opportunity to trace the roots of early Cape Pietism to the living conditions of people who made a valuable contribution to the spiritual profile of later generations of colonialists at the Cape.
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • List of reviewers / Lys van keurders
    • Abstract: List of reviewers / Lys van keurders
      PubDate: 2018-12-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Political and liberation struggle history of the Free State, 1961-2012
    • Authors: Chitja Twala
      Abstract: The articles published in this special edition of the Journal for ContemporaryHistory are peer-reviewed proceeds of a colloquium held at the University ofthe Free State, Bloemfontein Campus on 24 February 2017 and at the QwaqwaCampus on 24 March 2017. The colloquium was the initiative of Dr Chitja Twalaof the Department of History at the University of the Free State, BloemfonteinCampus in an attempt to highlight the role the Free State Province’s politicalactivists played in the broader struggle for liberation in South Africa. This editionof the Journal for Contemporary History questions the quiescence of academicwriting in addressing the underground and aboveground political activism thattook place in the Free State. The articles published in this special edition, in oneway or another, dispels the widely held view that the Free State Province had buta small role to play in the struggle for liberation in South Africa.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • How African countries assisted the South African liberation struggle :
           1963-1994
    • Authors: Ama Biney
      Abstract: In order to arrest historical amnesia among South Africans, it isnecessary to raise a public campaign of awareness on how themajority of African countries beyond the Limpopo contributedsignificantly in assisting the liberation of South Africans. Xenophobicor Afrophobic outbursts since 2008 have scarred the South Africannation and tarnished its international reputation. Therefore, it isessential that a re-evaluation is made of the myriad ways in whichother African nations gave military training and humanitarianassistance to thousands of South African refugees, and of how theOrganisation of African Unity (OAU), the Non-Alignment Movement(NAM), the United Nations (UN) and the Commonwealth platformsstrongly agitated for the end of minority rule. Furthermore, theeconomic destabilisation and terrorism that was inflicted on the Front-Line States (FLS) by the white minority-led state also need to beremembered by a new generation of South Africans. Fundamentally,whilst South Africans sacrificed their lives for political freedom, therewere other sister African nations who sacrificed critical resources andhuman lives to see the end of apartheid on the African continent.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Rural youth and changing patterns of political mobilisation in the
           Northern Transvaal village of Zebediela, 1976-1990
    • Authors: Sekibakiba Peter Lekgoathi
      Abstract: Beginning with the massive uprising by the students of Soweto inJohannesburg on 16 June 1976, black schools in South Africa becametheatres of war as the students engaged in running battles with theauthorities against, inter alia, the poor quality of education provided toblacks in the country; the Afrikaans language medium; authoritarianism,and the apartheid system in general. Although there were whispersof rebellion in rural communities during the mid-1970s, and urbanstudents studying in the countryside were prominent in these uprisings,it was only in the 1980s that rural youths reached a level of politicalconsciousness comparable to that of their urban counterparts andbegan to play a leading role in local struggles against apartheid policiesand the Bantustan system. In the 1970s, rural youths were increasinglydrawn into the education system, but they had not yet developed astrong political consciousness, whereas by the 1980s young peoplethroughout the country had developed, what Colin Bundy calls,“generational consciousness”. Ambient social and historical processesreshaped their consciousness and they became self-assertive andconscious of themselves as a distinct social category with a commonidentity. They realised that they had the capacity to effect far-reachingchanges in society. This consciousness developed at the time whenthere were progressive erosion of African tradition and the legitimacyof chieftainship; thus rendering rural youths more receptive to urbanyouth culture and political ideologies propagated by the urban-basedliberation movements. Using archival material and oral sources,mainly interviews with former students in the area, this article looks atchanging patterns of youth mobilisation in the village of Zebediela in thenorthern Transvaal from 1976 to the early 1990s.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Sowing the seeds of political mobilisation in Bantustans : resistance to
           the cession of the KaNgwane Bantustan to the Kingdom of Swaziland
    • Authors: Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu
      Abstract: This article on the proposed 1982 land deal between the Kingdomof Swaziland and the South African Government to cede theKaNgwane Bantustan and Ingwavuma to Swaziland, focuses uponthe geopolitics of southern Africa and the trajectory of the strugglefor national liberation in South Africa, particularly on the role of theAfrican Nationalist Congress (ANC) in Bantustan politics. By focusingspecifically on the geopolitics of the liberation struggle in southernAfrica, this article adds new dimensions to the work of Shireen Ally,Hugh Macmillan and other scholars, whose research on the proposedcession of the KaNgwane Bantustan focuses primarily on ethnicnationalism and ethno-nationalistic politics.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • The politics and history of the armed struggle in Zimbabwe : the case of
           Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in Zaka and Zimbabwe African
           People’s Union (ZAPU) in the Bulilima District
    • Authors: C. Ngwenya; R.R. Molapo
      Abstract: The armed struggle in Zimbabwe is a well-documented phenomenon. In their preoccupation with the general politics and history of the armed struggle, these studies have, however, neglected one of the most important aspects of the armed struggle: the difference in political and historical pursuance and execution of the war in the former rural Rhodesia between ZANLA and ZIPRA guerrillas, as having different levels of impact on rural peasants on the one hand, and attracting different forms of response from the Rhodesian Security Forces on the other. Due to these differences, this article claims as case studies of the districts of Rhodesia that both the political and historical developments within ZANLA operated areas in the Zaka District were different from those in the Bulilima District where ZIPRA guerrillas waged their armed struggle. It is argued that the way peasants in Zaka felt and experienced the armed conflict in the former Rhodesia was different from the way peasants in ZIPRA operated Bulilima experienced the same phenomenon.2 Given that the Rhodesian security forces also responded to the political and historical development of the armed struggle in a particular district, it is suffice to note that the armed struggle in rural Rhodesia was a complicated phenomenon that had profound effects on Bulilima and Zaka peasants. The article concludes that, only through a district focused comparative analysis of the effects of the armed struggle in the former Rhodesia, cansuch differences in experience and impact on peasants be identified and appreciated.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Narratives of women detained in the Kroonstad Prison during the apartheid
           era : a socio-political exploration, 1960-1990
    • Authors: N.P.Z Mbatha
      Abstract: Seen as taboo by society to have women arrested, could this factorperhaps have played a role in how women were treated in prison'One can assume that conditions in women prisons during apartheidwere much better than those in male prisons, but that might nothave been the case. Male prisons, such as Robben Island, receivedinternational condemnation. Yet, there was scarce attention given tothe conditions in women prisons. Although the Kroonstad Prison islocated in the Free State Province, it used to serve the whole countryduring apartheid. This was evident in the case of Dorothy Nyembe,sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, who served her time in theKroonstad Prison where she experienced harsh treatment and littlesupport from her family and society. In the struggle for freedom,often seen as a job for men, society perhaps was unsure how todeal with, and provide support to, incarcerated females. This article’semphasis is on the narratives of women detained under apartheidand the Kroonstad female prison will be used as a case study. Whilethe focus of this article is on the Kroonstad Prison, it is important torecord that the experiences and stories of female political prisonerswho served their time elsewhere, should equally deserve attention.To provide evidence for this article, testimonies during the Truth andReconciliation Commission of South Africa (TRC) will be scrutinised,as well as the biographies of women who served their terms at thisprison. For the purpose of this article, the qualitative research methodhas been employed, as well as the oral history methodology and thetraditional methods of historical research.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Zamdela township : the explosion of confrontational politics, early 1980s
           to 1990
    • Authors: Tshepo Moloi
      Abstract: Zamdela Township, established by SASOL in 1954, was a typicalcompany township and politically tranquil for a number of decadesafter its establishment. This situation, however, changed in the1980s. Just like other townships across the country, Zamdela wason “fire” by the mid-1980s. The residents of the township wereaggrieved by hiking of rent, lack of service delivery and perceivedcorruption by the local councillors, established through the regime’sreforms from the mid-1970s through to the 1980s. In expressing theirdiscontent and anger, they attacked the councillors and denied themspace to work freely. Unlike other townships, such as Alexandra,confrontational politics in Zamdela were ignited and spearheadedby secondary school students and out-of-school youth - and not byadults. Undoubtedly, the bombing of SASOL and NATREF plantsby members of uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of theAfrican National Congress, left a lasting impact on the young peoplein the township. In this article, it will be argued that the role playedby the Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) and its studentwing, the Azanian Student Movement (AZASM), and later the UnitedDemocratic Front-affiliated Congress of South African Students(COSAS) really galvanised the students and youth in the townshipto challenge the apartheid regime in general and the local authoritiesin particular.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Student activism and contestation for political space at the former
           University of the North (Qwaqwa branch), 1986-1996
    • Authors: Chitja Twala
      Abstract: The history of student activism and contestation for political space asexhibited by the student organisations at one of the former Universityof the North’s (Turfloop) satellite campus or branch, UNIQWA,remains untold and scarcely documented, despite the availableevidence that UNIQWA experienced student protests between themid-1980s and mid-1990s. There were occasions whereby studentpolitical activists and their organisations were depicted as a unitedcore, despite their political affiliations. However, at some point theunderlying ideological differences took centre stage in the contestfor political space on campus. This article attempts to highlight therole played by UNIQWA student formations and their contestation forpolitical space, and the impact this had on the advancement of theliberation cause.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • The church and its contributions to the struggle to liberate the Free
           State province
    • Authors: B. Dube; H.V. Molise
      Abstract: The article outlines the contributions of the church to the liberation struggle in South Africa. In doing so, we limit the content to the contributions of church activities in the Free State. The point of departure is that the liberation of South Africa was not only a result of the barrel of the gun – instead, the barrel was complemented by various peaceful liberation forces, including the activities and the narratives of the church. The arguments of this article are based in decolonial theory, a discourse that sensitises understanding that the liberation of South Africa should not only be interpreted politically, but that liberation transcends politics to other spheres of life, and it involves total liberation and emancipation. Data in this article was collected through interviews and questionnaires, which focused mainly on the role of the church in the liberation of the Free State. In this article, it is argued that the place of the church in the post-1994 histories and narratives should be one of being a champion of social justice, equity and the fair distribution of resources, as well as playing a role to unmask corruption, which continues to subject the people of the Free State to poverty and marginalisation.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Higher education and the liberation struggle in the former QwaQwa homeland
           : a Freirean approach
    • Authors: Dipane J. Hlalele
      Abstract: Paulo Freire’s widely respected work on pedagogies of the oppressed (1996) and hope (1992) made him known across the world. He is known to have, among many of his unravelling thoughts, objected to oppression and illuminated hope and freedom for the oppressed. In addition, Freire maintained that the liberation of the oppressed and, by extension, the liberation of the oppressor can emanate only from the oppressed. Thus, the ball in this regard may inadvertently be seen to be in the court of the oppressed. The South African higher education system in particular, as well as the education system in general, have continuously presented, contrary to the oppressors’ intentions, lecture rooms as sites or spaces where oppressive tendencies were deliberated and challenged. Contributing to the interrogation of, or on, oppression was an underlying quest for liberation, grounded on the utility of higher education as a vehicle for liberation. Therefore, higher education could not be divorced from the liberation struggle. In this article, the author traverses the history of the liberation struggle through the eyes of those who cared to write about it, as well as those who walked and toiled the grounds and lecture rooms of the then University of the North (Qwaqwa Branch), and the three former teacher training colleges in the former Qwaqwa homeland. It is argued that, while the reason for the existence of the former was to build capacity among the civil servants in the homeland and the provision of teaching qualifications for the latter (colleges), those higher education institutions made far-reaching and indelible contributions in respect of dealing with oppression and advancing the liberation struggle during the apartheid era and beyond.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Women’s voices, women’s lives : QwaQwa women’s experiences of the
           apartheid and post-apartheid eras
    • Authors: Munyaradzi Mushonga; Tsenolo M. Seloma
      Abstract: Spivak’s (1988; 1995) famous question, “Can the Subaltern speak” holds important connotations about many people living on the margins of society. It has greater significance for the sexed subaltern subjects who cannot speak and who cannot be heard because they are doubly-oppressed. In many post-liberation regimes on the African continent this is a troubling question. It is a troubling question because the end of colonialism and apartheid did not necessarily translate into major gains for most of society, and women in particular, who, like men, actively participated in, or supported the struggle against colonialism and apartheid. This article, based on the voices of rural and urban women from the former “homeland” of Qwaqwa, South Africa, brings to the fore their experiences, as well as perceptions of both the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. It has established that women were much more oppressed under apartheid than they are today. Thus, while the social status of women has changed for the better, gender discrimination and gender-based violence persist, reinforcing the motion that even in post-apartheid South Africa women have no voice. The extent to which social security grants are entrenching the culture of dependency and entitlement as claimed by our interviewees, calls for further academic scrutiny, and so does the perceived increase in the trafficking of women and children in post-apartheid South Africa.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • Language politics and the struggle for the soul of the University of the
           Free State (UFS) : a microcosm of the socio-political and economic
           struggles in the Free State Province through time
    • Authors: Munene Mwaniki
      Abstract: For the better part of the last century the University of the Free State(UFS) – as the “most prestigious” higher education institution in theprovince – has been a key site for institutional language politics inthe province. This brand of institutional language politics has beencharacterised by several contestations and permutations whichcan symbolically be described as a struggle for the soul of the UFSbecause of its far-reaching implications on UFS’s “curriculum asinstitution” and linguistic culture. Four critical junctures have definedUFS’s language politics over the last century. After a detailedcharacterisation of these critical junctures, the article argues anddemonstrates that the contestations and permutations that havecharacterised institutional language politics at the UFS are amicrocosm of the socio-political and economic struggles in the FreeState Province through time, because of the centrality of the UFS insocio-political and economic discourses and dynamics of the province.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
  • “A hungry stomach knows no allegiance” : transactional activism in
           community protests in Ficksburg
    • Authors: Sethulego Matebesi
      Abstract: Over the past few years, there has been a renewed focus on leadership in social movements. While leadership is central in creating organisational capacity for collective action, not many studies focus on leadership engagement practices – a crucial element for movement goal attainment. Utilising the concept of “transactional activism” – the process whereby state actors manage challengers by providing benefits and a myriad of other opportunities to selected leaders – this article examines how the engagement practices of civic group leaders influence community protests. It does so by drawing on an extensive case study of the nature and patterns of engagements between the leaders of the Meqheleng Concerned Citizens (MCC) civic group and state actors, as well as community perceptions about such engagements during three community protests in Ficksburg during 2011. The analysis reveals that transactional activism generates substantial problems for civic organisations engaged in community protests. The complex engagements between civic group leaders and state actors reflect a value shift from attaining collective benefits for the groups towards protest leaders that are inherently predisposed to pursuing their own interests. The study generates several conclusions about how transactional activism derails opportunities to deal with the fundamental grievances of communities. These unresolved grievances are one of the reasons for the high prevalence of recurrent and violent community protests in different parts of South Africa.
      PubDate: 2018-06-01T00:00:00Z
       
 
 
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